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A POPULAR HISTORY 


OF 


THE UNITED STATES, 


FROM THE 


FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE 
BY THE NORTHMEN, TO THE END OF THE 
FIRST CENTURY OF THE UNION 
OF THE STATES. 


PRECEDED BY A SKETCH OF THE PRE-HISTORIC PERIOD AND THE 
AGE OF THE MOUND BUILDERS. 


BY 
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT 


AND 


SYDNEY HOWARD GAY. 
VOLUME IL. 


FULLY ILLUSTRATED. 


NEW YORK: 
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS, 


SUCCESSORS TO 


SCRIBNER, ARMSTRONG & CO. 
1878. 


Copyriaur, 1878, 
By CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS. 


| Right of translation reserved.| 


RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: 
ELEOCTROTYPED AND PRINTED BY 
H. O. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY. 


PHADLAS MAS. As 
fh ig TY OF Seq, 





Y yt eS 
MAY 14. 1880 | 
\ THEOLOGICKL Y 


EN ? ~Y P 
Sry Y¥YY¥YY YY ) ' UG } 


AA AN AD OG 
Yryevyvewiyy 


PREHEFACH. 


Ir, as is quite possible, there has been some impatience on 
the part of subscribers to this work to see the second volume, 
we have not permitted the suspicion of its existence to hurry 
us in the least. The writing of history is one of the things 
that is not necessarily well done, because it is done quickly. 
Rather the converse of that proposition is true, and our 
readers should thank us that we have not been tempted into 
haste. 

It was not meant by the use of the term “ Popular” in the 
title of this work to imply —as is so often the case — that this 
was to be a merely superficial work, — a compilation of other 
general histories. Its purpose is to commend it, by its 
method, its treatment, the historical aspects to be presented, 
to the-popular reader, — that large class in this country who 
seek repose and recreation in general literary culture, but 
with whom literature is not the business of life. But by no 
means is it intended to sacrifice to that purpose either accu- 
racy or comprehensiveness ; nor to disregard the approbation 
of the few, who are learned in history and whose judgment 
upon a work of this sort is the test of real value, in the at- 
tempt to write an entertaining narrative. 

There is no short or royal road that leads to such an end. 
The sources of knowledge are hidden away, in part, in the 
archives of States; in the publications of Historical Societies, 
and the MSS. they have treasured ; in old, scarce, and almost 
unknown books; in the results of the researches of diligent 
scholars, both here and in Europe, and in other tongues than 


) 





vil PREFACE. 


our own. ‘True, it is in these mines that all previous histori- 
ans have delved and toiled, availing themselves of the labors 
of others, or making for themselves new discoveries. But it 
is in later years that these discoveries have been the most 
valuable and the most interesting; that the accumulation of 
material has been the most abundant, and the more out of 
the reach of the general reader. The time had come for an 
attempt at a fresh history of this country which should gar- 
ner those treasures scattered over so wide a field. 

To this task we have brought, at least, conscientious dili- 
gence: we try to gather together the product of all this labo- 
rious research and precious knowledge, guarding ourselves at 
the same time with an equal care against accepting mere nov- 
elties because they are new, and may be sensational. 

For the rest, we aim not to make a dry record of mere 
annals, but rather to preserve, wherever it is found, that 
flavor of romance and adventure, — hitherto so neglected, — 
which belongs to the earlier voyages and settlements ; to give 
a narrative of events that had results, and of the character 
and institutions of the people who made the events. Many 
apologies are due to our readers for many shortcomings, — 
how many none can know so well as we,—but an apology 
for delay is not one of them. ‘There is an implied promise of 
thoroughness and care on our part which we do not mean to 
break by undue haste. 

Meanwhile, that there shall be no undue delay, we call to 
our aid the help of others wherever it can be used. Of the 
present volume it is proper and pleasant to say that the por- 
tion contained in the last four chapters, — relating to the 
early history of the extreme South and West, which, from 
its want of connection with the rest of the country at that pe- 
riod, admitted of independent treatment, —is written by the 
Rey. E. E. Hale. His long and careful study of French and 
Spanish colonization on this continent is an assurance of how 
well and faithfully he has continued here in a graver tone 
those labors of which he has produced some fruit in other 
books. We have received also most valuable assistance in 
laborious research, and in the gathermg together of much 





PREFACE. Vil 


material, from the Rev. John Weiss and Mr, Edward L. Bur- 
lingame ; and still further and constant aid from the latter 
gentleman in help in the selection and arrangement of illus- 
trations, in the preparation of indexes, and much other work, 
which upon volumes of the size of these is more important 
than conspicuous. 

To the first volume of this History, as well as to this, it is 
due to say that the oldest living and most distinguished 
American scholar, whose name it bears, has given to every 
line — read in proof before printing — the benefit of his care- 
ful criticism, his ripe judgment, and his candid discrimination. 
The title of the work implies that it has passed already a far 
more rigid censorship, both for its matter and its manner, 
than any other reader is ever likely to exercise. 


SYDNEY HOWARD GAY. 
West Bricuton, Staten Istanp, May, 1878. 


ee. 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2021 with funding from 
Princeton Theological Seminary Library 


https://archive.org/details/popularhistoryofO2brya 


CONTENTS. — 





CHAPTER WL 


THE PEQUOT WAR. 
PAGE 
HOSTILITIES BEFORE THE War. —EnpicoTT’s EXPEDITION TO BLock ISLAND. — 
Irs Success.—InpIANS OF THE MAIN LAND ATTACKED. — RETALIATION ON 
THE ENGLISH PLANTATIONS. — A GENERAL WAR RESOLVED ON. — MASon’s 
EXPEDITION. — REDUCTION OF THE PEQuot Fort.— RESULTS OF THE SuUM-— 
MER’S Work. — EXTINCTION OF THE PEQUOT TRIBE.— CHARACTER OF THE 
Inprans.— Renicious Benrier and Moran AND INTELLECTUAL QUALITIES. — 
INFLUENCE OF THE PEQUOT WAR UPON THE GROWTH AND PROSPERITY OF 
PRUNE WrNG AND. COLONIE Ss | ee we eee. hil da lst Gee ve tin hs ae ed 





CHAPTER II. 


SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. 


Toe Towns oF THE CoNNECTICUT RIVER.— PREPARATORY GOVERNMENT. — 
THe First CoNSTITUTION AND THE Eariiest GovERNORS. — CIVIL AND 
SocraL CONDITION OF THE Firsr Serriers.— NECESSITY OF STRINGENT 
Ruir.— CHARacTerR oF Harty LeGistation. — ANOTHER EMIGRATION FROM 
-Boston.— New Haven AND ITS CHURCH OF SEVEN PILLARS. — ESTABLISH— 
MENT OF OTHER TOWNS AND CHURCHES.— DuTCH AND ENGLISH BOUNDARIES. 
— DIFFERENCE OF PURPOSE IN THE Two CLassEs OF SETTLERS. — ENGLISH 
Dirpromacy aT Home.—Enecrisu Intrusion vreon Lone Isitanp. — CHAR- 
ACTER OF THE PEOPLE OF CONNECTICUT. — SETTLEMENT OF RHODE ISLAND. — 
Rocer WILt1AMs’s CoLony AND ITs GOVERNMENT. — Heatep ConTROVERSY IN 
MASSACHUSETTS. — SEVERITY OF THE RULING Party. — TREATMENT OF THE 


ANTINOMIANS. — SETTLEMENT OF RuopE Isiranp at ACQUIDNECK (PorRTS- 
MOUTH). — CODDINGTON CHOSEN CHIEF JUDGE. — Discorps IN THE NEw 
Cotony. — THe Hurcurnsons at Acguipneck. — Hostiniry or Massacnu- 


SETTS TO ACQUIDNECK. — CODDINGTON’S PROPOSED ALLIANCE OF THE COL- 
ONIES.— THE New ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. — AGAMENTICUS AND ACQUID- 
NECK CIID 1) enn mers en! Lady OL Weg eae eae PT a ya ees 


x CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER III. 
THE BOSTON PURITANS. 


Rocer WILLIAMS AND LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. — Boston PuRITANISM. — ITs. 
Bicgorry.— THe Beier IN A SPECIAL DIVINE PROTECTION. — SPECIAL PRoy- 
IDENCES. — PurITAN INTERPRETATION OF DISASTERS AND MISFORTUNES. — 
PopuLtaR APPREHENSION OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. — EARLY LAWS OF THE 
PuRITANS. — REGULATION OF DRESS AND CusTOMS. — PATERNAL CHARACTER 
OF THE GOVERNMENT. — RELATIONS OF THE SEXES-— LAWS AGAINST LYING 
AND BLASPHEMY.— PUNISHMENTS. — PURITAN SPIRIT AND ITS RESULTS IN 
PRACTICE. — SAMUEL GortToN.— His Action at Boston AND AT PLYMOUTH, 
AND HIS BANISHMENT.—GORTON AND HIS COMPANIONS AT ACQUIDNECK AND 
PawtuxetT.— THe ATTEMPT TO SEIZE WeEsSTON’sS CaTTrLE. — INTERFERENCE 
oF MASSACHUSETTS. — ARBITRARY COURSE OF THE Boston MAGISTRATES. — 
MOKTON ATMA WOMENT, tin LETTER... ao a ese se et 6S! 


CHAPTER IV. 
THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THEIR INDIAN FRIENDS. 


PurcHAsE oF LANDS AT SHAWOMET. — PROTEST OF TWO INDIAN CHIEFS, PuM- 
HAM AND SACONONOCO.—SHAWOMET PEOPLE SUMMONED TO Boston. —Com— 
MISSIONERS APPOINTED TO VISIT THEM.— THREATS AND PREPARATIONS FOR 
RESISTANCE. — FLIGHT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN.— THE MEN BESIEGED. — 
NEGOTIATIONS FOR PracE.— A Hottow Truce.—- THE MEN TAKEN PRISON-— 
ERS AND CARRIED TO Boston.— THEIR TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT. — THEIR 
RELEASE AND ReEtTuRN TO RHODE ISLAND.— APPREHENDED TROUBLE WITH 
THE INDIANS. — CHARGES AGAINST MIANTONOMO. — FEUD BETWEEN THE 
MouwiIcans AND NARRAGANSETTS.— UNCAS BEFRIENDED BY THE COMMISSION— 
ERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES.— CAPTURE OF MIANTONOMO By UNCAS. — 
His ASSASSINATION BY DIRECTION OF THE ENGLISH.:. . . «© + © +s «+ V7 


GPUATE ts aaa 


RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. 


THe SHAWOMET CONTROVERSY TAKEN TO ENGLAND. — DECIDED IN FAVOR OF 
GORTON AND HIS ASSOCIATES. — CHARTER GRANTED TO PROVIDENCE PLANTA-— 
TIons. — Crvit LipertTy AND Rericious TOLERATION PROVIDED FOR.— VISIT 
or CLARK, Hotmes, AND CRANDALL TO Boston.— PUNISHED FOR HoLpInea 
AND PREACHING HETERODOX OPINIONS. — DISSENSIONS IN RHODE ISLAND. — 
CODDINGTON APPOINTED GOVERNOR FOR LirE.— THE CHARTER GRANTED BY 
CuarRves II.—Irs CHARACTER AND HisTORICAL INTEREST. ....... 99 


CHAPTER VI. 


NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. 


STUYVESANT’S ARRIVAL AT MANHATTAN. — Hoperut Receprion spy THE CITI- 
ZENS. — HE BEFRIENDS EX-GOVERNOR KIEFT. — ARREST AND TRIAL OF KUYTER 
AND Metyn. — THEIR BANISHMENT AND DEPARTURE WITH KiEerr.— WRECK 


CONTENTS. 


OF THE PRINCESS.— DiFFICULTIES wiTH New ENGLAND. — SEIZURE OF THE 
Sr. Benin1o.— THE ConsEQuEeNT QUARREL WITH New Haven. —ConrrRoverRsy 
WITH THE COMMISSARY OF RENNSELAERSWYCK.— DISCONTENT OF THE PEOPLE. 
— APPEAL OF THE CITIZENS TO HOLLAND. — MEtyn’s Return. — REVERSAL OF 
HIS SENTENCE. — THE REMONSTRANCE FORWARDED TO THE STATES-GENERAL. — 
VAN DER DonckK AND THE DELEGATES AT THE HacGun. — STUYVESANT’S CON- 
PIN UE DEAR ROGAN EG Airc Me Une er ae te oh obras et at clr Rh t of fed anil ok Maw ead b 


CHAPTER VII. 


THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. 


THe Hartrorp Boundary TREATY OF 1650.— ACTION OF THE STATES-GENERAL 
oN THE New NETHERLAND REMONSTRANCE. — NEw ENGLAND TROUBLES. — 
STUYVESANT ACCUSED OF CONSPIRING WITH THE INDIANS AGAINST THE ENG- 
LISH. — JOHN UNDERHILL IN THE FrieLp. — PorpuLAR Discontents at NEw 
AMSTERDAM AND ON LonG ISLAND. — CONVENTION OF THE Towns. —A ReE- 
NEWED APPEAL TO HOLLAND. — ENGLISH FEELING ON Lone IsLaAnp. — HostTiLe 
PREPARATIONS IN ConneEcricuT.— NEw ENGLAND Asks AID FROM THE PRO- 
TECTOR AGAINST THE DutcH.— AN APPROACHING CONFLICT PREVENTED BY THE 
TREATY OF PEACE IN EKuROPE.— UNFAVORABLE REPLY TO THE CONVENTION’S 
APPEAL.— NEW SWEDEN ON THE DELAWARE. — CONTESTS BETWEEN THE DutcH 
AND THE SWEDES. — STUYVESANT VISITS THE SouTH River. — Forr Nassau 
ABANDONED AND Forr CASIMIR BUILT BY THE DutTcH. — GOVERNOR PRINTZ 
RETIRES. — ForT CASIMIR TAKEN BY THE SWEDES. — RETAKEN BY THE DUTCH. 
— DIVISION OF THE COLONY BETWEEN THE W. |. CoMPANY AND THE CITY OF 
AMSTERDAM.— LIMITS oF New AMSTEL.— DISASTERS AND DISSENSIONS. . . 


CHAPTER:.VIII. 


QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 


ORIGIN OF THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS IN ENGLAND.— GerorGrE Fox.— His Lirs, 
CHARACTER, AND TEACHINGS. — BELIEFS OF THE FRIENDS. — THEIR MANNER 
or Lire AND Speecn.— THE FRIENDS AND THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. — 
ORIGIN OF NAME “ QuAKERS.”’— ARRIVAL OF THE First FRIENDs AT Boston. — 
AcTiIon oF THE Boston MaGisrratres.— THE PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS 
BEGUN. — ACCESSIONS TO THEIR NUMBER. — THE First GENERAL LAWS AGAINST 
THEM. — REFUSAL OF RuwopeE ISLAND TO JOIN IN THIS LEGISLATION. — MARY 
Dyer. — BANISHED FRIENDS RETURN TO Boston. —INCREASED STRINGENCY OF 
‘THE LAws.— PROCEEDINGS AT New HAVEN AND ELSEWHERE. — THE DEATH 
PENALTY IN MASSACHUSETTS. — CASES OF PERSECUTION. — MARY DYER AND 
HER CoMPANIONS AT Boston. — THEIR TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT. — OTHER 
Trias. — INTERFERENCE OF THE KinG.— END OF THE PERSECUTIONS 


wo 


CHAPTER IX. 


VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND UNDER THE COMMONWEALTH. 


RETURN oF Srr JoHN Harvey To VirGinia. — His New ADMINISTRATION. — 
SuCCEEDED BY WyaTt.— Sir WILLIAM BERKELEY APPOINTED GOVERNOR. — 
THe PurITANS AND ROYALISTS OF VIRGINIA. — LAWS AGAINST THE FORMER. — 


a 


115 


137 


. 165 


xu CONTENTS. 


INDIAN INSURRECTION IN 1643.—Deatu oF OPECHANCANOUGH. — GROWTH OF 
THE CoLoNny. — EMIGRATION OF CAVALIERS TO AMERICA. — SURRENDER OF 
VIRGINIA TO THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONERS. — REDUCTION OF Mary- 
LAND. — CHARACTER AND CAREER OF WILLIAM CLAYBORNE— ATTEMPTS OF 
Lorp BALTIMORE TO RETAIN MARYLAND.— GOVERNOR STONE’S PROCEEDINGS. 
—Ficut ON THE SEVERN. — THE CONTROVERSY ENDED. — RESTORATION OF 
BERKELEY IN VIRGINIA. — NEw Laws wuNDER THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT. — 
SLAVERY.— THe Tosacco TRADE AND THE NAVIGATION Act. — NORTHERN 
ROL TREN AN TERETE cae Ose) Poms in: oct Peiate 2 cee. ee os 4200 


CHAPTER X. 


THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. 


New AMSTERDAM INVADED BY INDIANS.— DESTRUCTION OF Pavontia. — Mas- 
SACRE AND DEVASTATION ELSEWHERE. —JuUbDICIOUS POLICY OF THE DIRECTOR. 
— CONTRAST IN FRENCH AND DoutcH TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. — THE 
Resuitt.— Tue Esopus War.—STUYVESANT’S DETERMINATION TO ESTABLISH 
Revicious UNiFrorMITy. — PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS AND QUAKERS. — 
INDIFFERENCE OF THE DutcH TO RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSY. — STUYVESANT 
REBUKED BY THE AMSTERDAM CHAMBER.— CRUEL PUNISHMENT OF A QUAKER. 
— BANISHMENT OF JOHN BOWNE AND HIS TRIUMPHANT RETURN FROM HOL- 
LAnD.—GrowtH or New NETHERLAND + *) ¢ . 2%. «4 1 1 ew we Ut 229 


CHAPTER XI. 


THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. 


ENCROACHMENTS OF THE ENGLISH.— THE SoutH River CoLtony.—Lorp BAL- 
TIMORE’S CLAIM, AND CONTROVERSY WITH MAryLtanp.— A New Patent 
GRANTED TO CoNNECTICUT. — DISSATISFACTION OF NEw Haven. — OTHER 
Encruisn Towns ACCEPT THE PROTECTION OF CONNECTICUT. — CONFEDERACY 
oF Lone Istanp Towns UNDER JOHN Scorr.— His ATTEMPTS TO COERCE 
THE Dutcu.— NEw NETHERLAND AND PART OF NEw ENGLAND GRANTED TO 


THE DuKE or YorK.—THE NIcOLLS Commission. — New NETHERLAND 
INVADED. —Itrs SuRRENDER. — NICOLLS PROCLAIMED GOVERNOR. — CHANGE OF 
Names.— New AMSTEL TAKEN BY THE ENGLISH .......... . 247 


CHAPTER XII. 


THE CAROLINAS. 


THe CarotinaA Patents oF 1663 anp 1665.— Tue PATENTEES. — EARLIER 
GRANTS AND PROJECTED SETTLEMENTS. — First SETTLERS ON ALBEMARLE 
Sounp. — New EnGuanp Men at tart Moots or Care Fear River. — THe 
COLONY UNDER YEAMANS.— ORGANIZATION OF THE ALBEMARLE COLONY. — 
Lockr’s “FouNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS.” — INDEPENDENT LEGISLATION AT 
ALBEMARLE. — GOVERNORS AND PROGRESS OF THE CAPE FEAR SETTLEMENT. — 
JOSEPH West. — DISSENSIONS IN THE NORTH UNDER CARTERET AND MILLER. 

— THE PasQuoTank INSURRECTION. — GOVERNOR SOTHELL ..... . , 268 


CONTENTS. xiii 


CHAPTER XIIL. 
VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. 


CONDITION OF VIRGINIA IN 1670.— ABUSES AND POPULAR GRIEVANCES. — THE 
Grant TO ARLINGTON AND CULPEPPER. — INDIAN HOSTILITIES AND THEIR 
RESULTS. — INEFFICIENCY OF BERKELEY. — INDIGNATION OF THE COLONISTS. — 
NATHANIEL BACON TAKES THE FIELD IN DEFIANCE OF THE GOVERNOR. — His 
INDIAN CAMPAIGN. — BERKELEY PROCLAIMS HIM A REBEL.— PorpuLaR UPRIs- 
ING. — CONCESSIONS FORCED FROM THE GOVERNOR. — Bacon’s ARREST, SUBMIS- 
SION, AND Escare. — HE CAPTURES JAMESTOWN. — SECOND INDIAN CAMPAIGN. — 
RENEWED ATTEMPTS OF BERKELEY TO SUPPRESS THE POPULAR MOVEMENT. — 
Bacon’s REtuRN.— He SEIZES THE GOVERNMENT. — FLIGHT OF BERKELEY. — 
Ture ConveNTION. — AIMS OF THE Bacon Parry. — Revivinc FORTUNES OF 
THE DEPOSED GOVERNOR.— BACON AGAIN CAPTURES AND BURNS THE CAPITAL. 
— ILLNESS AND Dgratu or Bacon. — CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. — PUNISHMENT 
OF THE REBELS. — ARRIVAL OF ENGLISH COMMISSIONERS. — RECALL AND 
DEATH: OFF DERKELES 72 ee ee nei arse ceases et oh 5 rie leet 2, 290 


CHAPTER XIV. 


NEW YORK. 


QuiET BEGINNING OF THE Enciisu Rute. — Tue ADMINISTRATION OF NICOLLS. — 
Tue New JERSEY GRANT. — ARRIVAL OF CARTERET. — SETTLEMENT OF NEwW- 
ARK AND ELIZABETH. — THE CoNNECTICUT BounpARY.— THE NAMES AND 
DIVISIONS OF THE PROVINCE. — THE “ DuKE’s Laws.” — ENGLISH OFFICIALS. 

— THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE NETHERLANDS. — DISCONTENT IN 
Lone Istanp.— New York anp CAnADA.— THE FRENCH AND THE MOHAWKS. 
— Tue Peace oF BREDA. — ADMINISTRATION OF LOVELACE. — PROGRESS OF 
THE Province.— THE Town or New Yorx.— RENEWED WaR IN EUROPE. — 
THE ReE-conquEsT OF NEw NETHERLAND. — COLVE’S ADMINISTRATION. — NEW 
NETHERLAND CEDED TO ENGLAND BY THE PEACE OF WESTMINSTER ... . 319 


* CHAPTER XV. 


NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. 


CHARLESTON FounDED. — WAR WITH THE INDIANS. — GOVERNOR MoreErTon. — 
JOSEPH BLAKE. — Lorp Carpross’s SETTLEMENT AT Port Roya. — PrRAcy 
AND SPANISH HosTILity.— CARDROSS’S COLONY DESTROYED.— SOTHEL DEPOSED 
AND BANISHED FROM ALBEMARLE. — HE LEADS A REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH. 

— His Career. — THE COLONIES UNDER ONE GOVERNOR. — INTRODUCTION OF 
RicE. — JOHN ARCHDALE GOVERNOR. — PROSPERITY OF THE COLONIES UNDER 
FS 1 ome ns) ee Ne ee A ee We ge tail t guys lay 4p Lotiag |e) OOD 


XIV CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. 


Tue First Massacuuserts CHarter.— TemporiziIng Pouicy or THE CoLo- 
NIAL AUTHORITIES. — THE GOVERNMENT AT HoME BAFFLED. — REVOLUTION IN 
ENGLAND. — THE Lona PARLIAMENT AND THE New ENGLAND PuRITANS. — 
APPEAL TO CROMWELL. — His Scuemes. — THE ReGicipes. — CHarves IL 
AND THE CHARTER. — THE ROYAL ComMMISSIONERS. —NEW DanGERS TO Mas- 
SACHUSETTS.— EDWARD RANbDOLPH.— THE CHARTER REVOKED. — GOVERNOR 
ANDROS’Ss ARBITRARY GOVERNMENT. — CONCEALMENT OF THE CONNECTICUT 
CHARTER. — DEPOSITION AND ARREST OF ANDROS.— Course oF King WILLIAM. 
—A New CuHarteR.— GOVERNOR Puips.— EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA.— 
LEE et Tle. TO IPAs FTA ROA LLL a cou Wes 6 SECU fa Bleek s «B78 


CHAPTER XVII. 


PHILIP’S WAR. 


OUTBREAK OF Puitip’s War.—-Irs Causes. — PHILIP’S EARLIER RELATIONS 
WITH THE ENGLIsH. — INDIAN ATTACKS AT SWANSEA, TAUNTON, AND ELSE- 
WHERE. — WILLIAM BLACKSTONE. — THE FiGuTs AT BROOKFIELD AND HADLEY. 

— Tue AmBusH AT Bioopy Brook. — EXPEDITION INTO THE NARRAGANSETT 
Country. — THe Surprise AT TuRNER’s FALLS. — PHILIP ATTACKED AND 
RILUNI Nie NLOUN TT LLOPE 6.0) saiatae be ote ee me ee ees. y! . 401 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


NEW HAMPSHIRE. 


CHARACTER OF THE MAINE AND New HAmpsHireE SETTLERS.— KITTERY — 
GORGEANA. — THE NORTHERN COLONIES ABSORBED BY MASSACHUSETTS. — 
Earty New Hampsnire Cuurcues.— THe Istes or SHOALS.— HISTORY OF 
Mason’s New HaAmpsuire GRANT. — THE CLAIMS OF HIS HEIRS RESISTED. — 
New Hampsnire Governors. — InpIAN Hosrivirires.— ATTAcKS AT Saco, 
BERWICK, AND ELSEWHERE. — THE TREATY AT Casco.— WAR RENEWED. — 
DOVER ATTACKED. — MURDER OF WALDRON.~— CLOSE OF THE WAR ... . 419 


CHAPTER XIX. 


THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. 


OUTBREAK OF THE WitTcHcrRAFT Detusion.—Irs Earntier History.—CauseEs 
OF THE EXCITEMENT IN NEw ENGLAND. — WITCHCRAFT CASES IN SALEM. — 
SAMUEL Parris.— THE Eartier TrIALs.— RetTuRN oF Puips.—A SPECIAL 
CouRT CREATED FOR WITCHCRAFT CASES. — FuRTHER PROSECUTIONS. — Ex- 
POSURE AND END OF THE DELUSION. — WITCHCRAFT IN New HAMPSHIRE. — 
Tue BELIEF FINDS FEW ADHERENTS OUTSIDE MASSACHUSETTS. — “ STONE- 
THROWING ” AT GREAT ISLAND. — THE CASE OF STEPHEN Burrovucus. . . 450 


CONTENTS. XV 


GHAPTEHRe XX: 


COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. 


PROGRESS OF NEw JERSEY. — INSURRECTION UNDER JAMES CARTERET. — CHANGES 
IN THE New JERSEY Titties. — THe “ QUINTIPARTITE DEED.” — DIVISION INTO 
East AND WEsT JERSEY. —PROSPERITY OF WEST JERSEY UNDER QUAKER 
Rue. — ConrFuicts oF JURISDICTION. — THE QUAKERS BUY East JERSEY. — 
EARLIEST CONNECTION OF WILLIAM PENN WITH AMERICAN COLONIZATION. — 
LirE AND CHARACTER OF PENN. — THE GRANT OF PENNSYLVANIA. — EARLY 


SETTLERS. — PENN IN AMERICA. — PHILADELPHIA FOUNDED. — THE TREATY AT 
SHACKAMAXON. — Penn’s ReTruRN TO ENGLAND. — PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. — : 
NNER ENN TS LEELA DPE A eee ae on) ke fe ig en Yay AO 


CHAPTER XXI. 


THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 


Tur EXPLORATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE SETTLEMENT OF LOUISIANA. — 
Frencu MIssioNaRIES AND Hunters. — DIscoOvVERY OF OHIO, INDIANA, AND 
OTHER NORTHWESTERN STATES. — THE Pouicy OF COLBERT AND TALON. — 
Discovery OF THE Uprrr LAKEs. —Concress oF Native Tribes at Macki- 
NAC. — MARQUETTE AND JOLIET SAIL FOR THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISssISs- 


SIPPI. — FReENcH COLONY oF 1699. — D’IBERVILLE AND HIS BROTHERS. — 
BILOXI AND Poverty Point. — WAR OF SUCCESSION. — PENSACOLA. — MINES. 


See PO ATE atk Nea AP alte SRR eee Ran th oe Be ee A gg 


CHAVET XXL 


THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. 


Joun Law.—- THE REGENT ORLEANS. — LAaw’s Bank. — THE WESTERN COMPANY. 
— RENEWED EMIGRATION. — THE INDIAN Company. — SPANISH WAR. — NEW 
ESTABLISHMENTS. — FAILURE OF Law’s PLANS. — RUIN oF SPECULATORS. — 
Missions 1n Loursrana.— THE City or New ORLEANS. — ESTABLISHMENT AT 
NatcHez. — RELATIONS WITH THE INDIANS. — CUSTOMS OF THE NATCHEZ. — 
Cuopart’s Fotty.—Irs Resutts.— CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE NATCHEZ AND 
CHICKASAWS.— BIENVILLE RE-APPOINTED. — His Ivu-Success as A MILITARY 
Preah e-—ay AUDREUILTAND I IS ERLEREOC, Meo iet day ia ck. ee a lel et es DD 


~J 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


SPANISH COLONIZATION. 


+ 

SpanisH FootHoLtp IN THE UNITED STATES. — SUCCESSIVE ACQUISITIONS BY 
THE UNITED Srates. — Tue Fortunes or Fioripa.— BorDER WARS WITH 
CAROLINA AND GEORGIA. — OGLETHORPE’S EXPEDITIONS. — FLORIDA CEDED TO 
ENGLAND. —Itrs PopuLtatTion. — DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. — ORIGIN OF THE 
Name.— RoManceE OF EspLaANDIAN.— FatTHerR Nica’s PRETENDED DIscov- 
ERIES. — CORONADO’S EXPLORATION IN ARIZONA AND New Mexico.— DRAKE 
IN CaLiFoRNIA.— His Receprion By THE INDIANS. — LOCALITIES OF HIS 
DISCOVERIES oa ee ee er ee he, Be 


or 
or 
ivy) 


xvi _ CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


SPANISH EXLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. 


Fatuer Avucustin Ruyz.— Rio pet Norte. — CuNAMES. — ACOMA.— ZUNI OR 
CIBOLA. —JUAN DE ONATE. — Ex Paso. — “ Et Moro.” — Inscriptions. — Vis- 
CAINO. — EuseB1o Francisco Kino. — SALVATIERRA. — ARIZONA. — PABLO 
Quinvur. —FatHerR AUGUSTIN DE Campos. — EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS. — 

La Sate. — De Leon. — St. Dents.— Don MARTIN D’ALARCORNE. — TEXAS . 578 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 





FULL-PAGE ENGRAVINGS. 


STEEL PLATES. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. To face 

LORTRAIT OBL ETHER OTUYVESANT Ge, 5. wens © |. Charles Burt .:, Title. 
From the original painting in the possession of Van tensselaer Stuyvesant, Esq. 

Biconmanps BERKELEY, 2 0!) 2 Jon Kelly... S.Hollyer «-.. |: 302 

HRIBNDGSIN THE HAMES  .9..) ete Cis. Reinhart. C. H. Smith-.. . 477 


PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM PENN AT THE 
AGESOFIDIEPTY-PWOe =| . Sere eet tOllvers'> Oy S487 
From the National Museum’s copy a ie or ai by Francis Place. 


WOOD ENGRAVINGS. 


To face 

Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 

THE MURDER CON GA SALLE. (o..1. .. E. ae Meee Hidibrands on woilea id 
ATTACK ON THE Pequot Fort . . 5 We eee aaron yal EM TD 


Fac-simile of a drawing in Captain Underhill any yee. 
Jrom New England.’’ 
Tue First SunpAy AT New Haven A.C. Warren . Smithwick & French 28 
View IN NARRAGANSETT Bay, NEAR 
THE ENTRANCE OF NEwport HaAr- 


nO ee ee ee ee i, We Ps Richards.) John Dalziel -.: ¢ +100 
THe Capes OF THE Detaware . . F.B. Schell. . A. V. S. Anthony 152 
THE SURRENDER OF JAMESTOWN. . A. R. Waud. . ge 211 
THe SURRENDER OF NEw AMSTER- i 

A ee er re ete Aer rocoricksw) eA. bobbetti.) 20 30266 
THe LANDING OF CARTERET IN NEW 

2] ERSHY ae ely ta A), a) 4a.0'E), Ay Abbey’ Hen Vatle yet goth 2L 
Hitrton HEAD, AT THE ENTRANCE TO 

LORDALON A ern ee eee ere, oh a Vloratie.. ita yo A. Bogerts Gv a 360 
Tur Deposition or ANDROS .. .OC.S. Reinhart . A. Bobbett. . . 393 


b 


XVlll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. To face 

Tae Dearn or Partie . .. .*. .J.E. Kelly . . F.Juengling « . 418 

THE Murper or Mayor WAtprRON . Walter Shirlaw. J. P. Davis . . 445 

Tae Fatia or NIAGARA... °s, 2. Ye wk es ee. Meeder.& Chubb iaalG 
Fac-simile from the old print in: Hennepin’s Voyages.”’ 

Jesuit Missionaries IN CAtirorNIA W.M. Cary. . F.Juengling . . 588 


ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 
BITE OF THE GREAT Prquon Fort. Hosier). 29) aVarley eee 
From an original sketch for this work. 
GOVERNOR ENDICOTT LANDING ON 
Biock Isvanp< 9). (6 “so... AR Wad: = Anthon yee 
NEW LUN DON Jiu. e , yeaa. we er, es . ~WMeCragken 2) 0.5 eee 
From an original sketch for this work. 
THe CAPTIVE MaripEens . . . . .<A.C. Warren .. Smithwick & Fr. . 7 
RoGER WILLIAMS GOING TO THE Sa- 
CHEM’S HOUSE 00 5) ah) a) A OW) od ek at ee 
SITE OF THE NARRAGANSETT Fort 
AT Fort Necro al ae Moratie ee DiseCere nt no 
From an original sketch for this work. 
BorTnr’s* ROCKS: (208 si eran soe RODOUCrD eam en Cte d 
From an original sketch for this work. 
ATTACK ON. THE Pequot Fort . . Sheppard . . : McCracken. .. 13 


BACHEM’S gab... . “oe ayT. Moran sala, -Antionea eee 215 
From an original sketch for this work. 
SIGNATURE OF JOHN MASON ... . te Pe tit or, | eg 


From an autograph in the Mass. Hist. Soe. aeeare 
SIGNATURE OF dou Daywrsi as. .).. sash. WAV Ve SA, Pe SS 73 
From the signature to a letter in the “Winthrop Papers,” re- 
produced in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 
SIGNATURE, OF HD WARDSHOPEING 3. 4.525 ew Sea) esl ey Ee 24 
Winthrop Papers. 


RIONATORE OF LION GARDINER «3-5. 5. .8 2. XP Ee Ae Se eee 25 
Winthrop Papers. | 
Supposep First CHurcH In Harr- 
NORD 7.) Teun cine eel ae ved hc se Ee Foe Ve Albans ieee oe 20 
PORTRAIT OF JOHN DAVENPORT . . sree sos an LY BRLOYS oe AES 28 


From a print in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Jt Bs abeniee 
MoMAUGURGS)SIGWATURE. 2 0G8)% oe ou ce we se TAS RP BB 
From the Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. 

SITE) OR NEWMAN S DARN? (cu). 93. &- 
From an original sketch for this work. 
SIGNATURE OF THEOPHILUS EATON . 

Winthrop Papers. 

‘Otp House IN GUILFORD, 16389 . . 
From an original sketch for this work. 
Moutu OF THE CONNECTICUT. . . 
From an original sketch for this work. 
{SARDINGR SaISLAND. | 4st ot ws Shs eee 
From an original sketch for this work. 
MONTAUK COUNT: cle ae.” ~ 20) oer een en 
From an original sketch for this work. 
Hooxer’s House At HARTFORD. . 
Coast oF MASSACHUSETTS. — NAN- 
TACK E Tabi A CHME Taare. ; 


Designer. 


Hosier . 


Hosier . 


iva orairasue. 


A. R. Waud 


Hosier 


. . 


From a painting by W. Allan Gay, in the possession 


Oliver Fiske, Esq. 
SIGNATURE OF MIANTONOMO .. . 
From the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 
SIGNATURE, OF CANONICUS) 2.4 4.) ). 
From the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 
THe Cove, PortsmoutH, RHODE 
SISA Dob oo do cect on ss ol Kean, 

From an original sketch for this work. 

PORTRAIT OF GOVERNOR CODDING- 
PONG MEE DAE ie he A 
From a picture at Newport. 

ENTRANCE TO NEwportT HARBOR. . 
From an original sketch for this work. 
CoppinGTon’s Houss, NEWPORT . . 
From an original sketch for this work. 
SIGNATURE OF JOHN DAVENPORT. . 
From the Winthrop Papers. 
OAT ROCK 2 ules fe 03.9) least iaes 
From an original sketch for this work. 
Ruins OF THE OLpDEst HousE now 
STANDING IN BosToN .... . 

From a photograph. 

WincHAM MeEeEtTING Hovse, BUILT 
1681. oie eee 
From a Photograph. 

SIGNATURE OF Rev. NATHANIEL 
VA Deairesee pin, Fs 


. . ° ° . 


Winthrop Papers. 


e ° 


Hosier 


66 


mE ELOSIGhar a soe 


Engraver. 


Maurice «.> 311% 


. Smithwick & Fr. 


Aikens: 423 
Anthony. . 


66 


paViat ley 4 ase 4, 


. Meeder & Chubb . 


“"- 


Juengling . . 


Wikense hi Mate 
Smithwick:& Fr. 
Juengling . . 
Bookhout Bros. 


Andrew? 2) seh 


Clementi 22 


d4 


Jo 


37 


38 


39 


39 


43 


td 


45 


46 


50 


52 


55 


58 


61 


xx LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 

CosTUMES ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF 

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY — 

WEG Rr Fee od aiea VAT a vice can Oe | oe ots te ULC En tgs Re een 
CostTUMES ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF 

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY — 

ESR cy ee UE, eae Eee a te ss a ep ere, ee NP 
Wl le PEST oe) O68 ck ae cata Oe ay ra ee ate . Smithwick & Fr. : 
ASWanton GOSPELLER. . . . «. ~ Hredéricks” =~ — Bobbett>.,). 4. seee 
SIGHATURE ‘OR-OAMURL GORTON 4*o%- .) uc7teafie cal 3. see eS 

From a letter in the possession of the family at Providence. 

Tue ConFLICT OVER WESTON’S CAT- 

Te Vela eye oh steel 6 se GO, SSRembart es Clenten ts one 
SITE OF GORTON’S SETTLEMENT AT 

SHAWOMET, Now WARWICK . . . Hosier. . . . Bobbett . . . 


~] 
or 


From an original sketch for this work. 
Ruins oF Gorron’s HOUSE at SHA- 
woMet (Warwick, R. Lb). . 2%. eee ce eb day, ADE hy - 76 
From an original skeich for this work. 
SIGNATURE (OF PUMHAM® o-. a a: Se te eee 78 
From the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 
THe GoRTON PARTY ATTACKED . .C.S8S. Reinhart . Clement. . 
THe GorTON PARTY BESIEGED IN 
THE BLOCK-HOUSE ««. ++: =¢ 2° WAR Wand © se \icGracken 6 7 os 
WINTHROP BLESSING THE SOLDIERS . C.S. Reinhart . Bobbett . . . . 85 
GorTON’S DISPUTE WITH COTTON , 4 Smithwick . 
SIGNATURE. OF PESSICUS «0.5. 9.) 7) uk ee, ee ee ee 
From the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 
THE MESSENGERS AT THE TENT OF 
CANONICUB . . . . +. +» « « «© OG, S?Rembarten “omithwiek ita. oO 
THE .GRAVE oF Mrantonomo ~. © '. Hosier”). 2 Varley) 2c) s 
VIEW OF PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISL- 
AND! Govel he ce tc ee Oe ee VG OO Ar ore nN ate em 
From a photograph. 
PorTRAIT OF Epwarp. Winstow. .A.Lawrie. . .T.Cole.... 98 
From Family Portraits belonging to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of 


ide] 
qn 


Hingham, in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s 
Rooms. 
Wiiirame’s WELCOME 402° ce eins Gata yy aoe e. VeTICy 35 cage) Lou 
FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURES AND 
CLosina SENTENCES OF THE NAR- 
RAGANGETT LATER D i ee een ee sce dn> ee? by ae ee 
Oke o6 Ss bODbet: Wo ae eee ek 
NIGNA TURE Sh GIOGm -VeTLeOn ee ae sta ee tet se cos ee Pk eee 


Tue Meertrine Aart Wirrer’s House . Frederi 


Winthrop Papers. 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. 
WHIPPING OF OBADIAH HotmeEs. . C.S. Reinhart 
FORTRATIN ORS GHARLES: Is 2.) 2 7. 37 As Lawrie. 

From a print afier the painting by Lely. 

HOGER WILLIAMS. GCOMPASSS: nme he bo) als) ot us 
STUYVESANT’S RECEPTION . ..... Fredericks . 
SIGNATURE OF CORNELIS MELYN.. . esr 

From a fac-simile in O’ Callaghan’s ** New Nee edi is 
VIEW ON THE COAST OF WALES, NEAR 

Sve NGI Ag) Surg or). eae eee eA hoe VV UG. 
CAPTURE OF THE ST. BENINIO. «.. . J. O. Davidson 
SIGNATURE OF JOHAN VAN RENSSEL- 

DGD She Ree ee ye Peper BR EO) yy ALO aren ny See 

From a fac-simile in O’ Callaghan’s ‘* New Netherland.” 
STUYVESANT AT ForT ORANGE... Fredericks 
SIGNATURE OF BRANDT VAN SLECH- 

PENHORST anaes : 9 See, LP Ee ee 

From O’ Callaghan’s ‘* Ny ew Ne aand ta 
SIGNATURE OF ADRIAN VAN DER 

DON CK gece eee eae ay ire ee CN Aa od) ae, co SG 

From O’ Callaghan. 

Tut DELEGATES BEFORE THE STATES 

(CUNT RA Toes. a Ge Boe eso ire ere DOOC Nir s Ghaec 
SIGNATURE OF GOVERT LOOCKER- 

DANG ee teria tee dy cle ek rie PICUEN DE oo a) hse Saat 
Metyn’s Manor at STATEN ISLAND Warren . 
SIGNATURE OF [LHOMAS WILLETT... .. ~. <a. 

From O’ Callaghan. 

THe Oxtp Srapt Huys or NEw Am- 


. Bobbett . 


Engraver. 
Clement 


; Langridge 


. Bogert 
. Meeder & Chubb . 


m Bobbetty. 


ma Clementir: 


. McCracken . 


SUED AMsr. aes te ote ete. Losier 4... . Aikens 
THE BUILDING OF THE PALIsapES . Warren . . . McCracken . 
PorTRAIT OF NINIGRET . . Sar oe . . Anthony. 


From a Print in Drake’s ** Book of the Indians,”’ ce, the 
original in possession of Hon. R. C. Winthrop, Boston. 

UNDERHILL AT Fort Goop Hore . C.S. Reinhart 
THE GATHERING AT FAIRFIELD . . Beech 
HEUeAnRes TOK DAXTER . . . 59. C..S. Reinhart 
NMOUTHSOMSTHESOCHUYLKIL:... + te A. Re Waud_. 
Te Smee ENT Eau aoa ge Salta ee Seared yo) Goss eile ule, De 

Fac-simile from Campanius’s ‘* New Sweden.’ 
NEWCASTLE,SDELAWARE . . . . .A:.R. Waud 

From a sketch made for this volume. 
ANIMALS OF NEw NETHERLAND 

Fac-simile from a plate in Van der Donck’s ‘ een ah 


. Clement . 
. Filmer 

. Clement 

. McCracken 


‘Aikens |; 


. Winham. 


130 


133 


. 134 


135 
137 


2 b39 
. 140 
. 141 


144 


aM 


149 


ge P51 
ek G 


162 


164 


xxl LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. 
VILLAGE CHURCH AT DRAYTON, 
ERICKSTERAHINe S. fools. se te ee eee 2", 
From an English print. 


Fox REPROVES THE WomMEN. .. .OC.S. Reinhart 


SWARTHMORE HALL, RESIDENCE OF 
RO Gib ee ae, oe eee ete Warren.) = 


From a print published by the Friends’ Society, Philadel- 


phia. 


Pox: in PrRisonvyyr.:. -.7 eS 2-0. S84 Reitihars 


Mary FISHER BEFORE THE SUL-. 
AAT ek ree ve Bee agin Care ae ae . Fredericks. 


DeSHAEL 5 VROTHOTO A). 1.04 2...) ikappasie es 


DEPARTURE OF ANNE BurpDEN. . . C.S. Reinhart 


NORTON’S PUNIBHMENT .*., 22". Carys 89% 


Mary WRiGHT IN CourT. .. . . Walter Shirlaw 
Mary DYER LED TO Execution. . C.S. Reinhart 


SHATTOCK’S COMMISSION -.: . « ft. ; 6 
Paris OF THE JAMES . 4.05%. 4.) . . enell Ges 
From a photograph. 
SIGNATURE OF DERKELEY 2 2 7eemane uate ans 
From a fac-simile in Hawks’s ** North Carolina.” 
BREAKING UP OF A PurRITAN MEET- 
ING C5) VG co hs Leen oe een ee pean 
DEATH OF OPECHANCANOUGH . . . Cary 
Cape: HATTERABRT GN) 4.5%. 8. ee Ae aud 
From a sketch. 
THE CAVALIERS AT WORMLY’sS House. Fredericks 
SupposED PoRTRAIT OF WILLIAM 
CUA YBORNE | Wit %. wo eyes i ee ee ye 
In possession of the Clayborne family of Virginia. 
SIGNATURE OF WILLIAM ‘CLAYBORNE .-.... 
From papers in the State Paper Office, London. 
PORTRAIT OF OLIVER CROMWELL. . A. Lawrie. 
From an old print. 
STONE AT: Preston’s House. . . . <A. R.-Waud 
PostTinG THE NOTICE ON THE GOLDEN 
LION, Gt Pe ayes ee Cary? ea 
Tue BaTTLe AT THE MOutTH OF THE 
SEVERN (6 0590s. ce ees ow One SOL es 
BERKELEY’S ADDRESS TO THE As- 


SEMBLY oo. “Mote eee tee | Ge eee 


Tospacco SHIPS IN THE JAMES. . .A.R. Waud 
GOVERNOR’s ISLAND AND THE BaAT- 


TERY & Fo ee ie Lee WV erren 


Engraver. Page. 

. Langridge . 166 
. *e . . 169 
. Clement . SPARE TTS 
pLDOUUeEL Te ere LO 
2 oe Poker ye URLs’ 
. Juengling . 180 
. Bobbett . 184 
. Smithwick & Fr. . 188 
. E. Heinemann 191 
. Bobbett. . 193 
Smithwick & Fr. . 196 

. Anthony 200 
- ‘ eee sls 201 
. Juengling . 203 
. Bogert : 205 
. Gray . : 207 
~. bovobette yz -: 209 
Clement . F 19 

é A 4 = 72213 
weNieiolgu.> 2 2th 
.- Wardell’ oo. 4: 217 
E. Bookhout . 218 

. Juengling . 220 
Clement . , 224 
Gray . 227 

. Langridge ° 229 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. 
DESTRUCTION OF PAVONIA «©. 007%.’ Cary... 
PoRTRAIT AND AUTOGRAPH OF 
FATHER JOGUES . . yi oh i 


From Shea’s edition of roe? ee me Belgium.”’ 
ToreM OR TRIBE-MARK OF THE Five 

HNSAE EON UIE Rs ABR MEO PCr MES = 1 peo yt 8g 

From La Hontan. 
New AMSTERDAM IN THE MIDDLE OF 

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY .. . a 

From Vischer’s map in Asher’s ‘+ New Neamt 4 
QUAKER WOMEN PREACHING IN NEW 

AMSTERDAM Sern aes ce a eee Ke) Waud 


HopSHONE ‘‘RETIRED TO THE LorRD.’’? Walter Shirlaw . 


FRIENDS’ MEETING-HOUSE IN FLUSH- 
WN Gee LONGMISUAND: & suena es tauaaly chr. 
From a sketch made for this work. 
BOWNE ST UUUSHO rhe. ahantee ota : 
Irom a sketch made for this work. 
THE MaryLanp AND New NETHER- 
PAND AMBASSADORS) (0 oa) +) (b )epappes. <7." 
SwEDIsH SOLDIER OF THE SEVEN- 
PReN He @ENDUR Yew brates bo bass shee wi os 


Engraver. 
Clement . 


XX1l1 


Page. 


Smithwick & Fr. . 


~. Smithwick & Fr. 


Schoonmaker 


McCracken 


- Bookhout Bros 


Eastmead 


. dJuengling 


Clement . 


From a photograph of the figure exhibited at the Centennial 


Exhibition, Philadelphia. 
THe ENGLISH AGITATORS RE-NAMING 
PE me WN me cmer melee sty ts 35 IWAD DES. © war 
Scorm Ar BREUKELENt.‘'=” .% . ))).” Frederieks 
PoRTRAIT OF THE DUKE OF YorRK, 
PRTERWARDSJAMPSe irs) Lawrie. 
From Lodge’s “ Portraits.’’ 
SEG NATURIG.ON KICHARD” NICOLLS? 25). %) ate aliair ¥. 
From the Winthrop Papers. 
STUYVESANT AND THE ENGLISH LET- 
LER ae oi ce eect. . . Fredericks -. 
SIGNATURE OF on GEORGE Citser 


WiREGTH Tae ree ue i erat ec ayate gu oA eh ge gt 
From the Winthrop Dine 
SIGNATURES OHM OLRM ROBERT! CARR. sce gel nt. ters 
SEAL SORSNEWIANSTER DAM), 9. Pate 7: 5. 4.) i 
HORTRATI“ZOMRDHARTECBUBY 7 6s 2) seh tune 


From a print. 
A> CAROLINA, SETTLEMENT. *. ). 0. A. R. Wand 
FINDING THE MESSAGE OF THE NEW 

HNGLANDGOH TELE newages ete tr. 2 Beech =.) >. 


. dJuengling 


Smithwick & Fy. 


. Clement . 


Bobbett . 


Bookhout Bros. 


. Nichols 


. Meeder & Chubb . 


. Smithwick & Fr. 


231 


234 


256 
259 


271 


273 


XXIV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 


Title. Designer. 
LANDING OF YEAMANS. .. . .. .T.Moran. . 
PORTEALS MOR ta GTN LCR iy axl 5) ysibecesky cco ko 

From the print in the folio edition of his works. 
PORTRAIT OF GEORGE Monk, DUKE oF 

PASAT TOMT A Ee Lite taal or ie as ins ok Le sie es Wet AG 

I’rom Lodge’s ‘* Portraits.’’ 

MHARLRS TON: HARBOR =o) iu) oo Bret ales MChG lime, peru 

From a sketch. 

ARRESTOORSDGRANTs) - ~~ 4 9» 1. Kelly site, 
DEAL OF THE CAROLINA BROPRIETORS.,. . +1. = 
GATHERING OF THE VIRGINIA PLAN- 

TES OTN A LOGAt cus cok, tS eke se COON Ga ames 
Bee KILLING Or THR ORI ERS oe een on Care. ee ee 
BACON QUARTER © BRANCH! ba. pe GenChGlLy fag ee 

From a photograph taken for this volume. 

Bacon’s TROOPS CROSSING THE CREEK. Cary. . . . 
BACON S SUBMISSION 1 hepsi be Pehl ee AG el oare 
BERKELEY AND THE GLOUCESTER MEN Beech .. . 
THE CAPTURE OF Buanpn’s FLEET. . A. R. Waud 
BAcoN AND THE JAMESTOWN GEN- 

TLEW OMEN et by of ce ei Lee ee en Cae CLT arr 
BuRNING OF LAWRENCE’S HOUSE AT 

DAMESTO WN cil Suns phlaehaat anh wee eee SAN O LV eee 
Waar PoInti) VIRGINIA ten cee cee ee ayy le 

From a sketch. 

DRUMMOND BEFORE BERKELEY. . . C.S. Reinhart 
BERKELEY: SuDEPARTURES « 6 sue ce\ Dale ee 
VitwoIN Pais KILDS.. 07) 400 ee eA PVN 

From a sketch made for this work. 

NEADLOP. THE: CARTER RTS. 7:0) oe eee ee ee 

View oF Newark, NEw Jersey. . A. R. Waud.. 
From a sketch made for this work. 

MEETING OF THE CONNECTICUT AND 

New York Commissioners . . . White .. . 
MoutH oF MAMARONECK CREEK. . Vanderhoof . 

From a sketch made for this work. 

INAUGURATION OF THE First ENGLISH 

MunicrepAL GOVERNMENT AT THE 

Sra har bere se SEP Ae ce ok a tee 
ARREST OF CHAZY’s MuRDERER . . C.S. Reinhart 
SUBMISSION OF THE Monawks. . . Cary... . 
DEPARTURE OF Nicotts .. . . . Beech. . 
O.tp House 1n New YORK, BUILT 

L668 9-6, ich ela ey. She Se le ae «As 


. 


. 


Engraver. 
Bogert, pbs 
OES Tak eas 


INICDOLE 99 sa 
Meeder & Chubb 


Juengling. . . 


Bookhout Bros. 


Vere ve wo cua 
MeCracken . . 
ATION Vee. 


Winham. . . 
Anthony. . . 
Weardellns 4. 
ATthOU ys ase 


Clemeat 2... 


Juengling. . . 


Warley tooo. 


Juengling . . 
arate a eee oe: 
Baker.) a) ta 


Bookhout Bros. 
McCracken. . 


Clement ..4.. « 
Meeder & Chubb 


Karty, we 
Smithwick & Fr. 
Laneridge . . 


Bogert. i). sss 


281 


283 


287 
289 


293 
295 


297 


299 
300 
305 
309 


329 
333 
335 


. 337 


5339 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XXV 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 
DEW ORSWALE STREET «9% 3: . Watren.-../;. .. Winham. . .°.'840 


From a photograph. 
Ae BOWLING, GREEN @! 4 “4ae Gs a OPereeae )ieae  AVVLDEAM@ 31. oo) ee oa 
From a_ photograph. 


HermGatin ae «a F . 343 
From an old Dutch print. 

DiGRNInGaw Him) OTHOecs a siti Meelkapposs purekemeereuengline. » 1) ..845 

Loe UT CHm ITA TUM). as ast eee Wald. puopeir . . 3°; 849 

OrpeHouse HOUTHOUD, Ly ls oe -. it Wieetihichardsonres “1. O05 


From a sketch. 
STUYVESANT’S TOMB ome fd ee 


ABANDONMENT OF OLD CHARLESTOWN Kappes. . . . Hellaway. . . . 356 


ANe INDIAN SENTRINTO LAVERY Steen Cary 5.5.4... AuBogert.: 2 357 
PIRATES IN CHARLESTON . . =) . . C.S. Keinhart . Henry Marsh . . 361 


BURNING OF THE SPANISH GALLEY. A. R. Waud ...E. Bookhout . . 363 
SoTHELL AND HIS FOLLOWERS SEIZING 
THE SOUTH CAROLINA GOVERNMENT Kappes... .Juengling . . . 366 


ACQUITTAL OF THE BUCCANEERS’. . Hredericks. . : Bobbett .. . . 368 
AC SRORIN AS ILICE-FIEL Deu. tein A ike, WV alld sans heck s) Davis 71... 369 
PeRCHDA LEGA DDRESS 6.01 oon tae ree Pregencks p.y. .,bobbett.-. -2.-.4,-871 
SiC MA LUn Tiree OH Nie AEC TDA LE mae eer eer. eo Ou ec dacs Peh Mice! le 1 an fede eso Bl D 


From a fac-simile in Hawks’s ‘+ North Carolina.”’ 
ACRE LIZ AIT ae wee es te ere ea a emer nwt we ANOTGW: ty. [ok ty) OTL 
From a sketch made for this volume. 
Fac-sSIMILE FROM THE MASSACHU- 
Sia se AR THUW MEM Mp slg ce eae rte st asi Cee rere! eres ek yt os 876, S77 
Fac-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF 
Pig iee ND eANE DIEU Mee Se enol SPAT east tty bias Wah tt vel ee 2878 
From the copy in the library of Harvard University 
REGICIDE’s CAVE, NEAR New HAVEN... .. . . Smithwick & Fr. . 379 
From a photograph. 


PORTRAIT. OF SIMON BRADSTREET. . Runge.... . . Dalziel . . : «. 380 
From a print in the collections of the Mass. Genealogical 
- Society 

THe Crapock House at MEpFOoRD, 
BUI eABO UT GS 0t ee eS sp Andrew’ ©. 4). 6 882 


Pini LER URG OINGHEm Tin, Ls Fe ve) et, ue. os ears» .s* « (885,886 

From prints in the collections of the Mass. Antiquarian So- 
ciety. 

LORTRAITSOU RS IE eUDMUNDTANDROS .s. 9s tess, cas Bross.) s 4. 1s 1). 388 
From the Andros Tracts. 

ViEW oF THE Harpor oF CasTINE .’Warren. . . . Gray... . . 390 
From a photograph. 

SECURING THE CONNECTICUT CHARTER. A. R. Waud . . Varley. . . . . 391 


XXVl LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 
Tir CHARTER Q4ak’. .. .. .. 4 wees sre aati 1h aes 
From a painting made for the late ae W. Stuart, Hartford. 
GOVERNOR ANDROS’S ATTEMPT AT 
HsGare. . 2... +. >. . . C..S. Reinhart)’< Smithwickteo brea 
PorRTRAIT oF INCREASE MatTHER . . A. Lawrie. . . Nichols ... . 396 
From a painting in the same collection. 
PHIPS RAISING THE SPANISH TREAS- * 
Ghia 2 oo ~ Beet. « Holl 2. (ALR. Wand. ae Wurcbach aie eo 
‘Box IN WHICH THE CONNECTICUT 
CHARTER WAR REPT oN. @ a* a sd (el ee ee 
Mount Hope ....... . . Warren. . . . Meeder & Chubb . 401 
From a photograph. 
GBAVE<OMTUNGAS, 2... . .. ¥.).)Hosier .44° se emenaiiiee ae eee 
From a sketch. 
eerie s CHATR 4-4 5. Joh ate ee RO ee es eee 
Now in the Museum of the shee Institute, Salem, Mass. 
Puitie’s Seat At Mount Horse . . A. R. Waud. . Bogert. . . . . 406 
From a sketch. , 
BLACKSTONE’s Stupy Hin . . . . Hosier . . . . Smithwick & Fr. . 407 
Irom a sketch made for this volume. 
DUACRETONE 5 WGHAVE os ci. Vl os we i c) SB ie. - . 408 
Gorer at Haprny™; . . -. “44 ) aud. BioWandjeea hone ea 
THe.AmsBusH at Broopy Brook. . Cary. . ... . Baker 9. . 3.) . 411 
THe MonuMrenr AT BLoopy BRooK. . « *# « s0) » AMOR Ween O oun’ 
From a photograph. ‘ 
ATTACK ON THE NARRAGANSETT Fort. Cary. . . . . Harley .. . . 418 
(TURNER'S FALIS .. 0 6 « « « « «4° « A) qe eee ee 
iat OF THE SQUAW SACHEM Mac- 
NUS SEROBT «244. eo ettee') \Gibsén\.. seed be Dame een eee ale 
BHUROUH SWORD) Cl. )s ss seg] | ee eee 
In the collection of the Essex Institute. 
Reins or CHourncn es House. ware. . ce ede Awe sae Pea 
From a photograph in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s 
Collection. 
Portsmoutn Harsor, N. H. . . . Hosier. . . . McCracken. . . 419° 
From a sketch made for this volume. 
CHAMPERNOON’S CAIRN .... . OF te a ces ee ATE LE ean ee ae 
From a photograph made for this volume. 
BYR yoo eee es > a! ow) fF Key 0) dae, ‘ MT ar 
From a sketch made for this volume. 
ERS eer eer at ake ee Oe Pi ag 66 vt ieee 
From a sketch made for this volume. : : 
SIGNATURE OF Rev. JOHN WHEEL- 
WHiGht & (eee e Soe (9G GE er OR Va Neo ae ee eee 
From a fac-simile in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc. 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XXVI1l 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 
Tue Sunpay Inspection oF Taverns. Kappes. . . . Hellaway. . . 
(PAR Shh Ss OM LO HOA Lo ietn rh beers? Alive +h ts, woe A NLGW sr vee 425 
From a sketch made for this volume. 
SIGNATURE OF RoBErT [Turron] Ma- 


SON. e A . e ° ° . . . . . ° . ° . ° ° . ° ° ry . . . ° 429 
From letters in the Massachusetts Archives. 
THe SHERMYF RESISTED. ..,. ; . .C.S. Reinhart . Smithwick & Fr. . 430 


Tur ASSAULT ON Mason AND BARE- 
BOO fae eer es 2 te) ern HM rOderiGKd hms Sbobbettices ot a0 M82 


LC MA THs sk O MOLING UISHE Ri isn ei ecm lair res as Maleate HLM petit oy 433 


From a letter in the Mass. Archives. 

SIGN A DU DELO Mavi AM Wl ARURTD Gs witeah coud lst 0) igs th Mie Biedrace ards, Se be 4OO 
From a letter in the Mass. Archives. 

SIGNATURE ORC OAMUEIOAA LLEN Somes tn Vel VOM sls Riemiletice te Ugsove Yl ianis 404 
From a letter in the Mass. Archives. 

STUMA TU BH ORM VLATOR SV ALDRONGse cghte 1 ¢ slu et je TAs gtibe Meteo G6 485 
From a letter in the Mass. Archives. ; 

View on LAKE WINNIPISEOGEE ..Key. ... . Andrew... . 436 
From a sketch made for this volume. 

THE SAILORS’S UPSETTING SQUANDO’S 
ON OME et ee Pe niet gli AT VVIIS Sy ceive Cracken lef p,) 41438 

Watpron’s SHam Figut. ..... a = widianoridoe 5.) *. 

ye ee Noe Lee ee min eos tare et 1A OV Nabe ieee wi basi drew logis ist ante 442 
From a photograph. 

ELIZABETH HEARD AND THE INDIAN . Cary. . . . .Juengling. . . . 446 


~ 
te 
SS, 


BY Se oRACH, “LUOKINGY WEST 4)... 1Ghin.e «6 Seiya bse MANGE W sels) cci448 
From a photograph. 

NVELGHE cal hmm ee wie ieyeiien eV) ALreli ys) sr blellawayiwls,© sow 450 
From a sketch made for this volume. 

GENERAL VIEW OF SALEM, Mass. . . Aviators Clementrawie: S81-41404 
From a photograph. 

PorrRait- or Corron Matuer. . . A. Lawrie . .%. Anthony»: «.1°. 456 
From the painting in the Rooms of the Massachusetts His- 

torical Society. 


TITUBASANDSTHE GHILDREN |... . . Fredericks .°. Winhamo ss «v2 457 
TRIAL OF GILES CorEY.. . . «. .C.S. Reinhart. Smithwick & Fr. . 459 
PORTRATTEORLOALTONGTALIN  .) ft Wilke. 9a. 2 SaNicholsenss 3.) .nal460 


From a portrait in the Mass. Historical Society’s Rooms. 

FORTRAIT OF LIBUT..GOV. STOUGHTON...) .1. x... Andreweli &.\ swe 461 
From the painting in Memorial Hall, Harvard University. 

SHERIFF’S RETURN oF BripGet BIsH- 
OPS LL. XHCUTIONG Ms as Ney SEITE 6 oe eco oy, MMA BOOKHOUt Bross. 4/462 
Fac-simile from the original document preserved at Salem. 

CAPTAIN ALDEN DENOUNCED .. . . Fredericks . . Bobbett . . . . 463 


XXVIll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. 
Portrait oF Cuier Justice Sewacu. Will . . . . Nichols . . 
From a print in the ‘* Mass. Hist. and Genealogical Register.” 


SUSANNAH TRIMMINGS AND GOODWIFE 


WALPORD) 4.2 4°. 4 se. s.. C.‘S. Beinhart. Smithwickian by, 


BurRROUGHS AND THE SHERIFFS. . . A. R. Waud . Anthony. . 
66 


ENTRANCE TO BARNEGAT INLET. . . @ Gay avis 
From a sketch. 


SEAL oF East JERSEY .. . . =. . Runge. . . . Bookhout Bros. 


From Whitehead’s *‘ East Jersey.’’ 

BURLINGTON, New JERSEY. . . ... Warren... .-. Winham. . 
I’rom a sketch made for this volume. 

ARREST OF CARTERET: « « . . « « @.\S. Reinhart. Dalziel. 2 

WANGTICOAD, WSSEX 5/5. 5. . "s) .) Cary: oo ho eeioasrena me 
I’rom a print in Sartain’s Magazine. 

THe Trrat or Wittiam Penn . ..A.R.Waud = . Anthony. . 


CHESTER, PENNSYLVANIA. . . . . . a . Langridge . 
Irom a sketch. 
PENN’s ADDRESS AT NEWCASTLE . . ee . Hellaway . 


Gerri CoOTraGce. . .. . « «.. Vanderlioof. ~ Bookhout.Gros: 


From a Heliotype in Etting’s ‘* Independence Hall.” 

Tue Treaty Grounp, with THE OLD 
LLM STILL STANDING... + °.*. . Warren’).?.. paeaDalziclagean, 
From a print in Sartain’s Magazine. 

THE Treaty Monument At KEnNsING- 


TON Wecces ieee soe we Oe ete ARs Waudreabookpolmbene 


From a sketch made for this volume. 

O_p PENN Mansion, PHILADELPHIA . Hosier. . . . Eastmead . 
From a sketch. 

OMEN UNV AM PUM GE Se 25 2Fe2 eagle fot lan ce - oF O« sO AStOAs ae 
In the Pennsylvania Historical Society’s Collection at Phila- 

delphia. 

LOT EM ONT CLI PHONGE: V0 <2 cks te wo .. 4s 4 Oe oe 
From La Hontan. 

IsLAND OF Mackinac. . ... . « A. R. Waud. Varley . . 
From a sketch. 

SBow ea Sey Otel OE Se eo on ee eee | koe rk | 
From La Hontan. 

CET HAD Sear Os ie Cy RR tral de ye ee tee ee al a igs ni eM ge 
From La Hontan. 

SYGMAT Ui te a OL Tet) eee a cs cane A) hs OY Ca ee 
From Shea’s ** Charlevoiz.’’ 

Virw on THE Fox River. ... . . Runge .. . E. Bookhout 
From a photograph. | 

THE. WiLp Brow, .°. »- oe * 4.) 6CWWarren « +» Smithwick & 


Fr. 


. 493 


. 502 


. 508 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. 
MARQUETTE’S RECEPTION BY THE IL- 


DUN O15 eee ee gt eee Poesy He Dayardaeays ildibrand 


LOPE MPORCEHPaLELINOIS; ar Werd ff) Geet Wee Me, iy’, eS 
From La Hontan. 

MOUTH OPatHRAOHIOm sed sacs... A... eWaud -. 
From a sketch. 

Siro UX rl eee ose Por coe Soe es Oe gests eh es 
From Catlin. 

Sign UU RL 0 PECL ONT Ys ciel 10. Con aus. ves syae oe eae Peed ir 
From Shea’s “ Charlevoix.” 


Sling OFC HICAGO am oh) sul sh gene Meee mie ria his 
From the Illinois Historical Society’s print from an old 
sketch. 


WISCONSIN INDIANS GATHERING WILD 
CCC mae aneN) soet sack 7 usenet VV AITCI) 2 p< 
After Schoolcraft. 

PGUTRATICOPPLOUISUN LVo ce beeen sc) Poh iuecm| vad, 38 hs 
Irom Guizot’s History. 

PAA LEE SIAN DING INvn LH XA Rete ten? Se eienl a ae acl aber ge 
Reduced fac: simile from the plate in Hennepin’s “ Voyages. 

DIGNA TURE ORUDEAUSIU: Gir yerrstibss tor) Ym ERGe Cu ps 
From Shea’s ** Charlevoix.” 

BIGNATCHHSOMBOA VEU ID leer, arts.) 196 cae ce) okeeee Ns 
From Shea’s ** Charlevoix.” 

SIGCNATURESOFL Lm MOYNEY PD IHER VILLE 4 os, Coe ieas 
From Shea’s ** Charlevoix.” 

PORTRAIT AND SIGNATURE OF BIEN- 
VAL Lo Cine en ES Ce EMG ey Poa cls Seah EPSey ct NY cola «ns 
From the print in Shea’s ** Charlevoix.” 

TNID GAN SPIN AS, (ANG Eegue g cekl Goce een tes apoE ative 
Fac-simile from La Hontan. 


oP) 


Engraver. 


Clement. 


Clement. 


1s 
Page. 


» 005 
- 506 


: 007 


etc 


- oll 


-012 


Smithwick & Fr.. 514 


Langridge 


Meeder 


ten nati Or OM Ne UA Wale ote eae ee oe a ea ees  Alikens 


From Guizot’s History. 

eel ECENIN ORD WANS = gieuscss: Aeeet are os eo a Aes 
From Guizot’s History. 

Fac-siMILE OF A Bank NOTE ISSUED 


BY LAW ° ry ° ry . ° ° ~ ° ° ry ° ry ° ° ° ° 
From Guizot. ye 
NEW ORTHANSEIN@ Li ROB ck. yo etikee Be te OS ra 


From an olil map reprinted in Thomassy’s ‘‘ Géologie de la 
Louisiane.”’ 
A CARICATURE OF THE TIME OF Law’s 
MISSIESIPERAOCHEME oule® tung ce... Runge.’ 


From a collection of contemporary prints in the Astor Li- 


brary, New York. 


66 


. 515 


& Chubb. 518 


Aikens . 


Langridge . 


. 019 


- 520 


» 026 


. 534 


XXX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Title. Designer. Engraver. 
ARMS OF THE WESTERN COMPANY. ... . . . . Wardell. . . 
From the same collection. 
VIEW ON THE ARKANSAS RivER ... A.R.Waud =. Winham . . 


THE Itex CassinE (YAUPAN) . . . Warren... Smithwick & Fr.. 


Tue Mississippr1 AT NATCHEZ . .. A. R. Waud . Hitchcock. . 
From a sketch. 

CHOPART AND THE INDIAN Envoys . Cary . . . . Langridge. . 

CosTUMES OF FRENCH SOLDIERY 
EARLY IN THE 18TH CENTURY. . . A R. Waud. . Langridge. . 

BIENVILLE’S ARMY ON THE RIVER . i. . » McCracken. 

PURTERATT: OF SiO UTSY AAV. i ee «os a via Se Ce ce ee CTO ee 
From Guizot. 

COINS sTRUCK IN FRANCE FOR THE 
UOGLONINS 44) Ble a ee ee ee” Re Pee cee ter ree 
From Prime’s Coins. 

LHe OLtp Fort ar St.-AuUGUsSTINe, .°. . f. % 3 oe 
From a photograph. 

GENERAL VIEW OF ST. AUGUSTINE... Schell . . . . Anthony . . 
From a photograph. 

PENSACOLA, FLA, o “oeisia ss Is Butlin Be Gore ene ee 
Irom a photograph. 

O_tp GATE AT St. AUGUSTINE... Vanderhoof . . Meeder & Chubb 
From a photograph. 

PORTRAIT. OF \CORTEZ % ss ch. Will) %) .  eigeabrgss ees 
From a plate by Virtue after a painting by Titian. 

A PUEBLO 3. 1) de be a ee RG sD re ene 
From Cozzens. 

PoRTRArr of Sim) Frawors. DRAKE‘. (6 J. 7 toe oh DNigola eee 
From Lodge’s portraits. 

DRAKE AND THE INDIAN Kina... Cary . . . . Smithwick & Fr. 

CALIFORNIA INDIANS AND THEIR SUM- . .... « 
MER +Hors). Wess, <.-". oh. «. es Beech... 3s. ane lemencmane ane 
From Bartlett’s ‘* Personal Narrative.’’ 

Daake’s DEPARTURE «. -.t«. +. 3) Gare 2 i. . os enV arleRe Sei 

SpanisH Coat or ARMS ON THE St. 
AuGuSTINE FoRT . . 5 4...) « 2. @e Ceyeee ae ee ee 
From Fairbanks’ ** St. Augustine.”’ 

THe OrGan Mountains, NEAR EL 
BABO}, 551 BRO a ot y's +s ve BOCCiy Mee ay ioe tek arley inne 
From Bartlett's ‘* Personal Narrative.’’ 

AUDOMAs) («Us oan os aoe oo pT Moranve * 4 Me Gracieeuueeee 
From a print. 

INSORIETION SROCIE ted oles 0 i BOR TUS de hwnd oe Bogert y 
From the sketch in Bartlett. 


556 


558 


563 


565 


568 


570 


572 


573 


581 


584 


LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS. XXXi 


Title. Designer. Engraver. Page. 

NGAPULCO Me hgh soe) 1g fee Viatrel@nme say Lorert) sil ows ahd86 
From a print. 

PortTRAIT OF Puiuip II]. or Spain. . A. Lawrie . . Nichols . . . . 587 


From an old print. 

ee ids Lone INDIANS See mumesnto ele Voraneae 9.) Gray rébiy sh. 589 

PN ODAC OLN CT Siar ae Ore meme eer wonie sms te a. VWWINHAN) «4 2) 2-592 
From La Hontan. 

CALIFORNIA INDIANS CATCHING SAL- 
MONS ee Sern ce ON ae ns Fon eV ATICY. beet. (593 
From Bartlett. 

JUNCTION OF THE GILA AND COLO- 
ADO iLy RS eenc un. mer cmm: ee COC iron ses! <6 Vinh ty v5) ¢! 4094 
From Bartlett. 

THe Mission OF SAN XAVIER DEL 
Dice ae eee er en eee ai 2, ac obrichtleys © 4. \o'595 
From a print. 

Portrait oF CHARLEs III. or Spain. A. Lawrie. . . Langridge . . . 597 
From a print after the painting by Velasquez. 

Pig Ome eee, ee eee mee Lew VsOrdiiee wert DORerE) oft.) 4, 599 
From a print. 

SAN ANTONIONALERAS ©. (hese ca) Vanderhoot «. 2). Wardell... 57,2 ©. 600 
From a photograph. 

Toe Yucca Tree or New Mexico .. .. . . Bookhout Bros. . 602 
From Bartlett. 


LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS. 





= : To face 
Title. Page. 

Map oF SouTHERN New ENGLAND AND NEW YORK IN THE SEVEN- 
TEENTH CENTURY . . e ° ° of . ° ° e ry ry ry ° ° ° ° ry ° ° 35 


Nieto PeeCH ie lc Wiehe LAW AR His mran Meets MON as ees re el ee LOS 
Fac-simile from Campanius. 

Pa MeO ueTHESOINGMOrngMwOR DT: CHRIBTINAl Scat, fle) lets le el we res 159 
From Campanius. 

Virree eve THE REAND Mintle item stie tf) Sit. 1 lace.) 6) is See Ye he, 248 
From the Map of Van der Donck. 

MAPA Om CAROLINAS 4 : : REPS eee ahe wae cu DOD 
Fac-simile from the copy of ay . eon of Carolina” “in the possession of 

James Lenox, Esq., New York. 


MARQUETTE’S MAP OF THE MICHIGAN AND WISCONSIN REGION... . 504 
Fac-simile from Thevenot’s copy. 
PLAN OF OGLETHORPE’S ATTACK ON ST. AUGUSTINE pees es reli oO 


From ‘* An Impartial Account of the Late Expedition to St. esi taniats 
London, 1742. 


XXX1l LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS. 


DRAEEA FORT/OF NEW ALBION. i +s 6 ess 
MAP OF THE COAST OF CALITORNIA . 0+ so es 
LIGNE IAAP IOP SURAKE HD CAS 5 Geis heh cela es 
From a copy in the possession of Charles Deane, Esq. 
Map or CALIFORNIA, ARIZONA, AND New MExico . 


571 
576 
O77 


582 







































































THE MURDER OF LA SALLE. 



















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Site of the Great Pequot Fort. 


CiaAh DERI. 


THE PEQUOT WAR. 


HostTiLiviEs BEFORE THE War.—ENpIcOoT?r’s EXPEDITION TO BiocKk Istanp.— Its 
Success. — Inpians OF THE Main LAND ATTACKED. — RETALIATION ON THE ENG- 
LISH PLANTATIONS. — A GENERAL WAR RESOLVED ON.— Mason’s EXPpEpITION. — 
REDUCTION OF THE PEQUOT ForT. — RESULTS OF THE SUMMER’S WORK. — EXTINC- 
TION OF THE PEQUOT TRIBE.— CHARACTER OF THE INDIANS. — RELIGIOUS BELIEF 
AND Moran AND INTELLECTUAL QUALITIES. —INFLUENCE OF THE PEQUOT WAR 
UPON THE GROWTH AND PROSPERITY OF THE NEw ENGLAND COLONIES. 


THE murder of Captain Oldham by the Indians of Block Island 
aroused the most serious alarm throughout the feeble colo- Best 
nies of New England. It seemed to be, in the hight of other the Pe- 
acts of similar atrocity, the final and conclusive evidence of ir ig 
the impossibility of any peace with these savages. ‘They meant, it 
seemed, utterly to destroy the English. There was in the minds of 
most of them hardly the glimmer of a reason for this deadly enmity 
against the white men; but instead of reason was the love of blood ; 
the love of revenging some real or fancied wrong; the love of plun- 
der ; the love of the clash of war with the maddening music of the 
groans of tortured men, the shrieks of women, and the cries of chil- 
dren. The war-whoop, as it rang through the woods, found this quick 
responsive chord in every savage bosom. But the more thoughtful 


VOL. II. 1 


2 THE PEQUOT WAR. (Crap. I. 


among them believed their race stood in the presence of a terrible di- 
lemma: either the intruders must be destroyed or driven to the ships 
that brought them, or they must themselves turn their backs upon the 
beloved land where the bones of their ancestors were buried, where 
to every hill and rock and river clung the most cherished memories, 
tender with romantic legend, reverent with superstition, or fierce with 
inherited hate. Their deepest religious sense was in the love of the 
land where from generation to generation the tribes had lived and 
died, where the children never forgot to add day by day a stone to the 
simple monuments that marked the graves or the deeds of the fathers. 
Who were these pale-faced strangers that they should give up their 
country to them? should look their last upon that glorious sea out of 
which the sun came to light up and warm their hunting-grounds ? 
should hide themselves in the deep shadows of those western forests 
that had no end ? . 

Colonial statesmen were compelled to meet face to face, with such 
wisdom and such strength as they could, this plain and well defined 
Indian question — not yet settled after the lapse of more than two cen- 
turies — could these people be subjugated, and the tribal distinctions, 
which made them distinct nationalities, be obliterated ? Affairs wore 
too stern an aspect for that lamentation to be remembered which the 
good Robinson, twelve years before, had addressed to his Plymouth 
flock: “ Oh! how happy a thing had it been if you had converted 
some before you had killed any.” The problem was simplified, for a 
time at least, to how these heathen could be most easily and most 
effectually killed. 

But milder measures were first exhausted. The murderers of Stone 
and of Oldham were demanded of the Pequots with remuneration for 
property destroyed. The demands were met with evasions, or with 
promises made only to be broken. Savage cunning was more than a 
match for the diplomatic arts of the civilized and wiser white men. 
There was no solution left but force. 

In August, 1636, five small vessels, carrying about a hundred men, 
Endieott's  Sailed from Boston to Block Island; for it was the Indians 
expen of that island who had murdered Oldham and taken his ves- 
i a sel. John Endicott of Salem was in command of the expe- 
dition, and his orders from the magistrates of Boston were that he 
should kill all the men, but should spare the women and _ children, 
The hundred men had four captains beside the commander-in-chief. 
“I would not,” writes one of them — John Underhill, — * have the 
world wonder at the great number of commanders to so few men, but 
know that the Indians’ fight far differs from the Christian practice.” 
And he explains that as the savages divided themselves into small 


1636. ] ENDICOTT’S EXPEDITION TO BLOCK ISLAND. 3 


bodies, so it was necessary to meet them with like detachments, the 
honor of command remaining the same whether given to captains of 
tens or captains of thousands. This Underhill, who showed himself 
at other times a braggart, a bigot, a libertine, little given to shame or 
scruple of any other sort, was sensitive on a point of rank and sol- 
dierly reputation. 

The wind blew hard, and the surf rolled in heavily on the rocky 
shores of Block Island as the expedition approached it. A 
landing was made in spite of a shower of arrows with which 
the Indians attempted to repel the invaders—a futile defence, for 


The attack. 

























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Gov. Endicott landing on Block Island. 


only one Englishman was wounded. Another arrow recoiled harm- 
less from the helmet of Underhill, and would, he writes, have slain 
him, ‘if God in his Providence had not moved the heart of my wife 
to persuade me to carry it along with me, which I was unwilling to 
do.” Whereupon he improves the occasion, after the fashion of the 
time, by these pious and timely reflections: ‘+ Figst, when the hour 
of death is not yet come, you see God useth weak means to keep his 
purpose unviolated ; secondly, let no man despise advice and counsel 
of his wife, though she be a woman.” Not that there was anything 
remarkable in this evidence of how precious the life of John Under- 
hill was in the sight of God, and how important to the success of 
the expedition ; but it was marvellous that God should condescend to 


4 THE PEQUOT WAR. [CHap. I. 


an instrument to do his will so humble and usually so useless as a 
woman. Another inference the captain drew even more distinctly. 
It was the “clamor,” he asserts, that New England men “ usurped 
over their wives ;” but John Underhill had been saved from death 
because a woman’s voice had not been unheeded; and that should 
make an end of this public calumny.! The calumny, perhaps, was 
of Underhill’s own invention to minister to his own vanity, for there 
is no evidence of the existence of any peculiar hardship in the condi- 
tion of the wives of the Puritans. 

The Indians fled into the interior of the island and were followed 

by the English. Two villages were found containing about 
pipes sixty wigwams, some of which seem to have been of the best 
ed class of Indian habitations. Two hundred acres of land 
were under cultivation, and the maize, already partly harvested, was 
piled in heaps to be stored away for winter use. For two days the in- 
vaders sought for the natives without success; but the still standing 
corn, the stacks, the wigwams with their simple furniture of mats and 
baskets, the canoes, they burned to the last fragment.? The desolation 
was complete ; the Indians whom they could not find to kill they left 
to starve. 

The Block Islanders were severely if not wisely punished for the 
murder of Oldham. The Pequots of the mainland were next 
to be dealt with for the earlier murder of Stone. A band of 
three hundred of this tribe Endicott found at the mouth of the Pequot 

River —now the Thames. He asked that Sassacus, the Pequot chief, 
should be brought to him. Either the chief would not, or could not 
come, and Endicott, believing that the Indians were trying to put him 
off with excuses, landed his men. From behind rocks and trees the 
savages shot harmless arrows to hinder their advance ; bullets on the 
other side did better service, for a few of the Indians were killed and 
wounded as they slowly retired before the English. The villages of 
wigwams, which stood probably about where New London now stands, 
were soon reached and burned, but the maize was here too green to 
take fire. 

The expedition was finished by coasting along the Narragansett 
shores, burning wigwams and destroying crops wherever they could 
be found. In less than a month the vessels were at anchor again in 
Boston harbor. ‘ They came all safe,” writes Winthrop, ‘* which was 


Its results. 


1 Newes From America; or A New And Experimental Discoverie of New England, &c. §c. 
By Captaine John Underhill, a Commander in the Warres there. Reprinted in Mass. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., vol. vi., Third Series. 

2 Winthrop’s fistory of New England, Savage’s edition, vol. i., p. 231. Underhill’s 
Newes from America, p. 7. 


1636.] PERILS OF THE SAYBROOK FORT. 5 


a marvellous providence of God, that not a hair fell from the head of 
any of them, nor any sick or feeble persons among them.” What the 
providence of God did for the two or three hundred Indians left on 
Block Island without shelter, or food, or canoes in which to escape a 
lingering death from cold and hunger, he does not tell us; but these 
were not members of Mr. Cotton’s church. That God, however, did 
not permit them all to perish miserably we are assured by later refer- 
ences in contemporaneous narratives to the Indians of Block Island. 
At the mouth of the Connecticut a fort had recently been built, — 
at that point since known as Saybrook, in honor of the eee 
Lords Say and Brook, — and the younger Winthrop had put fort at Say 
in it a garrison of twenty men, under the command of Cap- ee 
tain Lion Gardiner. Gardiner was too good a soldier to rush rashly 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































New London. 















































































































































into fighting, and when Endicott made 




































































the fort his rendezvous, on his return 
from Block Island, he was no welcome 
Sues elem cCUmiNnomw Ob hee Lorcen Wass) a0 ate ek 
writes Gardiner,’ “to my great grief, for, said I, you come hither to 
raise these wasps about my ears, and then you will take wing and flee 
away.” He had all along counselled a conciliatory policy; he and his 
little garrison of probably less than a hundred persons, including the 
women and children, had all they could do, he said, to fight “ Cap- 
tain Hunger,” and the loss of their corn-field, two miles from the 
fort, might be fatal. ‘ You will keep yourselves safe, as you think, 
in the Bay,” he wrote, ‘‘ but myself with these few, you will leave 
at the stake to be roasted, or for hunger to be starved.” 

He was right. Winthrop hailed Endicott’s return as ‘“*a marvellous 
Providence of God,” but it was, said Gardiner, the beginning of war 


1 Gardiner’s Pequot Warres, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Third Series, vol. iii. 



































6 | | THE PEQUOT WAR. (Cnap. I. 


to the isolated garrison at his fort, and the feeble colonies on the 
‘onnecticut. The Block Islanders, perhaps, were incapable of further 
mischief for a time, but on the mainland the natives were aroused to 
exasperation and revenge, not reduced to submission. ‘They watched 
for opportunities to waylay the English, to come upon them at unex- 
pected times and places, resorting to all the stratagems and cunning 
so well understood at a later period as the peculiar characteristic of 
the North American Indian. A portion of Gardiner’s corn only was 
saved, and that at the expense of the lives of some of his men; to cut 
and bring in the hay from the neighboring meadows cost him still 
more. The fort was beleaguered by a foe always present, and always 
unseen, till he made himself known and felt by some sudden attack ; 
to go beyond the defences for work or for sport, to bring in timber or 
to seek for game, could be done only at peril of hfe or limb. Hos- 
tilities extended to all the settlements. ‘* We are Pequits,” said the 
Indians, in their usual boastful spirit, ‘¢and have killed Englishmen, 
and can kill them as mosquetoes, and we will go to Conectecott and 
kill men, women, and children, and we will take away the horses, cows 
and hogs.” 1 They were as good as their word. 

Agawam (Springfield), where William Pynchon had planted his 
colony, was threatened, and thought, at one time, to be de- 
atGaeiae stroyed. Hartford and Windsor were in constant fear of at- 
ns tack. Cattle were killed or stolen; each settlement was a 
‘amp; to wander far from home was at the risk of immediate death, 
or captivity and death by torture; labor on week-days was, for the 
most part, suspended, and on Sundays the men sat with arms in their 
hands, their attention divided between the expounding of the Word by 
the preacher and listening for the war-whoop of an approaching enemy. 
Wethersnelad “t Wethersfield a band suddenly fell upon a party of work- 
attacked. men in the fields, killed nine of them, men, women, and 
children, and carried away two girls as captives. On their way down 
the river, as they passed the fort at Saybrook, the Indians raised a 
mast upon the canoe which carried the prisoners, hoisting in derision 
as sails the shirts and petticoats of the men and women they had 
murdered. A chance shot from the fort struck the canoe, where the 
captives lay weeping in the bottom of the boat, but fortunately with 
little damage. The girls themselves seem not to have been badly 
treated by the savages; and they were afterwards redeemed by the 
Dutch, who enticed some Pequots on board their vessel and holding 
them as hostages threatened to drop them into the open sea unless 
their demand for the surrender of the prisoners was instantly com- 
pled with. But it was a case of special mercy ; other prisoners were 
tortured and mutilated in the most cruel manner. 


1 Gardiner’s Pequot Warres. 


1636. | ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE PEQUOTS. re 


The very existence of the Colonies was, no doubt, seriously threat- 
ened. ‘The different Indian tribes which surrounded them could, if 
they would act in harmony, bring into the field many more warriors 
than there were English in the country, and it was by no means im- 
possible that they might, by a concerted movement, exterminate the 
strangers. Roger Williams was quick to discern this danger, 
and did more than any other one man to avert it. He Williams’ 
was so well known to, and in such friendly relations with ie si 
the Indians, that he exercised much influence over them. They may 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The Captive Maidens. 


even have understood that one cause of his banishment from the Bay 
of Massachusetts was that he had maintained their rightful title to 
the country as against all comers, to keep or to sell it as they pleased, 
and this would specially secure for him their love and reverence. 
Writing many years afterwards of this time, he said, “J had my 
share of service to the whole land in that Pequod business, . . . . the 
Lord helped me immediately to put my life into my hand, and scarce 
acquainting my wife, to ship myself, all alone, in a poor canoe, and to 
cut through a stormy wind, with great seas, every minute in hazard 
of life, to the sachem’s house. Three days and nights my business 
forced me to lodge and mix with the bloody Pequod ambassadors 


5 THE PEQUOT WAR. [Cuap. I. 


whose hands and arms, methought, reeked with the blood of my 
countrymen, murdered and massacred by them on Connecticut River, 
and from whom I could not but nightly look for their bloody knives 
at my own throat also.” ! 

Of the progress of these negotiations Governor Winthrop and his 
associates were kept carefully advised ; nor did they disdain to accept 
aid from.the man they had not long before driven out from among 
them because of some possibly extravagant, but certainly harmless, 
abstract opinions, But amid the din of arms, or even the fear of it, 
bigotry as well as law is silent. The early Puritans were never 























Roger Williams going to the Sachem’s House. 


lacking in the soundest common sense when common sense best served 
their purpose. They could accept in time of danger welcome and 
invaluable aid from one whose sentence of banishment from Massa- 
chusetts they never, through his long and useful life, had the mag- 
nanimity to revoke. 

It was these efforts of Mr. Williams that, more than anything else, 
secured those friendly relations with the Narragansetts which at this 
period were of the utmost importance to the colonies. This tribe 
and the Pequots were already enemies, but there was good reason for’ 
apprehending that a common peril might unite them against a com- 
mon enemy. ‘The true policy of the English was to widen the breach 


* Letter to Major Mason, 1670. Mass. Hist Coll., First Series, vol. i. Publications of The 
Narragansett Club, vol. ii. 


1637.] CAPTAIN MASON’S EXPEDITION. 9 


between them if peace could not be secured with both. The Pe- 
quots were implacable after Endicott’s expedition to Block ys: 
Island and along the Narragansett coast, but Williams per- Pel’y- 
suaded the Narragansett chiefs, Canonicus, an old man equally morose 
and savage, he says — morosus eque ac barbarus senex,— and Mian- 
tonomo, who “ kept his barbarous court lately at my house,” to join 
their forces with the English in a war upon their rivals. Of a prelim- 
inary expedition, proposed by Miantonomo to destroy the crops of 
the Pequots, Williams wrote to Winthrop: “If they speed it will 
weaken the enemy and distress them, being put by their hopes: as 
also much enrage the Pequots forever against them, a thing much 
desirable.” * | 

The Massachusetts General Court, at their meeting in May, decided 
to come to the aid of the sorely distressed and harassed plantations 
of Connecticut, as well as to avert a danger that threatened all alike. 
It was a common peril, and the Bay called upon Plymouth for aid. 
But Plymouth held back. She had her grievances against the Massa- 
chusetts government, who had refused to help her against the French 
when, two years before, they had captured the Plymouth trading- 
house on the Penobscot; who had encouraged these marauding French- 
men, on the Kennebeck, by selling them guns and provisions ; and 
who had upheld the Dorchester people in taking possession of the 
lands at Windsor which Plymouth claimed as hers by right of first 
settlement.” 

Massachusetts and Plymouth could take time for debate ; no enemy 
lay concealed in the long grass about their doorways, or watched in 
the edges of the forest for the scalps of fathers and sons who should 
venture out to labor in the fields. But the plantations on the Con- 
necticut stood face to face with the constant terror of sud- 

. Capt. John 
den death. In May a force of ninety men, forty-two from Mason's ex- 
Hartford, thirty from Windsor, and eighteen from Wethers- eae 
field, commanded by Captain John Mason, an experienced and able 
soldier, sailed from Hartford for Saybrook Fort.® 

A body of Indians, under the Mohegan chief, Uncas, joined them at 
this point, but the English were not quite sure that they would not 
prove treacherous. The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford was chaplain of 
the expedition, and he spent the night of their arrival at Gardiner’s 
fort in prayer for their success, and especially that God would vouch- 

1 Letter to Vane or Winthrop, Mass. Hist. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. vi. Narragansett Club 
Publications, vol. vi. 

2 Savage’s Winthrop, vol. i., p. 260. Bradford’s [istory of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 352 
et seq. 


8 Colonial Lecords of Connecticut. Mason’s Brief History of the Pequot War, Mass. Hist. 
Coll., Second Series, vol. viii. 


10 THE PEQUOT WAR. [Cuap. I. 


safe to give them some token of the fidelity of these Indian allies. 
But their fidelity was already proved in a fight with a band of Pequots 
which Gardiner had ordered them to attack. Underhill had over- 
heard the pious supplication of the chaplain, and ‘‘ immediately,” he 
says, ‘myself stepping up, told him that God had answered his de- 
sire, and that I had brought him this news, that those Indians had 
brought in five Pequots’ heads, one prisoner, and wounded one mor- 
tally ; which did much encourage the hearts of all and replenished 
them exceedingly, and gave them all occasion to rejoice and be 
thankful to God.” And, indeed, if that kind of answer was looked 



















































































































































































































































































































































































SSS SSS 


Site of the Narragansett Fort at Fort Neck. 


for, five such bloody tokens were significant enough. Nor is it much 
to be wondered at that the prisoner, whose head unfortunately was 
left upon his shoulders, was lashed to a post and torn limb from 
limb with ropes, by the mere brute force of twenty Englishmen.! It 
was a deed as unwise as it was cruel, if only meant as a retaliation of 
the torture of English prisoners, but defensible as the punishment of 
those whom God had declared his enemies. Some of the wisest and 
best among the New England Puritans held that as certainly as they 
were the special care of Heaven, so, as unquestionably, the Indians 
were the children of the devil. And this particular Indian, God had 

* Savage’s Winthrop, vol. i., p. 266. Trumbull, History of Connecticut, says that this In- 


dian suffered torture and death from Uneas and his men. Vincent, History of the Pequot 
War, agrees with Winthrop. 


1637.] CAPTAIN MASON’S EXPEDITION. 11 


delivered alive into their hands in answer to prayer. Was it not that 
he might be tortured ? 

The General Court at Hartford had ordered Mason to land at the 
mouth of Pequot (the Thames) River, and invade the Pequot country 
at the nearest point from the sea. But Mason was too good a soldier 
to attack in front, where he knew he was expected and eee 
watched for, an enemy much superior in numbers to his own ‘sy: 
command. Other officers hesitated to disobey positive orders, and this 
question also was left to be decided by an answer to Mr. Stone’s 
prayers. The Lord, 
Mr. Stone believed, 
approved of the plan 
proposed by Mason, 
as decidedly as He 
had pronounced on 
the point of the 
faithfulness of the 
Mohegans and Nar- 
ragansetts. Eim- 
barking his force 
again, taking twenty 
Massachusetts men 
led by Underhill in 
place of a hke num- 
ber of the least effi- 
cient he had brought 
from Hartford, Ma- 
son left the river and 
bore away for Nar- 
ragansett Bay. It 
looked like a retreat. 
The anxious Pe- 
quots along the coast 
watched the reced- 
ing vessels, and, 
when they were no 
longer in sight, re- 4 
tired, relieved from a sense of danger, to their villages, to exult at the 
cowardice of the enemy and their own bravery and good fortune. 

But Mason came to anchor toward evening of the next day some- 
where at the entrance, probably, of Narragansett Bay.! For two days 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Porter’s Rocks, 


Precisely where he came to anchor is mere conjecture. Mason and Underhill both say 
in their narratives that they sailed for and landed in Narragansett Bay. A heavy sea, con- 


12 THE PEQUOT WAR. [Cuap. I. 


a heavy surf prevented a landing, but on the second evening the 
He lands at Whole force went ashore and, the next day, marched to a fort 
meentance of the Narragansetts, about eighteen or twenty miles distant 
sett Bay. on the Pequot frontier.1 

Here an interview was had with Canonicus and Miantonomo, who, 
while they renewed their promises to be faithful allies to the Eng- 
lish, were cold and distrustful, doubting if so small a body seriously 
intended, or were able, to cope successfully with the formidable Pe- 
quots. Mason, on the other hand, had so little faith in the word of 
the savages that he surrounded their fort with a guard during the 
night, lest they should betray his approach to the enemy. 

The next day the little army, followed by several hundred of the 
March into Lndians, who still held back in fear and doubt, made a painful 
the country. march through the woods, exhausted by fatigue and thirst 
and heat, —it was the 25th of May,—forded the Paweatuck River, 
and encamped at night at a spot now known as Porter’s Rocks, at 
the head of the Mystic River, in the present town of Stonington. 
The principal Pequot fort, which was rather a large Indian village 
surrounded with palisades than a fort, was two miles beyond upon a 
hill. It was crowded with men, women, and children; and till late 
into the night the sentinels could hear the sound of song and laugh- 
ter, as, unconscious of the peril that lurked so near, they boasted that. 
the English had fled without daring to strike a blow even to revenge 
the death of thirty of their people whose scalps hung in Pequot wig- 
wams. 

At break of day, when deep sleep had covered the Indian camp, 
ee Mason aroused his men. Guided by Uncas, the Mohegan 
_ the Pequot chief, and Wequash, a petty Pequot sackem who had de- 

serted his tribe, they were led within a rod of the palisaded 
village. Silently and cautiously they completely surrounded it, the 
Indian allies forming another circle in the rear. So profound was the 
sleep of the garrison that the first warning was given by the bark of a 
dog, when a Pequot, springing to his feet, shouted ‘* Owanux! Owa- 
nux !”’ —* Englishmen! Englishmen!” 

There were two entrances to the village, at opposite sides; Mason, 
followed by his men, sprang in at one over a barricade of brush 
heaps; Underhill made his way in at the other. The assault was 
irresistible ; the possession complete. Women and children, in the 
ee two days, indicates that the place must have been along the open coast outside the 
JAY. 

1'This fort is supposed to have been ata place now called Fort Neck. (Rhode Island 
Hist. Coll. vol. iii, p. 24.) Mason says in his narrative that it was twelve miles from 


? TCE kK ive ‘or raAG ¢ . . . : . . . 
Paweatuck River. A fort was afterward built on this hill, the ruins of which still re- 
main. 


N BN, VW ( 
WF WP VANS AC 


x , = 
ALA W Ua’ 1 «G 
7, Zieh a AN 


fii" s 















ai} (7 X Vf 
Gh de 
Ae 






as 


.\ di 











a 

i Did A 
if M4 
ti 













rd) 
if 
Qi 


Wht, ~ 













Q@ 
i i oe 
Li 


Midi 

LMU BTR 

= S Uf 

. ee ee Ee, 















ify 


Ly /, 












& ae ites mas! /- “\ 
apie NOTTS ‘TUNIS \\ 
Te 
age ED = 







1 


ws 





















oo yy 
Ny AY siti 
Nea \ 
oH \ Sol R\ 
Se : y NA J) Ss : IS 
AD (a) aN) Va 
r Si 


The feral the tin tan fort or 
New E.\NGLAND ~ 
n of t 


alee ae manner 
Kp! a 


f y) i \ 
CDN 


Pl SY 
ING Sitti Shy 


ENGLAND.” 


NEW 


“NEWES FROM 


FROM 


FAC-SIMILE 


PORT; 


NEeEACK ON THE; PROUOT. 


1637. ] CAPTAIN MASON’S EXPEDITION. 13 


extremity of terror, sought either to hide themselves, like friehtened 
wild creatures, beneath anything that would cover them, or to fly to 
the woods ; the men could only make some feeble show of fight. In 
the dim morning twilight, in the confusion of a sudden awakening, 
in the din of the terrible onslaught, there was little chance of either 
escape or resistance. 

But even guns and swords could not do the work fast enough for 
the impatient and merciless assailants. “ We must burn them!” 
eried Mason. Snatching a brand 
from some smouldering ashes he 
thrust it into the dried branches 
and withered leaves of the wigwams 
and the mats with which they were 
covered; others were quick to fol- 
Jow his example; the flames, as of a 


















































































huge bonfire, sprung into the air and ht up the glow of the coming 
morning. ‘The Indians ran, as Men most dreadfully Amazed,” says 
Mason. ‘¢Indeed such a dreadful Terror did the Almighty let fall 
upon their Spirits, that they would fly from us and run into the very 
Flames where many of them perished.” That the weaker, — the very 
young, the very old, and the women— should escape, was impossible ; 
the stronger, if not driven back to suffocation and torture in the 
smoke and flames of their own homes, could only throw themselves 
desperately upon the swords of the unyielding cirele of steady Eng- 


14 THE PEQUOT WAR. [Cuap. I. 


lishmen, or meet beyond a still more impenetrable circle of their own 
countrymen inexcrable as death and more cruel than fire. 

In a little more than an hour from the first moment of alarm the 
rising sun shone upon the smouldering remnants of seventy wigwams 
and the charred and bleeding bodies of six or seven hundred Indians. 
Of the whole village only seven escaped and seven were taken cap- 
tive. “Thus,” exclaims the exultant captain, “did the Lord judge 
among the Heathen!” Of the English two only were killed and 
about twenty wounded. 

Mason and his men were worn out with the fatigue of a long march 
and the loss of sleep, and their provision and ammunition were well- 
nigh spent. The mouth of Pequot River was the appointed rendezvous 
of the vessels, and the men had yet before them a further march of sey- 
eral miles. At no great distance was another Indian village, whence 
a hundred and fifty of the men had been sent the day before to 
reinforce the garrison that now lay dead upon the hill-side — the 
hundred and fifty dead with the rest. In this village, however, there 
were still three hundred and fifty warriors, and thither the few who 
had escaped from the Mystic fort had carried the news of the massa- 
cre of the larger portion of their tribe. 

Howling with rage and grief these were soon upon the trail of the 
English, whom the treacherous Narragansetts, fearing this very result, 

had already deserted. Uncas and the Mohegans still re- 
et ad mained faithful, and were so far of use that they were in- 
mervessels- duced to render service in carrying the wounded. At least 
a third of Mason’s men were, from wounds and exhaustion, a mere 
burden upon the rest; but the pursuit was successfully repulsed, with 
a good deal of loss to the Indians.2— The vessels arrived at the river’s 
mouth in the course of the day, with a reinforcement of forty men 
from Boston, and Mason and his force, before the night closed in, 
were safe from further attack on board. 

The war, however, was not yet quite finished, even by a slaughter 
aaee trae so disastrous as this. The enmity between the Pequots and 
continued. the other tribes of Massachusetts and Connecticut had grown 
now to a deadly hatred, and there could be no peace between them. 
While hostilities continued among the natives, there was little satety 
for the English ; and they had, perhaps, no alternative but to join 
with one party in the subjugation of the other. At any rate, to hesi- 
tate at such a crisis would be ruin to the infant settlements, and 


1 This is Mason’s account. Underhill says there were about four hundred in the fort 
and only five escaped. 

* Underhill says that he, with thirty men, killed and wounded above a hundred of the 
enemy. 


1637. ] EXTINCTION OF THE PEQUOT TRIBE. 15 


Mason, his force doubled by recruits from the Bay and from Plym- 
outh, under Captain Stoughton, joined with the Narragansetts and 
Mohegans in an active pursuit of the common enemy. 

The summer was spent in skirmishes and ambushes as the Pequots 
were driven through the forests from one hiding-place to another. 
It was the Indians, not the English, who now gave the war its charac- 
ter, and it was as savage and merciless as Indian wars have always 
been. There was little merey shown, however, to prisoners, whether 
the Pequots fell into the hands of the English or of their own coun- 
trymen. To this day the point on Long Island Sound, known as 
Sachem’s Head in Guilford, commemorates the beheading of two 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Sachem’'s Head. 









































































































































Pequot sachems who were spared 
a little while from a batch of pris- 
oners in the hope of their proving 
treacherous to their own people, 
but were executed at this spot 
when proved to be faithful. The 
women and children indeed were not killed, but they were, for the 
most part, while the hostilities continued, sent to the West India 
Islands and sold as slaves. 

In July the miserable remnant of the tribe was surrounded in a 
swamp in the present town of Fairfield. The men fought with the 
courage of despair, and sixty or seventy succeeded in forcing their 
way through the ranks of their assailants; but about two hundred 
were captured. Henceforth those who were free were |... 
hunted like wild beasts by the other Indians, and_ their bos eis 
heads were brought almost daily into Windsor and Hartford, 
till in their extremity they prayed to the English for protection to 




























































































































































































16 THE PEQUOT WAR. [Cuap. I. 


their miserable lives. They were ready for the last humiliation, 
which, next to absolute extinction, is the most terrible misfortune 
that can befall an Indian. The very name they bore was to be 
obliterated ; they were never more to be known as Pequots, but were 
to be thankful if permitted to live as a part of those tribes which 
they had so lately reproached as cowards and derided as women. 

It was the fate of war. In accordance with that polity universal 
among the North American savages, by which prisoners, whether indi- 
viduals or tribes, were adopted into the families and nationalities of 
their conquerors, rather than condemned to torture and death, the 
surviving Pequots were permitted to become Mohegans or Narragan- 
setts. Upon the English devolved the duty of umpire in this division 
of new subjects; and they assigned, beside the women and children, 
eighty to Uncas, the same number to Miantonomo, and twenty to 
Ninigret, a petty sachem of the Narragansetts. To the savages this 
last act in the destruction of their tribal existence could not but be 
humiliating and distressing; even to the most careless consideration 
it is not wanting in dignity and pathos, notwithstanding we are told 
that Ninigret and his men having killed Edward Pomeroye’s mare, 
were allowed their share of Pequots only on condition that they should 
eive satisfaction for the death of that animal. 

There were still to be accounted for about thirty of the most dreaded 
Thefateof Lequot warriors, who had escaped both death and captivity, 
Peat and fled to the Mohawks in the valley of the Hudson. They 
ae were treacherously murdered by those among whom they 
sought refuge, and the scalps of Sassacus, his brother, and five other 
sachems, were sent to Governor Winthrop, in token of Mohawk fidel- 
ity and friendship. 

Within five months the Pequot war was begun and ended. The 
che English army had at no time, probably, numbered more than 
war and its two hundred men, or not one fourth of a modern regiment. 
ag. To these were added, perhaps, three times as many Indians, 
all active, courageous, and cruel when the enemy was no longer to be 
dreaded ; but most of them treacherous and cowardly, lurking in the 
rear and leaving their allies to bear the brunt of the battle so long as 
success was doubtful. To the sturdy handful of Puritans was due the 
conquest of a tribe which sent to the field more than five times their 
number of warriors to fight for freedom and for life. But the char- 
acter of the war is to be measured rather by its results than its dimen- 
sions, and those were of the last importance to the settlement and 
erowth of New England. 

Whether the native population and the intruders upon the soil could 
not have lived long together in peace and harmony, is not so much the 


1637. | CHARACTER OF THE INDIAN. — i 


question as that they did not. The wisest among the Indians looked 
from the first with the gravest apprehensions upon the coming of the 
white men, and doubted if there was room in the same land for their 
own and another race which lived by the cultivation of the soil and 
the arts of peace. The forest, which it was the first business of the 
white man to destroy, was the Indian’s home and his most precious 
possession. Here only could the wild animals on which he subsisted 
live and flourish, and in its dark recesses and fastnesses only could he 
lie in ambush for the enemy, whose bleeding scalp he longed to hang 
at his girdle. 

He was a beast of prey with some powers of reflection —a tiger with 
the gift of speech,—and a wilderness was necessary to his gyarmcter of 
existence. War was his pastime; the chase his only serions ‘¢ 2. 
occupation. He cultivated to the highest degree the sense of sight and 
of hearing ; he aimed to surpass all other creatures in swiftness of foot ; 
the instinct of the most timid animal was no match for the cunning 
with which the savage could steal silently through the woods, leaving 
no footsteps behind him, or track a beast to his lair, or an enemy to 
his hiding-place, if either had left the most trifling or the dimmest 
evidence of the path he had followed. ‘To acquire these qualities he 
would spare no pains or labor; for these, with a power of endurance 
that shrunk at no extremity of fatigue, of hunger, or of suffering, were 
his virtues and his pride. All work that required only mere manual 
force, and called for the exercise of neither moral nor mental power, 
was beneath him. That he left to his women. They raised his maize, 
cooked his food, earried his burdens, and bore the sons who were to 
grow up into warriors and hunters. He was literally the lord of the 
creation about him; women and all other animals were made to be 
the victims and the slaves of his wants and his passions. ‘To call him- 
self a man was his proudest boast ; no sarcasm was so keen, no re- 
proach so humiliating as to tell his enemy or the coward who had dis- 
graced his tribe that he was only a woman. 

The divinest law he knew was the survival of the fittest ; the fittest 
was he who was the most swift of foot, the keenest of sight and hear- 
ing, the most cruel and unwearied in the pursuit of his enemy, who 
could hang up the most scalps in his wigwam, and if such should be 
the fortune of war, could laugh at torture. The God he most wor- 
shipped was the devil, who he believed, was a bigger Indian than him- 
self, and whose only trail was the thunder and the lightning, the tem- 
pest and the pestilence, and who was never visible. Of a God of love, 
of mercy, and of peace he had little conception, for he recog- p35 petigions 
nized material force as the highest attribute, and the purpose °nyet™s: 
of such force, as he understood and used it, was evil and not good. 


VOur ik D) 





18 THE PEQUOT WAR. (Cuap. I. 


Nature, indeed, was beneficent, for it gave him the forest and the 
streams, the summer’s heat and rains to grow maize and tobacco, the 
deer, the beaver, the women, and other facta and pleasant creatures. 
But. nature, if not independent of a cause, if it was not simply a 
erowth — and on this point his ideas were vague and mythical, — was 
not necessarily under the beneficent government of a supreme being, 
all-wise and all-good ; while a power evil, omnipotent, and omnipres- 
ent, waged a perpetual war with all the kindly forces of nature, per- 
verting and thwarting them, withholding and destroying the fruits of 
the earth, visiting the poor Indian with starvation and pestilence, sor- 
row and death. This terrible being he continually tried to propitiate 
by voluntary sacrifice of whatever was most precious in his own sight; 
for he hoped that there might be, at least, some pity if the devil was 

saved the trouble of Hel puis himself. But he knew he could never 
escape from the dreadful presence that ever surrounded and threatened 
him though he should fly to the uttermost parts of the earth. Release 
could only come when after death he should be welcomed, according 
to his deserts in taking scalps and killing game in this world, to a 
happier land, where peaenee summer eee where the hunting was 
always good, where the maize and the tobacco crops never failed, and 
where the devil could never enter with flood, or fire, or pestilence, to 
make him afraid. 

Not that the Indian was altogether wanting in qualities which are 
supposed to belong more to civilized than savage life. Indeed in some 
of these he rather excelled than otherwise, till the vices of civilization 
crowded them out without planting in their stead any of its virtues. 
As he was a child in knowledge and in judgment, in all things save 
His moray War and hunting, so also he had the simplicity and truthful- 
ness which naturally belong to childhood. Lying, whether 
in word or action, was a stratagem he might lawfully use to deceive 
an enemy, but never to mislead a friend or one really entitled to his 
friendship. If he gave his word, implicit trust might be placed in it, 
as he made no real pretensions to a friendliness he did not feel. To his 
foe only he was merciless, and he scorned to conceal his hatred except 
the more certainly to bring about its gratification. Hypocrisy was 
not among his vices, and he was never anything but what he professed 
to be. When he circumvented an enemy, which he would do if he 
could, it was as an enemy and not as a friend. He respected the 
rights of others as he maintained his own; the person and the prop- 
erty of his neighbor were sacred. His love for his wife and children 
was tender and considerate, though the relation between the sexes was 
almost as loose as that of Sana In the endurance of pain he was 
impassable, and one from whom the extremest torture could extort a 





qualities. 


1637. | INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIAN TEACHING. 19 


sigh or a tremor was mourned for, not because he was dead, but that 
he had ever been born. 

Feeble as the Indians generally were in intellect, there were among 
them men of exceeding shrewdness, of a common sense that ys teectual 
was almost genius, of powers of imagination, expression, and ©™"™¢te 
pathos that make the poet and the orator; and though such men were 
the exceptions, they were voluntarily accepted by their fellows as 
their fitting and natural chiefs. The higher qualities of mind and of 
character were more potent among them than even the arts of their 
priests and the influence of superstition. They were inclined to re- 
vere and confide in those whom they recognized as superiors ; and as 
a childish vacancy of mind and simplicity of character peculiarly be- 
longed to them, so much the more easily could they be led to a higher 
moral and intellectual culture. They had little to unlearn, and they 
received instruction implicitly from the strangers whom at first they 
looked upon as superior beings; but they were much more susceptible 
to example than to precept. 

In such a people there seems to have been good soil on which to 
sow pure Christian seed. It was sowed, or what was meant for it, 
diligently and devotedly, but with small success. Eliot, Gookin, Wil- 
liams, Mayhew, and many others, both clergymen and laymen, were 
glad to devote their lives to the salvation of these heathen. To save 
them was held up as one of the most potent motives for colonization. 
Pious people in England early formed themselves into a society for the 
conversion of so benighted a race, and neither prayers nor money were 
spared in so good a cause. But Christian propagandism was never 
successful among them. ‘The simplicity of the gospel, the beauty of 
a virtuous life, forgiveness of injuries, returning good for evil, the 
duty and wisdom of a cheerful submission to the divine will, were 
doubtless impressed upon them by some of those who strove to lead 
them out of a darkened and savage life. They saw, however, the 
young settlements distracted with questions, a clear understanding of 
which they were also taught was vital to the Christian faith. Their 
untutored minds, trained rather to the observation of things than the 
consideration of ideas, could not easily comprehend the mystery of the 
personal union with the Holy Ghost, or enter into the subtleties of the 
question, — over which all Massachusetts Bay went mad, — whether 
justification came from a covenant of works or a covenant of grace. 

But they could measure the morality of the white men with their 
own; and if the religion of the white men made them no bet- ca neha 
ter, why, the Indians asked, should we accept it? It is not ie 
strange that they should fail to make a distinction between 
theology and religion, which the Puritans themselves either would not 


20 THE PEQUOTF WAR. [Cuap. I. 


or could not always recognize. The white men were far wiser than 
they, and sanctification and justification might be to them matters of 
vast moment; but for themselves they could not see what such ques- 
tions had to do with their being more truthful in speech or more just 
and sober in action than they were already. They may, perhaps, have 
even doubted whether it was worth while to understand these nice dis- 
tinctions which led to the cruel persecution of men, however truthful 
or good, who conscientiously maintained opinions which the majority 
held to be erroneous. ‘They killed their enemies, and so did the Eng- 
lish — killed them, indeed, in much greater numbers than they could 
do; but they never betrayed their friends, never stole from them, 
never cheated them, never punished them except for actual crime 
against the common weal. ‘They had small aptitude for polemics ; 
they could not even conceive that, if theological controversy was the 
best part of Christianity, its blessings were poured upon New Eng- 
land in overflowing abundance. But they never could get beyond the 
narrow application of the doctrine of the sanctification of works, that 
they did as well as they knew how; and they could not understand the 
teaching which was so intent upon what men believed, so compara- 
tively careless as to how they lived. 

Whether the fault was in the method by which the Puritans sought 
to bring the Indians to a knowledge of the true faith, or whether 
these people are by nature incapable of being anything but savages, 
all attempts at their Christianization and civilization were, in the 
main, futile. They had undoubtedly fewer vices and more virtues 
when the country was first occupied by Europeans than they have 
ever had since; but after fifty years of labor with them under these 
most favorable circumstances, of all the thousands of the New Eng- 
land tribes, less than fifteen hundred, with their wives and children, 
were numbered among the “ Praying Indians.” ! Many more than 
that number had meanwhile been destroyed in two Indian wars. The 
work of killing was far more successful than that of converting, and 
their utter extinction, though gradual, was certain. 

3ut there was an interval of forty years between those wars. That 
sl de with the Pequots was so sharp and decisive a lesson that a 
effeck of the generation passed away, and there were none left to bear the 

Pequot totem, ere the jealousy of the English overcame the 
memory of their prowess, and led the Indians to venture upon another 
attempt at extermination. That interval of repose was of the last 
importance to the colonists. Without it, the history of the permanent 
settlement of New England might have dated some scores of years 


1 Letters of Governor Hinckley (1685), Mass. Hist. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. v., p. 182. 
Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. i., p. 349. 


1637. ] EFFECT OF THE PEQUOT WAR. yA! 


later. Whether Endicott’s expedition to Block Island, reckless and 
inconsiderate, as most of the acts of that precipitate and hot-headed 
Puritan usually were, was justifiable or not, when considered in the 
light of its possible, and even probable, immediate consequences, it 
had only a happy result. It provoked a war at a time when the In- 
dians, foolishly divided among themselves, were easily subdued by the 
destruction of the most powerful and dangerous tribe among them, 
while the weaker, who had blindly helped in that destruction, could 
neyer again muster the courage or the strength to attempt, till it was 
too late, to drive the invaders back to the sea whence they came. 
That the result should be recognized as a signal evidence of the good- 
ness of God was only in accordance with the Puritan faith that they 
were peculiarly under the divine protection. ‘The Lord was pleased,” 
exclaims Captain Mason, with more force than elegance, at the close 
of his narrative — ‘*the Lord was pleased to smite our Enemies in 
the hinder Parts, and to give us their Land for an Inheritance.” 


yn 


Signature of John Mason. 


CHAPTER II. 


SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. 


THe Towns on THE Connecticur River. — PREPARATORY GOVERNMENT. — THE 
First CONSTITUTION AND THE EARLIEST GOVERNORS. — CIVIL AND SOCIAL Con- 
DITION OF THE First SETTLERS. — NECESSITY OF STRINGENT RULE. — CHARACTER 
oF EARLY~ LEGISLATION. — ANOTHER EMIGRATION FROM Boston. — NEW HaAvEN 
AND ITs CHURCH OF SEVEN PILLARS. — ESTABLISHMENT OF OTHER TOWNS AND 
CuuRCHES. — DutcH AND ENGLISH BOUNDARIES. — DIFFERENCE OF PURPOSE IN 
THE Two CLASSES OF SETTLERS. — ENGLISH DirpLomMacy AT Home. — ENGLISH IN- 
TRUSIONS UPON Lone IsLAND. — CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE OF CONNECTICUT. — 
SETTLEMENT OF RuopE ISLAND. — ROGER WILLIAMS’S COLONY AND ITS GOVERN- 
MENT. — HEATED CONTROVERSY IN MASSACHUSETTS. — SEVERITY OF THE RULING 





Party. — TREATMENT OF THE ANTINOMIANS. — SETTLEMENT OF RHODE ISLAND 
AT ACQUIDNECK (PORTSMOUTH). — CODDINGTON CHOSEN CHIEF JUDGE. — Discorps 
IN THE NEw CoLtony.— THE HuTrcHINsons at ACQUIDNECK. — HOSTILITY OF 


MASSACHUSETTS TO ACQUIDNECK. — CODDINGTON’S PROPOSED ALLIANCE OF THE 
CoLonigs.— THe New ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. —AGAMENTICUS AND ACQUIDNECK 
EXCLUDED. 


THE colonies on the Connecticut River, though that region was 
Connectiente NOt within the bounds of the Massachusetts charter, were’ 
Nevendeat for the first year under the government of commissioners 
regen selected from among their own people, but appointed by 
the Massachusetts General Court. The burden of the war had 
fallen upon them, and with the necessity of self-reliance came also, no 
doubt, the sense of independence. When on the first day of May, 
1637, it ‘* was ordered that there shall be an offensive war against the 
Pequot,” it was done by a General Court, convened at Hartford, con- 
taining not only the commissioners appointed by Massachusetts, whose 
term of office had just expired, but nine delegates — committees they 
were called — from the three towns of Hartford, Windsor, and 
Wethersfield.2. The war brought its responsibilities as well as its 
advantages. The colony was oppressed with debt; so many of its 
effective men had been called to military service that agriculture had 
been neglected ; there was want of food and want of sufficient shelter 
for many families. It would be easy to go to ruin if there were any 
lack of vigorous measures. 


1 These were Roger Ludlow, William Pincheon, John Steele, William Swaine, Henry 
Smith, William Phelps, William Westwood, and Andrew Ward. 

* The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, etc., etc., edited by J. Hammond 
Trumbull. 


ond 


1639. ] THE FIRST CONNECTICUT CONSTITUTION, 23 


The General Court was equal to the occasion. The debt was pro- 
vided for by a special tax of six hundred and twenty pounds; though 
corn and cattle had risen largely in price, they were gathered from 
wherever they could be found, and the people were fed without any 
serious distress till the season of another harvest. To guard against 
further trouble from the Indians a thorough military organization of 
all the towns was established, at the head of which Captain Mason was 
placed as commander-in-chief. The young colony had already grown 
too large to depend longer upon its older sister of the Bay ; the war 
had thrown it upon its own resources; within eighteen months from 
the end of it the new government took a more positive form and 
adopted a constitution. 

“Well knowing,” its preamble recited, ‘‘ where a people are gathered 
togather the word of God requires that to mayntayne the ene 
peace and union of such a people there should be an orderly 1639. 9” 
and decent Gouerment established according to God, to order and 
dispose of the affayres of the people at all seasons as occation shall re- 
quire ; doe therefore assotiate and conioyne our selues to be as one 
Publike State or Commonwelth.” It recognized no allegiance to any 
other power, not even that of England ; it instituted a popular gov- 
ernment in which all the freemen of the three towns were equal before 
the law, entering ‘‘into Combination & Confederation togather to 
mayntayne & presearue the liberty & purity of the gospell of our Lord 
Jesus which we now professe, as also the disciplyne of the Churches, 
which according to the truth of the said gospell is now practised among 
us; As also in our Ciuell Affaires to be guided & gouerned according 
to such Lawes, Rules, Orders & decrees as shall be made, ordered, & 
decreed.” 

The colony thus founded a Christian Commonwealth and a purely 
democratic republic upon the first written constitution of any State in 
America, if not indeed, in the world. And this, with such shght 
changes in its practical provisions as the increase of population de- 
manded, was the funda- 


mental law of Connecticut | gay 
° ? 
for nearly two centuries. a LU : 


Its first governor, chosen 

in April, 1639, was John Zoe 
Haynes, who had already Signature of John Haynes. 
been a governor of Mas- 


sachusetts Bay; its second, elected the next year, was Edward 
Hopkins.!. The constitution provided that the chief magistrate should 


1 Edward Hopkins came to Boston with the New Haven company, in the spring of 1637, 


and was the son-in-law of Governor Eaton, of that colony. He returned to England after 


24 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. I. 


be chosen for a single year only, and was ineligible for the year next 
ensuing. The letter of the law was 
observed while its spirit was not lost. 


Qe Lynd The people of Connecticut knew when 
- [i SSD 





they had a good governor, and for many 
i A RO ey eR oe years, with two or three exceptions at 
the outset, Haynes and Hopkins were 
alternately elected to that office. 

The rule of the magistrate in the young Commonwealth was rigid. 
The common welfare demanded implicit submission to a compact for 
mutual protection. The virtuous and the orderly might be, as they 
usually are, a law unto themselves; but there was special need of 
watchfulness and restraint of the idle, the vicious, and the violent, 
who, relieved from the accustomed rule of a long organized society, 
would riot in the license of relaxed law. All the old bonds that hold 
society together, and kept anarchy at arms-length, were loosened. The 
habit of obedience to constituted authority needed to be reéstablished 
by fresh subjection and enforced discipline. In this respect the colo- 
nies were all alike. Each had to work out for itself with such wisdom 
and such vigor as it could command, the problem of self-government ; 
and each addressed itself, first of all, to the question of self-preserva- 
tion. Large considerations of the science of government concerned 
them less at this early stage of their existence than the daily conduct 
chameter of Cf C&ch individual citizen. There was nothing in morals or 
the govern: in manners, as to what men should eat and drink, and where- 

withal they should be clothed; how they should dispose of 
their time and their industry; what their relations should be to each 
other, to the state, to their wives, to their children ;— in all the affairs 
of life, whether small or great, there was nothing of which the law 
did not take cognizance. It was needful to the preservation and good 
order of society so newly organized that it should do so; and if some- 
times — indeed very often — the true and sole function of perfected 
government, protection of person and property, was overstepped, and 
intellectual freedom encroached upon in the attempt to regulate relig- 
ious belief and coerce the conscience, such exercise of power is to be 
pardoned to the exigencies of the times. 

There were not probably more than a thousand people in the three 
Connecticut towns when the Pequot war was finished ; the first English 
child? born on the banks of that river was at that time only eighteen 
a residence of about fourteen years in Connecticut, and became a member of Cromwell’s 
Parliament of 1657, and a commissioner of the army and navy. (See note in Savage s 
Winthrop, vol. i., p. 273.) 


1 David, son of Captain Lion Gardiner, born at Saybrook Fort, April, 1636. Life of 
Gardiner, in Muss. Hist, Soc. Coll., Third Series, vol. x., p: 177, 


1639.] CHARACTER OF THE GOVERNMENT. 25 


months old. It was not difficult for the watchful eyes of the magis- 
trates to scan carefully the hfe and conversation of each man and 
woman. Nor could it be doubted that a community made up, In some 
degree, of’ mere adventurers, 

should have its vicious element, 

though each settlement was at 

first a church led in a body by Ba. OM 2 ol 

its pastor from three Massachu- ae 
setts towns — Newton, Water- 

town, and Dorchester. Even the 

godly people of the Dorchester Stoner of tion Gardiner: 

church were led, Governor Brad- 

ford said, by a ‘ hankering mind ”’ to the pleasant Connecticut meadows 
on which Holmes’s colony from Plymouth had already settled; and 
by sheer weight of numbers and the influence of the stronger goy- 
ernment behind them, they 
dispossessed the first comers. 
When such were the saints 
what might not be looked 
for from the sinners? ‘The 
devil lurked even among the 
churebes of the Puritans, 
and if he could not be got 
rid of altogether at least he 
could be watched with un- 
ceasing vigilance. 

And the vigilance was 
unceasing. ‘The records of 
the proceedings of the Gen- 
eral Court that chose the 
first chief magistrate of the 
new Commonwealth, also 
show that by the decree of 
that fountain of law one 
Edmunds was to be whip- 
ped at a cart’s tail on a lecture day at Hartford; that one Wilhams 
was to stand upon the pillory from the ringing of the first bell to the 
end of the lecture, and to be whipped at the cart’s tail, both goyerity of 
in Hartford and Windsor; and that one Starke was to be ‘°* 
punished in the same way, to pay a heavy fine, and to have besides 
the letter R branded upon his cheek. The crime of each and all 
was wrong done one Mary Holt, —such wrong that Starke was also 

















Supposed First Church in Hartford. 


26 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. II. 


condemned to marry her; which, however, he probably neverdid. At 
the next General Court, four months afterwards, it was ordered that 
Mary Holt herself be whipped for misconduct with a fourth paramour, 
and be banished from the jurisdiction ; not that she was good enough 
for Boston, but that Boston, perhaps, could better manage her. 

But offences of this kind —of the frequency and often most revolt- 
ing character of which, notwithstanding the severity of the laws of the 
Puritans, there is abundant evidence in the early records of all the 
colonies — were by no means the only ones which the magistrates 
undertook at once to expose and to punish. Unseasonable and im- 
moderate drinking, or even the suspicion of it; any violence of lan- 
guage or of conduct; reflections upon the actions of the General 
Court; “the sin of lying which,” says the record (1640), “ begins to 
be practised by many persons in this Commonwealth; ” extravagance 
in the fashion of apparel, ‘that divers persons of several ranks are 
observed to exceed in ;”’ the selling of goods beyond reasonable prices ; 
‘¢a stubborn or rebellious carriage against parents or governors ; ” — 
these and other offences of a like character, which in older societies 
are usually left to the control of private conscience, or judgment, or 
influence, were subjects of legislation, and brought upon the perpe- 
trators prompt and severe penalties.! 

In other respects, however, the welfare of the community was as 
carefully looked after as it was in these guarded against real or fan- 
cied injuries. The rate of wages and the length of a working-day — 
Beneficent eleven hours in summer-time and nine in winter of actual 
egsiaon- Jabor — were soon regulated by law, that no advantage 
should be taken of the necessities of new settlers or of the scarcity of 
laborers. Any possible want of food was provided for by making it 
the duty of magistrates to ascertain the probable demand and to meet 
it with a sufficient supply. Idleness was made inexcusable, and agri- 
culture encouraged by allotments of lands and their compulsory culti- 
vation; and titles were made unquestionable by a register which the 
law required should be kept in every town. That timber should not 
be wasted, none could be cut or exported except by special license from 
the Court, and no trees were permitted to be felled except after the 
fall of the leaf. In 1640 it was enacted that each family should sow 
at least one spoonful of English hempseed and cultivate it “in hus- 
banly manner” for a supply of seed the next year. The importation 
of cotton, which they could not raise, was provided for at the public 
expense to find its way to the domestic spinning-wheels ; but the cul- 
tivation of tobacco, which it was soon found would grow so well in 
the rich bottom-lands of the Connecticut, was encouraged by a decree 


1 Colonial Records of Connecticut. 


1640. | JOHN DAVENPORT AND HIS CHURCH. 27 


that whoever should after September, 1641, ‘‘ drinke [smoke] any other 
tobacco but such as is, or shall be, planted within these liberties,” 
should suffer the heavy penalty of a fine of five shillings for every 
pound. Such laws foreshadowed some of the important industries and 
future wealth of the State of Connecticut. 

The supremacy obtained over the Indians by arms was confirmed 
by law over those who survived the Pequot war. It was a penal act to 
sell them arms, or even to mend those of which they were already 
in possession. ‘Theft, and intimidation for the sake of theft, the crimes 
to which the savages were most inclined, were severely punished. If 
they could not be made good citizens, —and that was hardly at- 
tempted, —it was hoped, at least, that as vagabonds they might be 
rendered harmless. ‘The dealings of the colonists with them were so 
far just that they paid for the lands they wanted, and permitted 
the Indians to retain those the English did not want, provided they 
were peaceful and kept within their own bounds. When these condi- 
tions were not observed a raid upon their cornfields and wigwams re- 
newed the lesson of the war. Whoever recognized the higher duty 
of attempting to lead them to a knowledge of Christianity was quite 
free to do so without interference from the State; but their most effi- 
cient teachers were the lives the Christians led, and the examples they 
followed were naturally those which were most evil. 

While the Pequot war was in progress a fresh colony from England 
arrived in Boston and was looking for a place of settlement. Ee eet 
Edward Hopkins, who soon after went to Hartford, was in Os 
this company ; John Davenport, a clergyman of some note 
from London, was their pastor, and the leading man among them 
was ‘Theophilus Eaton, a merchant of reputation and of affluence. 
It was a company of wealth and respectability, and the magistrates 
of Massachusetts would have gladly retained them within their juris- 
diction. 

But there were two reasons, imperative with the new-comers, for 
seeking a place for their future home without the bounds of Massa- 
chusetts: there was too much theological controversy and not. suffi- 
cient harbor accommodation about the Bay. The banishment of 
Mrs. Hutchinson was not the extirpation of heresy, and Mr. Daven- 
port, it is said, was fearful lest his flock should be led astray by the 
fatal doctrines of the Antinomians. Whatever other dangers might 
lurk in the wilderness, the Indians would not, at least, unsettle men’s 
minds as to sanctification and justification. The other point was 
equally clear: the farming lands near all the good harbors about the 
Bay were already occupied. Agriculture must, of course, be their im- 
mediate reliance; but they hoped to found a commercial colony, and 


28 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


therefore sought for a commodious port where trade would grow, 
while lands not too far off to be conveniently cultivated should yield 
them a subsistence. Anoth- 
er reason given was that 
they wished to put them- 
selves beyond the reach of 
a general governor, should 
one be appointed for all New 
England; but as this had 
ceased to be probable, the 
alleged fear of it could only 
have been a thin disguise 
for a more substantial pur- 
pose —a wish to escape the 
jurisdiction of Massachu- 
setts and have an independ- 
ent government of their own. 

In the spring of 1638, the 
whole company sailed from 
Boston for Quinnipiack,! now New Haven, purchased the preceding 
autumn from Momauguin, the Indian sachem, for twelve coats of 
English cloth, twelve alchemy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, 
two dozen knives, twelve porringers and four cases of French knives 
and scissors.2 Several of their number had held possession through 
the winter, but the first solemn and formal act of occupation was on 
the 18th of April, the Sunday after their arrival. Then this new 
band of Pilgrim Fathers assembled beneath the spreading branches, 
of a giant oak, and the pastor, Davenport, preached to them from the 
Ean text, — Matthew iv.1: ‘* Then was Jesus led up of the 
BPR BG Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil.” 

‘* He had a good day,” he said afterwards; and doubtless 

his hearers, who all looked up to 
him with great reverence, were as <i as 
much edified with his expounding 
of the temptations that were to bili ain 
beset them in the wilderness, as he was satisfied with his own per- 
formance. 

Their undertaking was sanctified not long after by a day of fasting 
and prayer, when they entered into a covenant that in all things, 
whether in Church or in State, they would be guided by the rules 





John Davenport. 


1“ Quinnepaca or Quinnepange rather,’ Niles’s History of Indian and French Wars. 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Third series, vol. vi. 
2 New Haven Records in Trumbull’s /7Zistory of Connecticut. 
































































































































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1639.] SETTLEMENT OF NEW HAVEN. 29 


“which the Scripture held forth to them.” The temptations of the 
wilderness could not have been many or great to a community which 
could live for more than a year without other government than this 
simple compact. 

But in June of the next year preliminary measures were taken for 
a permanent political organization. These were of a remarkable 
character, whether looked upon as an instance of the intense earnest- 
ness of the religious convictions of the Puritans, or of the submissive 
deference they were 
accustomed to yield 
to their spiritual 
guides. The whole 
community gath- 
ered together in a 
barn,! — for want 
of any other build- 
ing large enough to 
hold them — and 
the first business of 
the assembly was = = 
to listen to a ser- | : wa BES 
mon of instruction Sol enw iets 
and exhortation from Mr. Davenport. His text was from Proverbs 
ix. 1: ‘** Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven 
pillars.” Herein he found warrant and direction for the gathering of 
a Church and the formation of a State. 

The Church was to rest upon seven pillars and the foundation of 
the State was the Church. The right and the duty to gather 
the one and create the other were inherent, not derivative. ee 
There was no recognition of either hierarch or king. The “” 
assembled people were to choose from among themselves: twelve men 
the most esteemed for their virtue and their wisdom, and these twelve 
were to elect seven others who were to be the seven pillars. On the 
pillars the Church was to be built ; the seven men, that is, were to 
call about them such persons as they deemed fit to be members of the 
Church, and these members were to form the state. For in the Serip- 
tures was to be found a perfect rule for the guidance and government 
of men in all human affairs, in the family, in the commonwealth, in 
the church. Church-membership was citizenship ; he who was not fit 
for that, was unfit for this, for the state must be “according to God.” 












































1 The tradition is that the barn belonged to Robert Newman, and it is supposed to have 
stood at the corner of Grove and Temple Streets, on land afterwards occupied by the house 
of Noah Webster, the lexicographer, New Haven. — Bacon’s Historical Discourses. 


30 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


Such was the drift of Mr. Davenport’s sermon, and it was accept- 
able to his hearers saving one only, and he it is supposed was a brother 
clergyman. The assembly elected twelve men to whom should be en- 
trusted the important duty of raising the seven pillars on which was to 
rest a temple dedicated to the worship of God, but to be also a house 
for the protection of man. What else could the twelve do but act in 
conformity with the judgment of the whole community? Among 
these twelve most worthy the most worthy seven must surely be found. 
From their own number, therefore, they selected the seven pillars.} 
Around these the church was gathered, the question of fitness for mem- 
bership resting, in the first instance, with them. 

Two months later the people were again assembled; again they 
were exhorted and counselled by Davenport, with the Bible between 
his hands. He was now, however, more than leader by weight of 
character and respect for his learning ; the church had chosen him as 
the pastor, content to accept him as consecrated to the duties of his 
sacred office by the simple laying on of hands of two of their own 
number, indifferent to apostolic suecession and the authority 
of bishops. He spoke, therefore, now with greater authority 
than ever; and under his guidance the popular church proceeded to 
the organization of a popular government. 

Theophilus Eaton was chosen its first governor. In its general pro- 
visions — as to the hold-. 
ing of General Courts, 

os Aton. the number and _ choice 
of magistrates, the ex- 
ercise of legislative and 
judicial power, the rights 

| or gt of the citizen, and his re- 

Signature of Theophilus Eaton. sponsibility o ihe tae 
it was essentially the same as that of Connecticut in all outward form, 
as in its purely democratic spirit. But after all it was democracy 
with a proviso ; the right of self government in holding or in choosing 
to office was restricted to those who were members of that church. 
Others, who also assumed to call themselves Christians, were as com- 
pletely shut out from any share in the government as a hundred and 
fifty years later the Constitution of the United States excluded ‘ In- 
dians not taxed”? and ‘+ persons held to service or labor.”’ 

On this model established at New Haven other churches were soon 
gathered in other places, and each church was a town. Some were 
within the boundaries of Connecticut, and sent their representatives 


Formation 
of the State. 








‘ These were Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, 
homas Fugill, John Punderson, and Jeremiah Dixon. 


1639. ] ESTABLISHMENT OF TOWNS AND CHURCHES. dl 


to the General Court at Hartford; others were for some years entirely 
independent, recognizing no civil rule outside of their own organiza- 
tion. Among these last was Saybrook, to which a colony under 
George Fenwick was sent by lords Say and Brook, and which was 
already known by their combined names. Places like Guilford, Mil- 
ford, Stratford, per- 
petuating in their 
names the tender 
memories of old 
Enelish homes, were 
planted on commo- 
dious havens, or at 
the mouths of navi- 
gable streams, along 
the inner coast of 
Long Island Sound. 
Thither fresh emi- 
grants flocked from 
Connecticut, from 
Massachusetts Bay, 
sometimes directly 
from England. The 
country, as it was 










































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Old House in Guilford, 1639. 


gradually occupied, was fairly purchased from the natives — pur- 
chased at insignificant prices, indeed, but large enough t0 progress of 
create a title in fee-simple, while they were satisfactory to ‘Puss 
the original owners, who set small value upon limited tracts of that 
wide wilderness which they claimed as their own. It was the avowed 
policy of the State to deal justly with the savages, that offences might 
be avoided; and, on the whole, the rule was no doubt carefully ob- 
served, from choice as well as from necessity. On the other hand, if 
the savages were sometimes insensible to kindness, and incapable of 
understanding principles of justice incompatible with their wild no- 
tions of individual right, the lesson of the late war was not lost upon 
them. If not always peaceable, and if often annoying, they were 
rarely at this period dangerous neighbors. So these English villages 
were left to take root and grow in strength and thrift when the storm 
of savage warfare swept over and almost desolated the settlements of 
their jealous rivals, the Dutch, throughout the boundaries of New 
Netherland. 

Nor could the claim of the Dutch West India Company to the 
Fresh River — the Connecticut — by right of prior discovery and occu- 
pation, though so pertinaciously urged, seriously hinder the steady 


32 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


progress of the English along the shores of the Sound toward the 
valley of the Hudson. From the time of the first settlement 
Encroach- 
ments onthe at Hartford the advanced guard of the more energetic race 
Dutch 
had pushed on, in spite of the protests and threats, the 
rage — furious but harmless — of the Dutch. The quiet energy and 
determination of the English were stronger than the loudest and most 
indignant complaints ; for success lay naturally with the party that 
acted rather than with the one that, for the most part, only talked. 
The two peoples were moved, moreover, by totally different motives. 
The Fresh River, and all the region it watered, the Dutch 
The Dutch ° : . 
in New looked upon only as a back country, rich in beaver skins, to 
England. ‘ : : 
be made tributary to the great trading station at New Am- 
sterdam. It best served their purposes while it remained a hunting- 
sround for the Indians, with here and there a half-military, half-trad- 


AH 















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































: SS i 5 a Ss 
n — 3 /, —- 4 i = . 2 
4 Prarie ge. is ee AR a SS io 2 sWys ahs =n A oNvsr 


Mouth of the Connecticut. 


ing post, to regulate the traffic in the peltries which the Indians 
gathered. When the Dutch wanted to colonize, if they went out 
of the valley of the Hudson, or beyond the immediate vicinity of 
their chief colony, it was to dispute with the Swedes the possession of 
the beautiful shores that extended on the South River from the Capes 
of the Delaware a hundred miles into the interior to the mouth of the 
Schuylkill. They had no such designs of settlement along the coast 
of New England, however much they coveted the possession of the 
country for the sake of its trade. 

But the English were moved by quite another spirit ; they wanted 
homes. They laid the axe at the root of the forests which sheltered 
and hid the Indian and his game. They cleared the ground for their 
seed corn; built their log-houses and barns; gathered together in 
churches, and founded commonwealths. The rude forts and mere 
trading-posts of the Dutch were powerless against circumvallations 
made with English ploughs; and the New Netherland garrisons re- 


1642. | DUTCH AND ENGLISH BOUNDARIES. Bo 


luctantly, but inevitably, retired before a host armed with spades and 
hoes, musical with the hum of women’s spinning wheels and the 
voices of happy children, led by Puritan generals in gown and bands, 
whose orderly-book was the Bible, and whose word of command was 
a prayer and an exhortation — a host seeking to make the wilderness 
blossom into homes, which laughed at threats of armed resistance, and 
scouted claims of discovery not backed up by more permanent signs 
of possession than a flag-staff and a sentinel. 

There could be little doubt as to the result of such a conflict between 
assumed title and actual possession ; nor was it possible to Beeler 
change that result by appeals to the governments in Eng- plomacy on 
land and at the Hague to adjust the boundaries between the boundaries. 
rival claimants. The representations of the case were lis- 
tened to with impatience or indifference ; on the one side was want of 
will, on the other want of power, for any efficient interference. Sir 
William Boswell, the English ambassador at the Hague, discloses in 
his official correspondence the policy of his government. 

It would be well enough, he thought, that an act or declaration of 
some kind should be passed either by both Houses of Parliament, or 
by the Lower House, or, failing that, by a Committee of that House, 
to show that “ these businesses” relating to the American Colonies 
were not altogether ignored or forgotten. Such act, or declaration, or 
memorial, with its official sanction of some sort, it mattered very little 
what, could then be sent to him with a letter from the Lords of 
Council with some vague instructions. Provided with such a docu- 
ment, he would:present it when and how it should seem to him most 
expedient — when, he no doubt means, it was no longer possible to 
escape a pretence of doing something — either to the States General, 
or to the West India Company, or to some other body political or com- 
mercial, as should seem to him best, and should best serve his purpose 
of doing nothing. And when these methods of diplomatic procras- 
tination were thoroughly exhausted, there was still another crowning 
act of dilatoriness in reserve to be resorted to —his excellency could, 
when further delay was no longer possible, make a report, which 
would refer the question back again to his government for further 
consideration, to be ground over again in the slow mill of parliament- 
ary debate and subsequent reference to a parliamentary committee. 

A little intimidation also, Sir William thought, could be brought 
to the aid of this skilful diplomacy. The Dutch ambassador in Lon- 
don, who was supposed, meanwhile, not to be idle, but to be pressing 
the question of colonial boundaries and encroachments, should, he ad- 
vised, be quietly approached by some persons of authority and per- 
suaded of the certain injury and inconvenience that would befall the 


VOL. II. 3 


34 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


Dutch West India Company if these dissensions and difficulties be- 
tween the distant and quarrelsome colonists should involve their re- 
spective governments at home. 

There was little likelihood of any adjudication of boundaries, 
whether just or unjust, while the English government carefully 
guarded against any approach to its serious consideration. It was 
meant that it should be otherwise settled. The conclusion of Bos- 
well’s counsel is: ‘* That in the mean tyme, th’ English there doe not 
forbeare to put forward their plantacons, and crowd on, crowding the 
Dutch out of those places where they have [occupied] but without 
hostility or any act of violence.” ! 

Not only was the “ crowding” pushed along the shores of the 
English mainland, but it crossed the Sound. In 1639, Lion Gar- 
sotteven’s diner purchased of the Indians the island Manchonack — 
Hong Island. since known as Gardiner’s Island — near Montauk Point. 
Shelter Island, still further up the bay, was taken possession of by 
James Farrett, who 
was sent out by 
William, Earl of 
Stirling, > as” his 
agent, he claiming 
the whole of Long 
Island under a deed 
from the Plymouth 
Company, made be- 
fore its dissolution 
by order of the 
king. Farrett vis- 
ited Manhattan, and was held for a short time under arrest by the 
Dutch governor, Kieft, for asserting Lord Stirling’s title. 

The enterprising New Englanders, however, were not to be deterred 
by such measures. In 1640 a company from Lynn, Massachusetts, 
appeared, under the leadership of Captain Daniel How, at Cow Neck, 
within the present town of North Hempstead, Long Island, and at- 
tempted a settlement. They tore down the arms of the Prince of 
Orange, which they found upon a tree, and carved in place of the 
shield an absurd face, as their countrymen had done some years before 
at Kievit’s Hook, at the mouth of the Connecticut. The insult and 
intrusion were resented by Kieft with spirit, and How and his com- 
panions were compelled to retreat. But it was only toward the other 
end of the island, where they settled South Hampton and East Hamp- 
ton, at the eastern extremity. 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































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1650. ] DUTCH AND ENGLISH BOUNDARIES. 30 


The same year some New Haven people took possession at Southold 
on the Sound. The young colonies had not long to wait, when once 
a firm foothold was gained, for accessions both from Old and New Eng- 
land. Nor were the Dutch unreasonable, for they seemed quite willing 
to share the island with the English, leaving them to take possession 
of the eastern half unmolested. Ten years later indeed, in ena 
1650, they made a treaty to this effect with the New Eng- 1650 with 

fet ety the Dutch. 

land colonies, by which a dividing line should be drawn from 

the west side of Oyster Bay to the sea; but in the mean while, they 
had only insisted 
that the English 
plantations which 
in the course of 
that decade had 
erown up west of 
this line, should be 
held to be within 
the jurisdiction of 
the West India 
Company, and 
should — acknowl- 
edge their alle- 
giance to ° the 
States General. Hempstead, Flushing, Jamaica, and Newtown, were, 
therefore, Dutch towns, though settled by the English. But South 
Hampton, East Hampton, Southold, Brookhaven, Huntington, and 
Oyster Bay, were united at different periods, to Connecticut, till after 
the surrender of New Netherlands to the English in 1664, when the 
whole island came under the government of the Duke of York. 

This migration of the English from Massachusetts Bay to the coun- 
try of the Connecticut, thence westward along both shores of the 
Sound, crowding in one direction almost as far as Hell Gate, pushing, 
in another, almost to the banks of the Hudson, was not impelled by 
any imperative necessity of outward circumstance, but rather by an 
uncontrollable restlessness, a fever of change that gave them no quiet. 
Full of energy, activity, curiosity, and a love of independence, politi- 
eal and religious, they demanded above all things space enough for the 
eratification of ambitions that sought to found thriving colonies and 
open new avenues to wealth. 

They were all Puritans, and as such were anxious to escape from a 
real or apprehended thraldom in church or state. But there were, 
perhaps, in these offshoots of the parent stock something more of a 


1 A Sketch of the First Settlement of the Towns of Long Island, etc. By Silas Wood. 














































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Montauk Point. 


36 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [CuHap. II. 


worldly disposition, and something less of that spirit of fanaticism 
which led the Boston brethren to welcome above all things a plunge 
into the uproar of a theological controversy, and to subordinate all 
else to the establishment of a uniformity of faith. ‘That Puritan pru- 
dence, which was careful to be out of the reach of the heavy hands of 
the Bishops before the non-conformist ventured to expand into the 
more perfect freedom of separatism, seems to have been carried into 
all the other relations of life by these people who chose to find their 
abiding places without the jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay. 

They would not, indeed, have been Puritans had not the interests 
Character of Of Yeligion been with them paramount to all earthly consid- 
the convec erations; but they were not therefore disposed to look upon 
Pee all merely material interests with comparative indifference. 
It was not, perhaps, so much any essential radical difference of char- 
acter between them and other New England emigrants of their time 
and class; but there was at least that fortunate difference of circum- 
stance and opportunity which came with their escape from the 
fierce polemics of Boston, and reluctance to live under magistrates 
who, however excellent their rule in many respects, never willingly 
assented to the admission of others to any share of it, while insisting 
upon implicit obedience in all things which they decreed, whether re- 
lating to this world or the next. ‘The people who escaped from this 
domination into Connecticut, if it were only that the ambitions of 
Jeaders might have fuller play, and the consent of followers a larger 
choice, gained, beside, more freedom than they sought. ‘They were 
led to take a wider view of the possibilities of the new country they 
had found than as merely an arena for theological discussion where the 
metes and bounds of religious liberty, however much enlarged into 
the wider field of Puritanism, were just as arbitrary and as fixed as 
ever. They saw that they might be prosperous without ceasing to be 
pious, and that worldly thrift was not necessarily incompatible with a 
due regard for the things of the everlasting life. They were too busy 
in clearing forests, in planting crops, in building towns at the mouths 
of all the rivers that seemed most promising for future commerce, to 
permit themselves to be absorbed in attempts to find out the whole 
counsel of God in dim and subtile distinctions of theological contro- 
versy. 

Not that they were unmindful of those things which made so large 
an element in the intellectual and spiritual life of the time; but that 
other interests were with them of equal if not sometimes of greater 
consideration. A steady compliance with the suggestions of worldly 
wisdom, a prudent attention to the conditions of worldly thrift, not 
less than an implicit obedience to the highest sense of religious duty, 


1637. ] CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND. 37 


have ever characterized this branch of the family of New England 
Puritans. Wherever they have gone they have carried with them 
this profitable mixture of puritanic rectitude and wise worldliness. 
However stern and rigid their piety, hand in hand with it have gone in- 
dustry and prosperity ; the government of the people by the will of the 
majority; the free school; the free church according to their standard 
of religious freedom, and the common law of England. Of that hardy 
race of pioneers — whose indomitable courage, whose irrepressible 
energy, whose restless love of change, neither chains of mountains, 
nor gigantic rivers, nor lakes that are inland seas, nor arid deserts 
could hinder in their march to the shores of another ocean — there has 
been no more fruitful root than that which was first planted in the rich 
soil of the valley of the Connecticut. 








































































































































































































ih 
a | 
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Hooker's House at Hartford. 


There had been struggling into existence, meanwhile, another New 
England colony, the stern and hard realities of whose early expe- 
riences were touched with no play of that idyllic light and shadow that 
give grace and romance to the first migrations front’ Massachusetts 
Bay to the region of the Connecticut. Its feeble beginning was no 
pleasant patriarchal journey like that of Hooker and Stone and 
their followers from Newtown to Hartford. With these went flocks 
and herds, and wagons laden with household stuff; and they travelled 
leisurely through the hundred miles of forest in the early days of June 
when the woods, rich in the tender colors of the young foliage, let 


38 SOUTHERN NEW. ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


the warm sunshine through upon the green, fresh-grown moss and. the 
dead leaves of past summers, flecked all over with flowers in blue 
and white and gold— the warm sunshine that stirred, at the same 
time, into unwonted movement the hearts of the young Puritans, 
youths and maidens and hilarious children, in whom not even the 
watchful care and sombre presence of elder and deacons, could sup- 
press the quick and joyful sense of sympathy with the freedom, and 
beauty, and detight, that filled all nature. 

So Davenport and his company sailed out of Boston harbor in the 
bright days of April, — sailed on even keel and with gentle breezes 
past the long beaches of the Bay; past the white strands and sand- 
hills of Cape Cod; past the islands of the southern coast of New 


/ 



















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Coast of Massachusetts. — Nantasket Beach. 


England where the warm current of the Gulf Stream with a westward 
sweep tempers the waters and the air; and so at length they came 
into Long Island Sound. The pastor meanwhile, no doubt gathering 
the elder men about him on sunny days in the shadow of the sails, 
held wise and sweet converse upon that stately temple of seven pillars 
which should presently rear its fair proportions in the primeval soli- 
tude where great oaks and elms cast their shadows over the rich 
meadows that stretched down to the sea. 

All these went forth with the God-speeds and good wishes of the 
brethren of Massachusetts; but not so with the founders of Rhode 


1638. ] THE COLONY AT PROVIDENCE. 39 


Island. Roger Williams fled out into the night and the winter’s 
storm, with the order of the General Court behind him, the officers of 
the law in hot pursuit, and a ship waiting in the offing to bear him 
into perpetual banishment across the sea. The shelter which Puritan 
intolerance denied him he sought and found among savage friends. 
As he, the next spring, with only five companions, paddled fencing Gt 

his canoe along the shore of Providence Bay, their thoughts Reger Wit 

were less of hierarchies and of commonwealths, than where Providence. 
the sunniest slope could be found for a field of maize, the most shel- 
tered and convenient nook for huts. 

Mooshausick, as the place was called where Williams hoped to find 
rest at last —and which he named Providence, because, he said, ‘“ of 
God’s merciful providence unto me in my distress ” — he desired, also, 
‘‘might be for a shelter for those distressed in conscience.” It was 
not long ere such asylums were needed. Whether the exercise then 
and there of the right of free thought and free speech was wise or 
foolish, whether it was harmless or baneful either to church or state, 
the attempt to suppress that right was altogether futile.! 

Roger Williams had not long to wait for companionship. Within 
two years from the time of his landing upon Slate Rock such acces- 
sions were made to his colony that “the lands on the 
two fresh rivers, Wowasquatuckett and Mooshau- 
sick,” granted to him by Canonicus and Mianto- 
nomo, he conveyed to twelve associates for thirty signature of Mianto- 
pounds. ‘These incorporated themselves and all that ae 
should be subsequently admitted, into a township, promising to render 
‘“‘an active or passive obedience to all such orders 
or agreements as shall be made for public good,” by 
the consent of the majority. But the submission was 
to be “ only in civil things.” 2 Signature of Canonicus. 

1 The popular defence of the intolerance of the early Boston Puritans— for strange to 
say, they have their defenders —is that the critical circumstances of their condition as an 
infant colony with its peculiar relations to the parent state made it imperative that a uni- 
formity of belief should be enforced for the sake of preserving the Puritan ascendancy both 
in religious and civil affairs. And it is trinmphantly asserted as the result that the character 
of the Massachusetts of later times, and its influence upon the history of the whole country, 
are due to the stern and wise policy of the early fathers in their suppression of a liberty 
that was running or had run into license. Whereas, the truth is that those bigoted elders 
and magistrates, though they sometimes silenced the men, never sufspressed the opinions 
whether true or false. They only tried, and the more they tried the less they succeeded. 
The character of Massachusetts and the potent influence she has exercised upon the history 
of the United States are due to the fact that neither bigots nor fanatics have ever, from the 
time of Roger Williams to the present moment, been able to destroy the liberty of thought 
and of speech within her borders. Her people have always been wise enough — wiser always 
than the Synod and the General Court — to tolerate freedom of opinion, and, in the long run, 


to reject that which was unwise and injurious and accept that which was true and good. 
2 The twelve men to whom the conveyance was made were: Stukely Westcoat, Wil- 


40 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. (Crap. II. 


This was the corner-stone of the Commonwealth laid by the banish- 
chameter o¢ Went of Roger Williams from Massachusetts Bay. He and 
vanes his companions were ‘pronounced dangerous men _ because 

: their doctrines were assumed to be subversive of the state 
and the church. ‘Their first act, so soon almost as there were enough 
of them gathered together to make an agreement, was — as a dozen in- 
telligent Americans would do to-day if thrown together under similar 
circumstances — to enter into a compact for government by rule of the 
majority, leaving to each the enjoyment of such religious belief as the 
intelligence and conscience of each should dictate. Among the ear- 
liest recorded actions of the town of Providence is one depriving 
Joshua Verin of the privilege of voting because he had committed “a 
breach of covenant in restraining hberty of conscience,” inasmuch as 
he had prevented his wife from going when she pleased to Mr. Wil- 
llams’s meetings. 

To those whose presence in Massachusetts Bay the ‘* Lords breth- 

ren’ would not tolerate, or who could not submit to the 
yoversy ™ despotic rule which these brethren sought to establish, the 
5 Bs country about Narragansett Bay soon came to be as a land 
of refuge. There gathered there, no doubt, in the first few years a 
heterogeneous and remarkable company; some half crazed with those 
teeming maggots of the brain which so breed in times of exasperating 
religious controversy ; others possessed by harmless vagaries of illogi- 
cal thought, which spring up in such seasons in some minds, and 
which, if they have a meaning to those who cherish them, are incom- 
prehensible to everybody else. Indeed, the wonder is, in our soberer 
times, not that there were so many of these unhappy and infatuated 
polemists, but that any clear exercise of sound judgment remained in 
a community where the weight of wisdom and of character convened 
as in the Cambridge Synod, could elaborate out of the controversy 
on justification and sanctification eighty-two pestilent heresies worthy 
of condign punishment. ‘There were nevertheless many men, possibly 
even a majority of the church in Boston, who in all this confusion of 
tongues, preserved their intellectual balance unmoved and kept their 
eyes firmly fixed on the everlasting truth. Many among them were 
determined to preserve the one thing worth preserving — liberty of 
thought and of conscience ; never losing sight of its supreme value, 
sometimes, perhaps, abusing it themselves, suffering much oftener 


Heated con- 


liam Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, John Greene, John Throckmorton, William 
Harris, William Carpenter, Thomas Olney, Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Ezekiel 
Holliman. The thirty pounds, however, seems not to have been paid till the admission 
subsequently of some new members into the body politic, when a new and fuller deed was 
made by Mr. Williams, and the first twelve were released from any payment. See Back- 
us’s History of the American Laptists, vol. i., pp. 92. 93. 


1638. | TREATMENT OF THE ANTINOMIANS. 41 


from its abuse in others, but dreading, nevertheless, the danger of its 
suppression far more than any evil likely to arise from its undue ex- 
ercise. 

Of these men, some who were wise and some who were foolish in- 
stinctively turned their faces, when Massachusetts would tolerate them 
no longer, to that shelter which Roger Williams had provided “ for 
persons distressed in conscience.”” ‘The eighty-two heresies which the 
Cambridge Synod saw lurking in the doctrine that a covenant of 
grace was the only way to salvation, and which were discovered to be 
equally dangerous to church and state, must with the Lord’s help, 
be scattered to the winds of Heaven. ‘The General Court, which was 
essentially the synod under another name, had little mercy 

at Attitude of 
upon the persons who held these dangerous opinions, upon the General 
Court to- 
those who were assumed to hold them, or upon those even ward here- 
C ° 7 5 : tics. 
who questioned the justice of punishing the real or the sup- 
posed offenders. It was not only that the original heresy was pro- 
nounced as deserving of punishment, but they were held no less 
guilty who refused to acknowledge as legitimate whatever dangerous 
deductions their opponents chose to draw from opinions conscientiously 
and innocently believed in. And no less was it an offence against the 
Commonwealth to maintain that one’s carriage and behavior were 
not necessarily dangerous and seditious because one’s abstract faith 
was pronounced to be heretical by elders and magistrates.1 

‘The party which Winthrop led in the General Court, both officially 
and personally, and Wilson in the Synod, was content with no half 
measures. Vane was evidently glad enough, at last, to get back to 
England on any pretext after his defeat by Winthrop in the election 
for governor ;* Cotton, whom poor Mrs. Hutchinson had followed to 

ew an ause O C é urity of his faith, seemec 
New England, because of the soundness and purity of his faith, ed 

1 See Callender’s [Historical Discourse on The Civil and Religious Affuirs of the Colony of 
Rhode Islund & Providence Plantations, 1739. For an admirable account of the Antino- 
mian controversy, see also Bowen’s Life of Anne ITutchinson in Sparks’s American Biogra- 
phy, vol. vi., new series. 

2 How intense the party feeling of the time was is evident in some significant incidents 
related by Winthrop. When he was elected to succeed Vane in 1637, the two sergeants, 
whose duty it was to precede the governor on all public occasions, carrying halberds, re- 
fused to perform this office before Winthrop. One of the men was a son of Mrs. Hutch- 
inson. Winthrop invited a young English lord — Lord Ley —on a visit to Boston, to 
dinner, asking Vane, among others, to meet him. ‘ Mr. Vane,” Says Winthrop, “ not 
only refused to come (alleging, by letter, that his conscience withheld him), but also, at 
the same hour, he went over to Nottle’s Island to dine with Mr. Maverick, and carried 
the Lord Ley with him.” One is not surprised to read that when, not long after, Vane 
and Ley went down the harbor on their way to sea, although many persons were present > 
to do honor to the departure of the ex-goyernor, and salutes were fired from the castle 
and elsewhere, the governor himself “was not come from the court, but had left order for 


their honourable dismission.” Such were the amenities that attended the controversy on 
sanctification and justification. 


42 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


to fall away from his friends, though, perhaps, he only saw how im- 
possible it was for any man, in the full possession of his reason, to go 
the whole length of either party.) One by one the Antinomians were 
deprived of their strongest leaders. Wheelwright wandered away 
treatment Lorthward, and stopped when he reached what seemed a. 
eee yy promising spot in the woods for a plantation — now Exeter, 

~ New Hampshire. The most shocking and disgusting cal-. 
umnies were,—as we have already related,?— visited upon Mrs.. 
Hutchinson, and were enough to drive her out into any wilderness, 
however savage, even if Massachusetts had not decreed her banish- 
ment after a trial which only needed thumbscrews and the rack to be: 
complete after its kind. | 

In Boston and its vicinity between seventy and eighty, most of 
them men of character and influence, were compelled to surrender’ 
their arms, — with the added humiliation of carrying them with then 
own hands to a certain place of deposit, —as enemies of the common- 
wealth. Many shared the sentence of Mrs. Hutchinson and her 
brother and were banished ; others preferred voluntary exile to re- 
maining where they were objects of constant suspicion, and dreaded 
as a dangerous and wicked faction. Whether there was any reason or 
not for apprehending that the defeated party would resort to arms, 
there was good reason for fearing their strength. Though the min- 
isters, and the magistrates who joined with them, were able to rule 
with a high hand, the minority that was compelled to submit was a. 
very large one. 

Many of these were driven by such persecutions to seek for a new 
home outside the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. Nearly all of them 
were of that number who were compelled to give up their arms. 
“J thought it not strange,” wrote one of them — John Clark — ‘* to 
see men difter about matters of Heaven, for I expect no less upon 
Earth: But to see that they were not able so to bear each with other 
in their different understandings and consciences, as in those utmost. 
parts of the World to live peaceably together, whereupon I moved the 
latter [his own friends], for as much as the land was before us and 
wide enough, with the profer of Abraham to Lot, and for peace sake, 








1 Eminent and good as John Cotton was, his course in this controversy, as well as on 
other occasions, could hardly fail to give him the reputation of a man so candid that he 
cared nothing for consistency, or else so vacillating as to be untrustworthy. A Mr. Ward, 
“once lecturer at St. Michael’s, in Cornhill, London,” — probably the Rev. Nathaniel 
Ward, “ The Simple Cobbler of Agawam,” — said of him: “ Here is our reverend elder, 
Mr. Cotton, who ordinarily preacheth that publicly one year, that the next year he pub- 
licly repents of, and shews himself very sorrowful for it to the congregation.” Simplici- 
tic’s Defence against Seven Headed Policy, etc., etc. Republication in R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
vol. ii., p» 122, 

2 See vol, i, p. 556. 


1638. ] SELTILEMENT AT PORTSMOUTH, R. I. 43 


to turn aside to the right hand, or to the left.””!_ Moved by a purpose 
so peaceful and sensible, Wheelwright was first visited at Exeter; 
then Long Island and the Capes of the Delaware were proposed, and 
on the way southward Williams and the people of Plymouth, — tole- 
rant of schismatics and who knew from long and bitter experience 
what exile for conscience’ sake meant —were visited. All concurred 
in advising them to go no further, but to take possession upon the isl- 
and of Aquetnet, or Acquidneck — now Rhode Island. Their first 
choice was Sowames — a neck of land in the present town of Barring- 
ton, — but the Plymouth people claimed the latter as belonging to 
them, holding it, they said, “to be the garden of their Patent, and the 
flour in the garden,” while the island was not within their bounda- 
ries.2- On this latter point, however, the Plymouth authorities changed 




































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































their minds 
some years ~ Hae 
afterward. In 1650, Me 
when Coddington, the “Kties3 
governor of Rhode. HANOI TESST AT A APE RSE LM en ene ENE 
Island, petitioned for a. {US ES RABIN TN IPN # 
patent, Edward Wins- The Cove, Portsmouth, Rhode Island. 
low appeared on_be- 
half of the Plymouth people before the committee of the admiralty in 
London, claiming that Acquidneck belonged to them under the grant 
of 1620.2 | 

The island, however, was purchased from Canonicus and Mian- 
tonomo, for “forty fathom of white beads,” for Coddington and _ his 
associates. It was done, writes Williams, “through that love and 
favour which that honoured gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, and myself, 
had with the great sachem, Myantonomy, about the league which I 

















1 [ll Newes from New England: or a Narrative of New England’s Persecution, etc. By 
John Clark, Physician of Rode Island in America. 1652. Republished in A/ass. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. ii. 

2 Clark’s Narrative. 

3 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, edited by W. Noel Sainsbury, p. 338. 


44 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


procured between the Massachusetts English and the Narragansetts 
in the Pequod war.” 

The purchase was made on the 24th of March, 1637-8. The new 
<ettlement Comers pitched their tents at the northern extremity of 
at Ports the island, at Pocasset, now called Portsmouth, possibly 


mouth, 


ea Mira some days before. With a reverential reliance upon the 
ars divine support, quite out of keeping with the supposition 
that they were men too dangerous to society to be trusted with deadly 
weapons, they had entered, on the Tth of the month, into a compact 
rather of the character of a church than of a civil body. ‘To incorpo- 
rate themselves into a body politic they submitted their lives, persons, 
and estates unto the ** Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings, and 
Lord of Lords, and to all those most perfect and absolute laws of his, 
given unto us in his holy word of truth, to be guided and judged 
thereby.” } Under this theocracy they proposed to live; and Mr. 

Coddington was at once chosen chief judge, with, probably, 
hose ciel the functions of an equity court, but without the power of 
opiet enforcing its decisions. 

The experiment was a short one. “The perfect and absolute law’ 
of the Scriptures might have been 
quite sufficient for the original asso- 
clates alone, but their numbers were 
soon added to with such a result as 
might have been looked for. Some 
of those who came to the new settle- 
ment were probably not saints ; some 
of those who were may possibly have 
been saints of a very pragmatical 
and uncompliant disposition. Nota 
year had passed when we find that 
three persons were elected as elders 
to assist Mr. Coddington, and two 
of these three were not among the 
original associates. Not long after 
Governor Coddington. a constable was chosen to preserve 


’ 





the peace and prevent unlawful meetings, and a sergeant elected to 
keep a prison for the custody of those committed to his charge.? 
About the same time William Aspinwall, one of the most respectable 


1 The associates were William Coddington, John Clark, William Hutchinson, John 
Coggeshall, William Aspinwall, Samuel Wilbore, John Porter, John Sanford, Edward 
Hutchinson, Jun., Thomas Savage, William Dyre, William Freeborne, Phillip Shearman, 
John Walker, Richard Carder, William Baulston, Edward Hutchinson, Sen., Henry Bull. 
—Callender’s Historical Discourse. Backus adds to the list the name of Randal Holden. 


2 Rhode Island Colonial Records. 


1639. | DISSENSIONS IN THE NEW COLONY. 45 


and most conspicuous of those who had been banished from Massa- 
chusetts, was proceeded against ‘‘as a suspected person for sedition 
against the State.” ‘There are no surer evidences of civil government 
than jails and constables. 

It is easy to imagine the progress of events. The class to which, un- 
der the category of ‘* Persons distressed in conscience,” Roger Williams 
suggested that a shelter might be found about Narragansett = __ 
Bay, is always sure to include some very disagreeable and ee Meio 
very unreasonable, though unquestionably most upright and pe 
worthy people. Some of this kind, probably, whose consciences were 
very tender, as well as some who had no consciences at all, followed 
to Rhode Island John Clark and his friends, whose earnest desire in 
going was that they might be permitted “ to live peaceably together.” 
There were penalties many and severe yet to be paid before liberty and 
peace could dwell together undisturbed, as these people soon made man- 
ifest. 















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































It was thought in Boston, or, at 
least, Governor Winthrop believed, 
that Mrs. Hutchinson was at the bot- 
tom of the troubles which broke out in Sop : Pec 
the new colony. In May, 1639, the ~= ie ca he i 
governor writes: ‘At Aquiday the Entrance to Newport Harbor. 
people grew very tumultuous, and put 
out Mr. Coddington and the other three magistrates, and chose Mr. 
Hutchinson only, a man of a very mild temper and weak parts, and 
wholly guided by his wife, who had been the beginner of all the former 
troubles in the country, and still continued to breed disturbance.” * 
This was, no doubt, so far true that Mrs. Hutehinson was not 
likely to have been a silent listener to any discussions, espe- Influence of 


Mrs. Hutch- 


cially upon theological questions, and these could hardly  inson in 
these dis- 


have failed to arise among minds cut loose from all settled  coras. 
beliefs by the Antinomian controversy, and hot and eager with 






1 See Winthrop’s History, vol. i., p. 356, and Savage’s note on this passage. Also, Pal- 
frey’s Hist. of New England, yol.i., pp. 512, 513. 


46 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. II. 


novel theories, political and polemical. And out of such discussions 
may well have been evolved the necessity of civil rule and a change 
of rulers. But the spirit, nevertheless, in which John Clark spoke 
influenced many 
am ret among them, remem- 
Te bering the proffer of 
Abraham to Lot, and 
turning one to the 
right hand and the 
other to the left. 
Coddington and his 
friends removed 
within two years to 
the other end of the 
island,—at New- 
port, — but the colo- 
nies were soon after 
united under one 
government, with 
Coddington at its 
head, and Hutchin- 
son as one of his 
assistants. 

Newport was settled by nine of the leading men of Pocasset — or, 
as it was this year named, Portsmouth — including all its magistrates.! 
Of these, the first who built a house was Nicholas Easton, who, with 
his two sons, Peter and John, arrived in a boat on the first of May, 
perhaps a little in advance of his eight associates. He and his sons, 
at any rate, were the first to provide themselves with a permanent 
shelter. At the first recorded meeting of the emigrants on the 16th 
of May, the site of “ the plantation now begun at this southwest end 
of the island” is fixed as on both sides of the spring, ‘‘ by the seaside 
southward” ; this spring was on the west side of the present Spring 
Street near the State House, its stream running to the harbor. The 
town grew rapidly, and in five months numbered one hundred and one 
persons. Winthrop says in his journal of that month: ‘ They [at 
Acquidneck ] also gathered a church in a very disordered way; for they 
took some excommunicated persons, and others who were members of 














1 The nine were William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, John Coggeshall, William Bren- 
ton, John Clark, Jeremy Clark, Thomas Hazard, Henry Bull, and William Dyre. 

* The house was on the west side of Farewell Street, a little west of Friends’ meeting- 
house in the Newport of our day. Coddington’s house was on the north side of Marlbor- 
ough Street, fronting Duke Street. — Arnold’s History of Rhode Island. 


1642. ] REMOVAL OF MRS. HUTCHINSON. 47 


‘the church of Boston and not dismissed.’ He probably refers to a 
gathering at Pocasset, but these nine founders of Newport must have 
been its chief members, and were not likely to have lost their Christian 
fellowship by their removal. The ‘ disordered way” was ere long 
the Baptist Church of Newport, with the Rev. John Clark as_ pastor, 
— to the Puritan mind “ a confusion worse confounded.” 

Hutchinson died in 1642. Only the summer before a son and a 
son-in-law of the family had been imprisoned and fined on a visit to 
Boston,! and it is far more probable that Mrs. Hutchinson, longing 
for peace and tranquillity, sought, after her husband’s death, \.. pase. 
to escape persecution and calumny by removing to New insongotsto 
Netherland, out of the reach of her own countrymen, than !24- 
that it became intolerable to her, as her detractors would have us 
believe, to live in any peaceful and well-ordered community. ‘She 
and her party,” says Winthrop, ‘would have no magistracy.” But 
there was no evil he was not willing to believe of that unhappy lady. 
He even suspected her of witchcraft, and that she had bewitched 
this young man Collins, who married her daughter ; for “it was cer- 
tainly known,” he says, with the utmost solemnity, that her ‘* bosom 
friend,’”’ one Hawkins’s wife, ‘had much familiarity with the devil 
in England.” 

In truth these Rhode Island people grew, from the beginning, to be 
more and more intolerable to the Boston brethren. It was yoctiity of 
bad enough that they should obstinately maintain the rights Mss 
of independent thought and private conscience ; it was un- Adank 
pardonable that they should assume to be none the less sincere Chris- 
tians and good citizens, and should succeed in establishing a govern- 
ment of their own on principles which the Massachusetts General 
Court declared were criminal. Even in a common peril the Massa- 
chusetts magistrates could recognize no tie of old friendship — hardly, 
indeed, of human sympathy — that should bind them to such men. 
Opportunities for showing the bitterness and intensity of this feeling 
“were not long in coming. 

The necessity still existed — by whose fault may, perhaps, be ques- 
tioned, but, at any rate, existed —of the utmost vigilance lest the 
hatred of the Indians should be again provoked, notwithstanding the 
terrible lesson of the Pequot war, into open hostility. An alliance of 


1 Collins, the son-in-law, was fined £100, and Hutchinson £50, not with any expectation 
that such fines could ever be paid, but that the men might be detained in prison. Gov- 
ernor Winthrop frankly acknowledges this and gives as an additional reason that the fam- 
ily had theretofore been so troublesome. In Collins’s case this vicarious punishment was 
inflicted upon a man who had not even been in the country a twelve month. When the 
magistrates were satisfied with the length of the imprisonment the fines were remitted, and 
-the young men returned to Rhode Island. 


48 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuar. II. 


all the English was, as that war had proved, the wisest precaution and 
the surest defence. These later settlements, made meanwhile on Nar- 
ragansett Bay, were not less sensible of the common danger, nor 
doubtful as to how it could best be met. 

Upon this subject Governor Coddington wrote in 1640, by order of 
Proposition the General Court, to the Governor of Massachusetts. The 
for an character of the letter we only know from Winthrop’s ac- 
eres count of it. Though it came from Newport and not from 
Indians. Providence, it was written in that humane spirit which Roger 
Williams had always held should govern the treatment of the natives; 
that the real safety of the English lay in a just recognition of the nat- 
ural rights of the Indians. ‘* They declared,” says Winthrop, “ their 
dislike of such as would have the Indians rooted out, as being of the 
cursed race of Ham, and their desire of our mutual accord in seeking 
to gain them by justice and kindness, and withal to watch over them 
to prevent any danger by them.” 

The magistrates of Connecticut and New Haven united with those 
ene of Acquidneck in this reasonable and Christian proposition. 
Massachu- Nor was it in itself repugnant to the General Court of the 
rg Bay. But however apprehensive they might be of a savage 
outbreak, however much disposed to conciliate the Indians by justice 
and kindness, they, in Boston, would neither bestow nor willingly 
receive blessings in companionship with heretics. The resentment 
which would seize such an occasion for its gratification seems almost 
puerile. ‘ We returned answer of our consent with them in all things 
propounded,” writes Winthrop, “ only we refused to include those of 
Aquiday in our answer, or to have any treaty with them.”! The 
official record is even more explicit. The letter, it was ordered, “ shall 
be thus answered by the governor; that the court doth assent to all 
the propositions laid down in the aforesaid letter, but that the answer 
shall be directed to Mr. Eaton, Mr. Hopkins, and Mr. Haynes [of 
New Haven and of Connecticut] only, excluding Mr. Coddington and 
Mr. Brenton [of Newport,] as men not to be capitulated withal by us, 
either for themselves or the people of the Island which they inhabit, 
as their case standeth.”’ ? 

Nor was this an outbreak of a merely temporary feeling. Here was 
the spirit which was to shape the future relations of the older and the 
younger colony. I shut out all considerations of a common interest, 
dulled the sense of a common danger, stifled the sympathies of a kin- 
dred blood. The ‘ case” of these men in Narragansett Bay was that 
they had been banished from Massachusetts, or had fled of their own 


1 Savage’s Winthrop, vol. ii., p. 24. 
2 Records of Massachusetts, vol. i., p. 305. 


1643. | THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY. 49 


accord that they might enjoy in peace the right of thinking for them- 
selves. But that was a right which to the Puritans of Boston was 
intolerable. It was not merely —as is so often pretended on their 
behalf — that these Puritans sought to protect the house of refuge 
they had built from any disturbing influences; they were no less de- 
termined that there should not be, if they could prevent it, anywhere 
within their reach, a church or a state that was not formed upon their 
model. 

This proposition from the people of Rhode Island was only the re- 
newal of an already familiar discussion. ‘The question of a confed- 
eration of the colonies had been annually brought up for consideration 
from the close of the Pequot war to the spring of 1643 among the 
magistrates of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Plymouth. From 
year to year the project was deferred, the two smaller colonies fearing 
lest, in the adjustment of the terms of alliance, too much power should 
fall into the hands of the stronger colony of the Bay. One point, at 
least, might now be considered as settled ; however willing Connecti- 
cut and New Haven might be that Acquidneck should be included in 
such a league, should it ever be formed, the assent of Massachusetts 
could only be obtained by the exclusion of that colony. 

In 1643, accordingly, a confederation was made embracing Massa- 
chusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. 

The New 

The same end and aim, the preamble recited, had brought melon Mh) 
them into these parts of America, ‘‘ to advance the kingdom 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in 
purity with peace.” Their distance from each other was incompatible 
with a single government for all these plantations , but their danger 
was a common one from the “ people of several nations and strange 
languages ” by whom they were surrounded; they could not look for 
protection from the home government because of ‘“ the sad distractions 
in England; ” they entered, therefore, under the name of the United 
Colonies of New England, ‘into a firm and perpetual league of friend- 
ship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor upon 
all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and 
liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare.” 

The purpose of this federation was strictly defined and limited, and 
its affairs were to be entrusted to a body of eight commissioners, two 
from each colony. The main object was an offensive and defensive 
league in case of war, though the rendition of fugitive servants and 
criminals was also provided for. In all things else each colony re- 
served to itself the right of self government. Thus simple were the 
terms of this federal union,so obviously the germ of the union of 
States of the next century. 


VOL. II. 4 


50 SOUTHERN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuape. II, 


For six years, as we have already said, this question of confeder- 

Fad ation was a topic of anxious discussion. ‘Though so strictly 
theconfed: defined and limited, it was only with the utmost caution that 
acd the several colonies consented to surrender the rights of self- 
government even for so obvious a good as a sure protection against 
their enemies. Perhaps the league would have been even longer de- 
layed had not other than Indian wars been thought possible. The 
people along the southern coast of New England had turned their 
resolute faces and longing eyes towards New Netherland. The peo- 
ple of Massachusetts, or, at least, the leaders among them, never lost 
sight of the hope of absolute independence which first moved them to 
transfer their company, with its charter, quietly and secretly from 
London to Massachusetts Bay. They watched with absorbing in- 
terest the progress of the Revolution in England, cautious of any rash 
precipitancy, but ready for any emergency by which they might be 
involved in that great struggle, and any event that might be turned 
to their own advantage. That General Court of Massachusetts which 
ratified the act of confederacy, also decreed that in the oath of alle- 
giance taken by the Governor and magistrates they should omit “ for 
the present” the words “ you shall bear true faith and allegiance to 
our Sovereign Lord King Charles;” for the king, they said, ** had 
violated the privileges of Parliament, and made war upon them.” 

But from this first New England confederacy — with its immediate 
Agamenti. Purpose of defence and offence against the Indians, and the 
Qtauiineck POSSible purposes which time might bring forth — Gorges’s 
excluded. colony at Agamenticus ( York) in Maine, and the planta- 
tions on the Narragansett, were rigidly excluded. The Puritans 
dreaded the state and the church from which they had fled, and which 
Gorges represented; they hated the heretics who had escaped to 
Rhode Island from the persecutions of the church and the state which 
they sought to establish. 


Gol DW Enpu te 


Signature of John Davenport. 


CLEA EEE Raebits 


THE BOSTON PURITANS. 


Rocer WILLIAMS AND LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. — Boston PuRITANISM. — Its Bie- 
oTrRY.— Tur BELIEF IN A SPECIAL DIVINE PROTECTION. — SPECIAL PROVIDENCES. 
— Puritan INTERPRETATION OF DISASTERS AND MISFORTUNES. — PopuLAR ApP- 
PREHENSION OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE.— EARLY LAWS OF THE PURITANS. — 
REGULATION OF Dress anp Customs. — PATERNAL CHARACTER OF THE GOVERN- 
MENT. — RELATIONS OF THE SEXES. — LAWS AGAINST LYING AND BLASPHEMY. — 
PUNISHMENTS. — PURITAN SPIRIT AND ITS RESULTS IN PRACTICE. — SAMUEL GOoR- 
Ton. — His AcTion aT BOSTON AND AT PLYMOUTH, AND HIS BANISHMENT. — GOR- 
TON AND HIS COMPANIONS AT ACQUIDNECK AND PAWTUXET. — Tue ATTempT TO 
SEIZE WestTon’s OCaTTLs. — INTERFERENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS. — ARBITRARY 
CourRsE OF THE BosTON MAGISTRATES. — GORTON AT SHAWOMET.— His LETTER. 


“SLATE Rock,” as the spot is still called where Williams first 
stepped on shore in search of a new home, marks a memorable event in 
the history of New England. The wrongs he had suffered might 
have passed into oblivion as evil so often does, had not their memory 
been kept alive by the good which followed as a beneficent 1f winiams 
not an inevitable consequence. A man less sturdy in cour- pt {ery 
age, or of a virtue less stern would have been crushed into °°" 
submission or frightened into retraction by the persecution with 
which he was beset. But whether the assertion of the liberty of 
thought and of freedom of conscience did or did not lead Roger Wil- 
liams into errors, sometimes of thought and sometimes of action, the 
right of private judgment and the sacredness of conscientious convic- 
tion were still true; and to him was given the strength to assert 
and maintain, through much tribulation, the great principle, then 
dimly understood, which lies at the foundation of all free government 
and of all intelligent religious belief. 

In the last analysis Puritanism meant freedom of thought and lb- 
erty of conscience. But the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay pocton puri. 
limited it to that measure of truth — by no means small in- ""*™ 
deed — to which they had attained. It was, they believed, obedience 
to the highest law of the human soul to go as far as they went; it 
was heresy to go beyond. They not only would not admit that free- 


52 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [Cuap. Il. 


dom of thought and of conscience could legitimately lead to any other 
conclusions than those they had reached; but they would not admit 
that such freedom should go further and test the justice of those con- 
clusions. More than this, — they insisted that any conclusions differ- 
ing from their own were full of dismay and disaster; and they denied 
ie possibility of coming to any other result by < any logical process of 
thought whatever. 








































































































































































































Slate Rock. 


Accordingly they believed those deserving of the severest condem- 
nation who maintained any doctrine which, according to the construc- 
tion they chose to put upon it and the deductions they chose to draw 
from it, was mischievous, however vehemently those holding that doc- 
trine might repudiate such a construction and such deductions. They 
assumed, therefore, not merely to punish the propagation of error 
evidently or confessed as of evil intent; they were no less eager to 
visit with severe penalties any doctrine which others might hold to be 
truthful and beneficent, but from which they by some ingenious intel- 
lectual process could deduce a possible civil offence or a religious 
heresy. 


1640. ] BOSTON PURITANISM. 53 


It was to the last degree narrow-minded, and, as narrow-mindedness 
always is, absurd. But these people were not the less sincere because 
they were intolerant. Bigotry, though it be ever so cruel, is not neces- 
sarily dishonest, and there can be no rational doubt that these Puritan 
bigots were for the most part upright and conscientious. They had 
braved the pains and perils of exile from homes and country most 
dearly loved to secure their own inalienable rights, and they 
felt to the very marrow of their bones the persecution from 
which they had fled. That which was gained was the more precious 
for the price that was paid for it, and they could not intermit their 
vigilance in guarding a possession that had cost so much. If the 
weakness of passion sometimes blunted the finer sense of justice, this 
is only to say that these men were human, — that great suffering had 
not taught them perfect charity. 

But either they would not or could not recognize the fact that be- 
cause they had gone so far and opened the way, others would inevita- 
bly insist upon going further; that the limit to thought and to freedom 
in matters civil and religious which they set up would not be accepted 
by others because they themselves were satisfied that only danger and 
darkness lay beyond. ‘There was reason enough in their own circum- 
stances and in their relations to the mother country for the exercise of 
the utmost care lest liberty should become license ; but it behooved 
them of all men to make no mistake in drawing the dividing line be- 
tween license and liberty. If they feared the harvest was to be of 
thorns they should have remembered it was of the tree they planted ; 
and remembering this they should have doubted of such thorns; they 
should have reflected that if, when the fruit be gathered, it should be 
found not sharp and bitter, but of exceeding sweetness and whole- 
someness, what madness it would have been to lay the axe at the 
root of the tree that bore it. 

No faith could be more profound — none indeed more logical, if rest- 
ing on a sure foundation — than that of these Boston Puritans in their 
own righteousness. They believed that the Almighty Power 
which created and governed the universe, unseen elsewhere 
and of other men, manifested itself visibly and unmistakably 
for their protection and in approbation of their dives and _ actions. 
It was, perhaps, only the elect few who recognized in all its marvellous 
majesty this impendency of the Divine presence ; to common people 
yet subject to temptation and liable to sin, God may have seemed, as 
He does always to ordinary mortals, afar off. But to those who did 
see it, this visible imminence of the Almighty, manifested in incidents 
that might otherwise seem trivial or fortuitous, as well as in great 


events, had an awful meaning, and exercised over their existence an 


Its bigotry. 


Belief ina 
special Di- 
vine protec- 
tion. 


54 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [Cuap. IIE. 


irresistible and commanding influence. Life must needs have been a 
very stern and sombre thing to men who believed themselves to be 
standing face to face with God, to have entered into his counsels, to 
be joined with Him in the same work, to be justified in all they did by 
constant revelations of His will, or warned by significant punishments 
of His displeasure. They felt quite as intensely and devoutly as men 
generally feel that the will and the law of the Infinite Creator goy- 
erned everywhere and always — omniscient in a universe without 
bounds; omnipresent in an eternity without beginning and without 
end. But to them there was a sense of a personal Divine presence 
which had another and even more overwhelming meaning: God him- 
self was always and personally in Boston. 

This belief in an immediate Providential government of the affairs 
of New England, so often avowed by Winthrop and others of the lead- 
ing Puritans, was more profound than any ordinary superstition ; it 
was a fundamental religious faith. Incidents in themselves trivial 
were “special Providences;”’ events of larger moment and wider 
consequence were ‘judgments of God.” He before whom Moses hid 
his face, and who said “* I am the God of thy father, the God of Abra- 
ham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob,” was again a real per- 
sonal presence upon the earth, had again revealed himself to his own 
peculiar people. Their wisdom was his wisdom; their purposes were 
his purposes ; their enemies were his enemies. He shielded them in 
a thousand ways from trouble. If the wicked were visited with mis- 
fortunes, it was because they were wicked in His estimation as well as 
in theirs. If mishap sometimes befell the good it was to remind them 
of their dependence upon God, or to rebuke them for a proneness to 
forget that He was the source of all blessings. In either case it was 
to testify His immediate presence, or His approval of all that they 
thought and did believing it to be His will. Thus there was vouch- 
safed to them a constant revelation, and by the wise its voice could 
never be mistaken. | 

To incidents trifiing in themselves there might be a tremendous im- 
port. Among a thousand books in a chamber where also 
was a store of corn, lay a volume in which were bound up 
together a Greek Testament, the Psalms, and the Book of Common 
Prayer. It was a thing “worthy of observation,” to the pious Win- 
throp, that a mouse should have entered the garret, eaten the Prayer 
Book, ‘* every leaf of it,” and left the rest untouched. Could this be 
accident ? Was it a mouse’s discrimination ? It was so obvious as to 
need only to be pointed out that by this humble instrument God had 
chosen to testify his abhorrence of the stated prayers of an idolatrous 
church. 


Special 
Providences, 


1640.] SPECIAL PROVIDENCES. Do 


Could the Lord tolerate false doctrine? There was no want of an- 
swers. God followed Mrs. Hutchinson —a “ woman who had the 
chiefe rule of all the roast, being very bold in her strange Revelations 
and misapplications ’’ — and her family to New Netherland, where, 
says Johnson,! the Indians “ cruelly murthered her, taking one of their 
daughters away with them, and another of them seeking to escape, is 
caught, as she was getting over a hedge, and they drew her back 
againe by the haire of the head to the stump of a tree, and there cut 
off her head with a hatchet.” But this was “ the loud-speaking hand 
of God against them.” A barber was overtaken by a storm on Bos- 
ton Neck — the road still so called, and leading to the suburban towns 
of Roxbury and Dorchester —and perished. It was remembered of 
him when his frozen 
body was recovered 
from the snow, that 
he was one who “ hav- 
ing a fit opportunity, 
by reason of his trade, 
so soone as any were 
set downe in his 
chaire, he would com- 
monly be cutting of 
their haire and the 
truth together.’ ? In 
the Hutchinson con- 
troversy this unhap- 
py man had been so 
carried away by his 
mistaken zeal, that his name is found among those whose arms were 
taken from them.* That he should freeze to death was a testimony from 
the Lord that an antinomian and contumacious barber, who for the 
propagation of error, so misused his-opportunities, was not fit to live. 

Governor Winthrop called it a notable ‘* judgment of God,” that 
twenty-one barrels of gunpowder should explode on board an English 
ship in the harbor of Charlestown, killing the captain, nine or ten of 
his crew, and some others; for they were ‘ profane scoffers,” says the 


1 Wonder-working Providence in New England, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii., et seq. 

2 Johnson’s Wonder Working Providence. 

8 This house, of which an account is given in the Historical Magazine, second series, 
vol. ii., p. 169 (number for September, 1867), stands on Minot Street, near Chicatawbut 
Street, in the part of Dorchester called Neponset, now annexed to Boston. It is called 
the “Minot House,” from the name of its first owner; and is asserted to be the oldest 
wooden house in the United States. 

4 His name was William Dinely, and his infant son, born ten days after the father’s 
death, was baptized Fathergone. Savage’s Winthrop. Note, vol. i., p. 345. 




























































































































































































































































































































































































Ruins of the Oldest House now standing in Boston; built in 1633.° 


56 THE BOSTON PURITANS. fCnap. IIL, 


Governor, “at us, and at the ordinances of religion here.” Not that 
they were irreligious or wicked men in any other sense, for the captain 
had said, when questioned for his absence from a fast-day meeting in 
the town, that ‘ they had as good service on board as we had on shore.” 
It was a fatal assumption on behalf of the English Church ; only two 
hours later God made the difference manifest by tearing ship and peo- 
ple to atoms ; and it was the more significant that a shower of rain 
and some other hindrances were sent to detain from the coming catas- 
trophe some of the leading Puritans of Boston, who were on their way 
to the vessel. The Lord protected His own, and sent his ‘ judgment 
upon those scorners of his ordinances and the ways of his servants.” 

So at home and abroad, in great things and in small things, in the 
affairs of individuals, and in the affairs of the church and of the state, 
the interference of Divine Providence was manifested, and always for 
the protection of these His peculiar people, for the justification of their 
wisdom and virtue in thought and deed, and for the punishment of 
their enemies. It was ‘‘ a special providence,” Mr. Winthrop thought, 
that set a neighbor’s hens to cackling in the night time, and aroused 
their owner to discover that the house of good Mr. Pelham at Cam- 
bridge, was on fire. No foolish fowls or crowing cocks could so mis- 
take the hght of a conflagration for the break of day, except it were 
to bring safety to a man so truly good. 

But see a protecting care in larger measure to save the State. 
Divine inter. When one Captain Mason built in London a ship which was 
porten " to bring over the dreaded General Governor for New Eng- 
oe land, it was the Lord who “ disappointed and frustrated all 
the designs” of its enemies by breaking the ship’s back before she 
had left the stocks. Mason himself, as a further evidence of the divine 
displeasure, ‘‘ soon after fell sick and died,” not even death-bed repent- 
ance availing him when he promised that “if he recovered to be as 
great a friend to New England [to the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay, 
that is,] as he had formerly been an enemy.” So also Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges “never prospered,” for he ‘¢ also had sided with our adversaries 
against us, but underhand, pretending by his letters and speeches to 
seek.our welfare.” 

Even some rash men, returning to England against all advice and 
bearing thither no good report of the people and the country, were 
beset with disaster, tossed up and down by tempests, reduced to 
painful suffering for want of food, and only escaped shipwreck when 
they “humbled themselves before the Lord, and acknowledged God’s 
hand to be justly out against them, for speaking evil of this good 
land and the Lord’s people here.” Nor was disaster by sea the end 
of their troubles. On shore, “some were exposed to great straits, 


1640. | DIVINE INTERPOSITION. oT 


and found no entertainment, their friends forsaking them ;” the 
daughter of one of them soon went mad, and a worse fate befell 
two of her sisters, who were debauched ; a schoolmaster, the worst of 
these slanderers of the saints, who succeeded in gathering a school 
about him, was ruined by the plague by which his pupils were dis- 
persed and two of his own children taken away from him. 

They saw the hand of the Lord raised over them in special protec- 
tion, or in special rebuke in evidences like these many times, from 
year to year, in many places in the old world and the new. Only a 
few months before these evil-minded passengers were followed across 
the Atlantic by the divine wrath, a mail carrier was overtaken by a 
freshet on his way to Boston from the Isles of Shoals, where a ship 
had just arrived from England. His companion was lost beneath the 
ice, but he was permitted to escape, for “he had about him all the 
letters from England which were brought in the ship, which sure were 
the occasion of God’s preserving him, more than any goodness of the 
man.” Again, “a special providence of God appeared” in the case 
of a burning house in Roxbury, for some one remembered and gave 
warning in season that there was a store of gunpowder within, and 
though the explosion was like an earthquake, and burning cinders 
were carried even beyond Boston meeting-house, yet was no man in- 
jured. But the loss of the powder was the more observable, inasmuch 
as the General Court had neglected to pay for it, and had refused to 
lend a portion of it both to Virginia and to Plymouth, when those 
colonies were in danger of an attack from the Indians, and were with- 
out adequate means of defence. It was thus that Heaven chose to 
remind its servants that neither commercial contracts nor the claims 
of humanity could be ignored with impunity even in Boston. 

Puerile as such incidents may seem to the robuster common sense 
of later times, and easy as it is to bring to their interpretation the test 
of reason, they had a tremendous meaning to the Boston Puritans. 
Why, for example, should the Lord destroy the powder of Massa- 
chusetts Bay at one time because it was not sent to the Virginians to 
be used for their defence against the Indians, when the next year it 
was the divine will that these Virginians, then no better and no worse, 
should be destroyed by the savages? But counsel was not taken of 
human reason. In the later event Governor Winthrop could only see 
in the desolation of Virginia, that “it was very observable that the 
massacre came upon them soon after they had driven out the puritan in- 
godly ministers we had sent to them, and had made an order ed aie 
that all such as would not conform to the discipline of the “*"™ 
church of England should depart the country by a certain day, ... .« 
and many were forced to give glory to God in acknowledging that 


58 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [Cuap. IIL. 


this evil was sent upon them from God for their reviling the gospel 
and those faithful ministers he had sent among them.” ‘The essential 
thing was, not whether the Virginians had or had. not gunpowder ; 
whether they could or could not defend themselves against the In- 
dians; but that Boston might be rebuked or justified in whatever 
happened to them in which she had any concern. It was not that 
God cared much about Virginia. 

The sign sought for in any coincidence of events was always the 
divine approval of the gospel according to the Puritans, and all that 
the Puritans did to 
establish that gos- 
pel. Thus it was 
because certain 
men of Hingham 
put out upon the 
Bay with a raft of 
timber, upon a fast 
day, that a tem- 
pest descended up- 
on them, the tim- 
ber was nearly all 
lost, and the men 
came near drown- 
ing; for. they 
scoffed at a fast 
appointed by the 
magistrates in Bos- 
ton, following their 
pastor, the Rev. 
Peter Hobart, “a Hingham Meeting House, built 1681. 
bold man, who would speak his mind,” and who 
had notions of his own, on things civil and eccle- 
siastical. Winthrop notes this incident as ‘a 
special providence of God, pointing out his dis- 
pleasure against these profane persons.” 

And when not long after, intelligence was received of the loss by 
shipwreck, on the coast of Wales, of Governor Kieft and eighty 
other persons of New Netherland, the Massachusetts governor speaks 
of it as ‘an observable hand of God against the Dutch at New Neth- 
erlands, which though it were sadly to be lamented in regard of the 
calamity, yet there appeared in it so much of God in favor of his poor 
people here, and displeasure towards such as have opposed and injured 





















































~-CLE VE 





1 This is the oldest Meeting House now standing in North America. 


1640. | CHARACTER OF PURITAN INTOLERANCE. og 


them as is not to be passed by without due observation and acknowl- _ 
edgment.” Quite as observable is it that his religious faith had not 
overcome the natural man in the good governor, whose kindness of 
heart speaks out in spite of his stern theology. 

Men who had this abiding faith that they were under the special 
protection of Providence in a way and to a degree that was not ex- 
tended to the rest of God’s creatures ; — faith that God manifested, in 
the events of every-day life, his approval in what they did and in what 
they refrained from doing ; — faith in the divine sanction of all they 
believed, of the divine condemnation of all which they held to be 
error, making thus their hmit to the freedom of thought God’s limit 
also; — men with such a faith, being human became intolerant, and 
_ being intolerant, became persecutors. It was not merely, as they held, 
that no further discovery was possible of moral or religious truth; but 
that the truth already discovered and established could not be trusted 
to compete with error. They recognized the direct interposition of God 
in arresting false doctrines and in punishing those who held and spread 
them; what else could they do but follow the divine example ? There 
was a singular and unquestioning confidence in their own righteous- 
ness which seems inexplicable except by their unshaken conviction 
that they were, even as the angels of heaven, at one with God, and 
understood His will as it was given to no others to understand it. | 

“Tt is said,” — wrote a Puritan writer, whose seriousness and piety 
were none the less because of his wit, and his authority and influence 
none the less because of his pedantry and his affectation of poputar ap- 
quaintness — “ It is said, That Men ought to have Liberty of Prime, 
their Conscience, and that it is Persecution to debar them of ‘sen: 
it; I can rather stand amazed than reply to this: it is an astonish- 
ment to think that the braines of men should be parboyl’d in such 
impious ignorance; Let all the wits under the Heavens lay their 
heads together and find an Assertion worse than this (one excepted) 
I will Petition to be chosen the universal Ideot of the world.” ? Not 
a Puritan in Massachusetts, that Massachusetts could tolerate, but 
would agree with this. For so surely as it was divine wisdom that 
led the Puritan out of the Church of England, so it was not liberty 
of conscience but license of the devil that would lead one inch beyond 
the Church of Boston. 


1 The Simple Cobler of Aggawam in America, by the Rev. Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, 
Mass. This eminent Puritan clergyman exhausts the peculiarity of style which. distin- 
guishes him when writing of toleration. ‘“ How,’ he says, “all Religions should enjoy 
their liberty, Justice its due regularity, Civil cohabitation moral honesty, in one and the 
same Jurisdiction, is beyond the Artique of my comprehension. _ If the whole conclave of 
Hell can so compromise, exadverse, and diametrical contradictions, as to compolitize such a 
multimonstrous maufrey of heteroclytes and quicquidlibets quietly ; I trust I may say with 
all humble reverence, they can do more than the Senate of Heaven.” 


60 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [Cuap. IIL. 


‘* We have been reputed,” writes the same author, ‘a Colluvies of 
wild Opinionists, swarmed into a remote wilderness to find elbow room 
for our Phanatic Doctrines and practises; I trust our diligence past 
and constant sedulity against such persons and courses, will plead 
better things for us. I dare take upon me, to be the Herauld of New 
England so far, as to proclaim to the World, in the name of our 
Colony, that all Familists, Anti-nomians, Anabaptists, and other En- 
thusiasts shall have free Liberty to keep away from us, and such as 
will come to be gone as fast as they can, the sooner the better.” 

Nor was this merely an expression of opinion; it was the avowal 

ay of a policy. Non-conformists in Old England who became 
xtraae the Separatists almost before they were off soundings on thei 
Puritans. rans 
voyage to New England, could hardly escape the suspicion of 
encouraging the utmost latitudinarianism. Men who had secretly 
provided that the royal charter should go with them to their new 
home,! well knew that their purpose of self-government was very likely 
to be construed into a purpose of independent government and free- 
dom of religious opinion. ‘There was suspicion to be done away with, 
and a good reputation to be established even with that class of their 
countrymen who might seek, as they had sought, to escape from the 
imminent storm in England, and to find an asylum beyond the obser- 
ration, if not actually beyond the reach, of king and bishops. They 
could not, indeed, choose who should follow them to that place of 
safety ; but they could show that it was a place of safety only to those 
who, like themselves, believed neither too little nor too much. There 
was no doubt in their minds that they apprehended the will of God 
and did it; but they were not so different from other men of other 
times that their religious convictions were uninfluenced by mere worldly 
considerations, by pride of opinion, by an imperfect comprehension of 
avowed principles, by an impatient intolerance of all those who de- 
clined to accept that measure of truth, no more no less, which they 
maintained was the only correct measure. 

The colony of Massachusetts Bay its founders meant should be a 
virtuous, a happy, and a prosperous commonwealth ; but it was to be 
so strictly in accordance with their own notions of what constituted 
virtue, happiness, and prosperity, and there was no welcome and no 
toleration among them of any other opinions than their own. The 
cause of civil and religious liberty they maintained as they understood 
it, and up to that point which they had themselves reached; and they 
would have arrested all further progress at that point if they could. 
3ut man only proposes. It was well for humanity, civilization, and 
religion, that they were as good as they were, and did as much as 


1 See vol. i., p. 521, et seg. 


1641. ] EARLY LAWS OF MASSACHUSETTS. 61 


they did; that they were no better and did no more was their loss, 
not the world’s. Where they stopped, others went forward. 

But it is not to be forgotten that they were as rigid and uncom- 
promising in their ideas of morality as in their religious prin- pysssan 
ciples. If they aimed to measure and limit thought by a ™”* 
standard which they believed God himself had prescribed, so they 
were equally sincere and unwearied in their efforts to make men’s 
lives conform to the same rule of absolute right. Their whole method 
of government, whatever they did and whatever they proposed to do, 
can only be fairly considered in the light of their own understanding 
of their responsibility, and wisdom, and righteousness. 

The first code of laws drawn up at the request of the General Court, 
by the Rev. John Cotton, was taken entirely from the Old Testament. 
It was not, indeed, accepted, but another was substituted of which the 
Rev. Nathaniel Ward, — who 


knew something of Roman ey 
as well as Jewish law — was Vi 
the author.1 He was lawyer if 


enough to know that there 
were necessities of society in 
the 17th century which were not provided for in the laws of Moses. 
But the idea of government, nevertheless, was largely formed from a 
study of the Hebrew Scriptures. To exercise an immediate super- 
vision over the conduct of every individual in the community, in all 
his private as well as public acts and relations, was to govern men in 
acccordance with the will of God. A glance at some of their laws 
shows the spirit of their rule, and how infallible their belief was that 
the world could be made perfect if it was only governed enough, and 
governed in absolute accordance, nothing beyond it and nothing short 
of it, with the Puritanism which they professed. 


Signature of Rev. Nathaniel Ward. 


1 The code drawn up by Cotton was published in London in 1641, and entitled, “ An 
Abstract of the Laws of New England as they are now established.” But they never were 
the established laws of either Massachusetts or New England, though it was long believed, 
as that publication asserted, that they were. The “ Body of Liberties,” which was the work 
of Mr. Ward, and adopted in 1641, was in reality the first Constitution of Massachusetts, 
and the foundation of subsequent constitutions. Mr. Ward preached the election sermon 
that year, —“‘a moral and political discourse,” says Winthrop, “(grounding his proposi- 
tions much upon the old Roman and Grecian governments, which sure is an error.” Laws 
had better, the governor thought, be taken from the Bible, than “on the authority of the 
wisdom, justice, etc., of those heathen commonwealths.” Mr. Ward thought something 
could be learned from Justinian as well as Moses. The first article of this code provided 
that the rights of person and property in the citizen should be inviolate except by express 
law, or in default of that by “the word of God.’ What might be just and requisite 
under the “word” was to be decided by the General Court. See Savage’s Winthrop, 
Hutchinson’s History, and especially a paper on the “ Abstract ” of Cotton, and the ‘‘ Body 
of Liberties”? of Ward, by F. C. Gray, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Third Series, vol. viii. 


d 


62 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [Cuap. III. 


The sale of everything was regulated by law, with such minuteness 
Sumptuary 8 to reach the cost of a meal at an inn, and even the price 
regulations. of a pot of beer between meals. The law fixed the price of 
all commodities, of all labor, and of all servants’ wages. The use of 
tobacco was early forbidden in all public houses and places; and 
though one might smoke it in his own house, it was unlawful to do so 
before strangers, or for one person to use it in company of another. 
Fashion in dress was the subject of much anxious and stringent legis- 
lation. In the early days of the colony, all apparel which any man 
or woman should make or buy was forfeited by law if it had upon it 












i pn 


SS 
\\ 
1 ort 
\V i . 


Costumes about the Middle of the Seventeenth Century. 


~ any lace, whether of gold, silver, silk, or thread; the same penalty 
attached to any garment with more than one slash in each sleeve, and 
one in the back; to all ‘cuttworks, embroidered or needle-work 
capps, bands and rayles;” to ‘“ golde or silyer eirdles, hattbands, 
belts, ruffs, and beaver hats.”’ The size of the sleeve in any dress 
for women was limited to a width of half an ell, and none were to be 
made ‘* with short sleeves whereby the nakedness of the arm may be 
discovered in the wearing thereof.” : 

But to enforce laws in such matters was, the General Court at last 
acknowledged, exceedingly difficult ; “ in regard,” they said, ‘+ of the 
blindnes of mens minds and the stubbournnes of theire wills.” So 
dificult, indeed, did they find it, that in 1651 they gave it up so far 


1641.] SUMPTUARY LAWS. 63 


as it concerned magistrates, civil and military officers, persons of edu- 
cation and employment ‘“ above the ordinary degree,” those who were 
worth two hundred pounds, and those whose estates had been consid- 
erable but had decayed — all those, in a word, called of the better 
class — were exempted from these sumptuary laws. But the Court felt 
itself called upon to declare the more emphatically their “ utter detes- 
tation and dislike that men or women of meane condition, educations, 
and callinges, should take vpon them the garbe of gentlemen, by the 
wearinge of gold or siluer lace, or buttons or poynts at theire knees, to 
walke in greate bootes ; or women of the same ranke to weare silk or 














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— 


es 
Ss - > 


SSS 


“iss ull 


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ta 
se 


z 
ARSE 
a ASS SY 


o 
ess 
| 
hs 
WPA: 
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—— 
si 
G72 -Y 

WES 


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Costumes about the Middle of the Seventeenth Century. 


tiffany hoodes or scarfes, which, though allowable to persons of greater 
estates, or more liberal education, yet we can not but judge it intol- 
erable in persons of such like condition.” Either something of the sim- 
plicity of character that belonged to the early Puritans was lost in 
the first quarter of a century, or resistance against the assertions of 
rank and fashion was found to be useless. 

Long hair in men was early prohibited, as ‘‘ uncomely and preju- 
dicial to the common good,” and a few years later it was pronounced 
as “sinful.” The governor, deputy-governor, and magistrates formed 
an association to suppress an evil so “ contrary to the rule of God’s 
word ;”’ the elders were exhorted to testify against it from the pulpit, 
and ‘to take care that the members of their respective churches be 
not defiled therewith.” 


64 THE BOSTON PURITANS. (Cuap. Il. 


The government aimed to be paternal. The selectmen of the towns 
were required to have a special oversight of the education, behavior, 
and occupations of the children within their jurisdiction. ‘This power 
of supervision extended to all families, and not merely to those who, 
Biprial as in all communities, are unworthy, from poverty, or indo- 
craracter lence, or vicious habits, to be trusted with the care of their 
government. own offspring. ‘The magistrates were to see that all young 
people were not only taught to read, to understand the principles of 
religion, and the character of the laws, but also to spin, to knit, and to 
weave; for a fixed quantity of ‘‘ lining, cotten, or wooling ” was re- 
quired to be spun by each family, and the selectmen regulated the 
sowing of flax and the raising of sheep. These officers were to take 
care that boys and girls were not ‘suffered to converse together so as 
may occasion any wanton, dishonest, or immodest behaviour ;” and to 
further regulate the relations of the young people, it was provided by 
law that ‘‘no person shall endeavour directly or indirectly to draw 
away the affections of any maid... . under pretence of marriage, be- 
fore he hath attained hberty and allowance from her parents or gov- 
ernors,” or, in the absence of these, from the court of the shire. When 
this last was obtained the courting could go on under a magistrate’s 
warrant, but not otherwise. 

This latter law was meant to correct an evil the prevalence of 
which is the more remarkable among a people whose piety was so 
fervid, and where any breach of morality was so rigorously visited. 
‘‘ Marvilious it may be,” exclaims Governor Bradford, ‘to see and 
consider how some kind of wickednes did grow and break forth here,” 
notwithstanding the austerity of public opinion and the severity of the 
law, both exceeding that of any place he ever knew or heard of, and 
the latter so relentless as to be ‘‘ somewhat censured by moderate and 
good men.” Of these wickednesses, ‘‘ unclainnes”’ was one. No pen- 
alty, even unto death, was left untried to keep the sexes 
within decent bounds in their relations to each other, and to 
restrain men from the most unnatural and beastly indulgence of pas- 
sion. So common were such sins that Bradford suggests as one 
reason for their frequency that ‘‘ the Divell may carrie a greater spite 
against the Churches of Christ and the gospell hear,” and that ‘ Satane 
hath more power in these Heathen lands, as som have thought, then 
in more Christian nations, espetially over God’s servants in them.” 
His more rational explanation, however, is that the very strictness of 
the law defeated its purpose, and was, in some degree, responsible for 
unrestrained outbreaks of lechery ; and that in a small community 
it was the more difficult for crime to be hidden.!- Among other laws 


Relations of 
the sexes. 


1 History of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 385, 386. 


1641.] LAWS AGAINST VARIOUS OFFENCES. 65 


relating to this subject was one forbidding men and women, whose 
wives and husbands were not with them, to remain in the country, 
unless to prepare for new homes, or for 
purposes of trade for a brief season. 

Lying, whether intended to injure pri- 
vate persons, or to deceive the public 
‘by false newes or reports,” was pun- 
ished by exposing the culprit in the 
stocks or by public whipping.! License 
of speech was never tolerated, though 
the distinction between license and lib- 
erty was not always recognized. “ Re- 
viling speeches,” ‘‘uncomely speeches 
and obscean,” were often punished. Mr. 
Shorthose, for example, it 1s recorded, 
was sentenced ‘to have his tongue put 
into a cleft stick and stand so by the 
space of haulfe an houre,” for swearing 
by ‘the blood of God;” and the un- 
ruly member of the wife of Thomas 
Aplegate, was subjected to similar dis- 
cipline for ‘swearing, raileing, and revileing.’”’ Later, a fixed penalty 
was adjudged for aia swearing “either by the holy name p,y5 against 
of God or any other oath.” To make this law more effective blasphemy. 
it was afterward enacted that the fine should be doubled, or the cul- 
prit whipped, if he swore more than one oath at a time. 

In the fundamental law, the “ Body of Liberties,” it was provided 
that whoever shall blaspheme the name of God, the Father, the Son, 
or the Holy Ghost, should be put to death. Profane language, there- 
fore, was not held to be necessarily blasphemous, however immoral. 
But to deny that any one of the books of the Old or the New Testa- 
ment was inspired by the Holy Ghost and contained the will of God, 
was no less a crime than blasphemy. Whoever committed it, whether 
on sea or land, was to be fined or severely whipt for the first offence, 
and for the second, put to death. 

Punishments were, in the earlier years of the colony, largely at the 
discretion of the magistrates; nearly twenty years passed pynisn- 
away before any penalty was provided by statute even for ™™* 





















































The Pillory. 


1 Such a law may not have been without reason, if one who wrote of the manners and 
character of the people of New England as late as 1686, was not himself a fair subject for 
its penalties. Speaking of a friend in Boston, he says: ‘ And this was a noted quality in 
him, that he would always tell the truth; which is a practice so uncommon in New Eng- 
land, that I could not but value his friendship.” Had this been said in Boston instead of 
in London, the writer would have been set in the stocks. —John Dunton’s Journal, Mass. 
Hist. Soc, Coll., Second Series, vol. ii. 


\itOipo Tle 5 


66 THE BOSTON PURITANS. FOHAr, MELE 


the crimes of burglary or violence against the person.! Subsequently 
the punishment for burglary was branding on the forehead. Such 
marks, indelible, or conspicuous for a certain period, to designate 
criminals, to hold the culprits up to public terror and expose them to 
public humiliation, may, perhaps, have been resorted to in the absence 
of any safe place of confinement. Boston had her jail at an early 
day, and so possibly had one or two others of the larger places; but 
it was not till 1655 that houses of correction were provided for each 
county. At any rate, it was the punishment and not the reformation 
of criminals which the magistrates and the court had in view when 
they affixed upon the faces or the clothing of. offenders, who were 
allowed to be at large, marks of ignominy which must set them apart 
from their fellow-men. 

Thieves and drunkards were exposed to public scorn with placards 
upon their breasts inscribed with capital letters to denote their of- 
fences. Dunton saw an English woman in the streets of Boston, who, 
for having admitted an Indian to some ‘“ unlawful freedoms,” was 
compelled to wear upon her right arm the figure of an Indian cut in 
red cloth.? In a certain case where the general court and the jury did 
not agree as to the evidence offered where the crime charged was blas- 
phemy, the court decided that the accused should be severely whipped 
in the market-place, then burnt in the forehead with the letter B, 
and banished from the colony. The cognate offence of contempt of 
the ‘ word preached,” or contemptuous behavior towards the preacher, 
thus ‘* making God’s wayes contemptible and ridiculos ” was punished 
in a manner meant to eradicate the crime by exposing the criminal to 
peculiar ignominy. If the offence was a second time committed the 
culprit was exhibited for “two houres openly upon a block 4 foote 
high, on a lecture day, with a paper fixed on his breast with this, A 
WANTON GOSPELLER, written in capital letters.’ In 1677 another 
law was passed, intended not merely, probably not chiefly, for the vul- 
gar Sabbath-breaker, but for the more contumacious citizen, the dis- 
turber for conscience sake of public worship; he was to be taken to 
Boston, or any other town where such accommodation was provided, 
and confined in a cage in the open marketplace till such time as the 


1 The natural inference that such crimes were uncommon is not necessarily correct. It 
is no proof that burglary was or was not common, but it is an incident worth noting as 
indicating a rather unusual degree of lawlessness, that two young men of twenty years of 
age, both students of Harvard, one a son of the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, the other a son of 
an equally well-known clergyman, the Rev. Thomas Wilde, of Roxbury, were detected 
in robbing two houses at different times. They were first whipped by the president of the 
college, and it was then ordered by the court that the punishment be doubled, or the young 
men imprisoned. — Savage’s Winthrop. Coffin’s History of Newbury. 

2 John Dunton’s Journal, p. 100. 


1641. ] FPURIZAN SPIRIT AND* PRACTICE. OT 


magistrates should find it convenient to give him a trial. Notwith- 
standing the severity of such laws, however, the ‘* wanton gospeller ” 
has not been exterminated in Massachusetts even unto this day. 
Such was the spirit of the religion and the laws of the Massachu- 
setts Puritans. They were to govern in the name of God, ays A 
who had there set up his kingdom in a peculiar manner. ae 
As they themselves, however, were not divine, but were 
moved by human passions and limited by human weaknesses, it was 
a natural, if not an in- 
evitable | consequence 
that they should be in- 
tolerant of opinions 
which differed from 
their own, and should 
sometimes prosecute 



































those whose  con- 
duct did not square 
with their idea of 
what obedience to | 
God demanded and A Wanton Gospeller. 

the good order of society required. 

When, therefore, it turned out that the “wild opinionists,” with 
their ** phanatic Doctrines and practises,” their “ multi-monstrous mau- 
frey of heteroclytes and quicquidlibets,” were swarming about Nar- 
ragansett Bay, it was no wonder that Governor Winthrop and others 
should believe—and he used the words in literal faith —that “ at 
Providence the devil was not idle.’”’? He was never busier, never doing 
more fatal mischief, it was believed, than when he was exciting the- 
ological controversy to its whitest heat. 








1 For all these early laws see Massachusetts Records. 


68 THE BOSTON PURITANS. (Cuap. UL. 


Among the earlier settlers at Portsmouth, Rhode Island, was one 
Samuel Gor. D2Muel Gorton, who soon proved himself to be a singularly 
se incomprehensible, obstinate disputant, and incorrigible citi- 
zen; ‘a man,” says Hubbard, “ of an haughty spirit, and very heret- 
ical principles, a prodigious minter of exorbitant novelties, even the 
very dregs of Familism.”? The same author says that he left Boston 
soon after arriving there because of a demand for an unpaid debt 
which followed him from England. ‘The charge would be hardly 
worthy of belief even on better authority than that of Hubbard ; for 
in all the acrimonious strife in which Gorton was involved for so many 
years, and in all the persecution with which he was pursued, there was 
no question of his integrity. ‘* Whose ox or whose ass have I taken,” 
—he said in a letter of defence and defiance, written in 1669 — * or . 
when or where have I lived upon other men’s labours, and not wrought 
with my own hands, for things honest in the sight of men, to eat my 
own bread?” * No one gainsaid him, as some one of his opponents 
would certainly have done had it been easy. For at a period remark- 
able for the exceeding ingenuity developed among men to make them- 
selves hateful to their fellows, Gorton showed himself to possess pre- 
eminent ability ; and his reputation for morality would have been—as 
it was for righteousness — picked clean to the bone, had he ever laid 
himself open to such an attack. 

From Boston he went to Plymouth. Antinomianism was not neces- 
Gorton at. Satily responsible for his first conflict with the Plymouth au- 
Plymouth. thorities, as its occasion was his public defence of a servant 
in his own family, who having permitted herself, unfortunately, to smile 
in church, was declared by that token to be a heretic and a scoffer, 
and unworthy to remain in a Christian community.? But he began 
about this time to exercise his gift of preaching, persuaded that he had 
‘‘a call to preach the gospel of Christ, not inferiour to any minister in 
this countrey, tho’,” as he afterward said, “I was not bred up in the 
schools of humane learning, and I bless God that I never was, least 
I had been drowned in pride and ignorance.’”’* He soon preached 
himself out of Plymouth. The Fathers put him under bonds for his 
Wis banish. ZOOd behavior, punished him by a heavy fine, and gave him 
ar fourteen days to depart out of their jurisdiction.® Naturally 
he turned his face towards Acquidneck, where he soon made himself 
conspicuous. 

1 General History of New England. 

2 Letter from Samuel Gorton to Nathaniel Morton, in Hutchinson’s History of Massachu- 
setts, vol.i. Appendix. Wt. £. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii. 

8 Life of Gorton, in Sparks’s American Biography. New Series, vol. vy. Arnold’s History 

of Rhode Island. 


4 Letter to Morton. 
® Morton’s New England’s Memorial, p. 143. Hutchinson says he was whipped. 


1641. ] SAMUEL GORTON. 69 


Here as at Plymouth he soon got into trouble, and, as it appears, on 
a somewhat like occasion. His maid assaulted another woman in a 
quarrel about the pastur- PB 
age of acow. Gorton ap- ut Of ML gm. yo ay 0 a 
eosiniiomcer ] INC to Pie 
peared in her defence anc ie) orton 
behaved so insolently to + 


the court, that he was ar- OW. ‘A Ke es 
arw tole + - 


rested and lee Lee, of No vember 1649 


The grand jury indicted 

him as a nuisance, one of Signature of Samuel Gorton. 

the counts of the indictment being that he called the magistrates Just 
asses ; another that he alleged in open court that they were lawyers.? 
In the affair of the maid servant his friends Holden and Wickes made 
so much disturbance that an armed guard was called to suppress it, and 
Wickes was put in the stocks. Gorton fared even worse at his trial. 
Winthrop says there was much “ tumult” at Acquidneck, and whether 
right or wrong, Gorton seems to have been in the thick of it. ‘* These 
of the Island,” says a contemporary writer, ‘‘ have a pretended civill 
government of their owne erection without the King’s Patent. There 
lately they whipt one master Gorton, a grave man, for denying their 
power, and abusing some of their magistrates with uncivill tearmes ; 
the Governour, master Coddington, saying in Court, You that are for 
the king, lay hold on Gorton ; and he againe, on the other side, called 
forth, All you that are for the king, lay hold on Coddington.” ® Cod- 
dington’s was the strongest party, and Gorton and his friends sought 
an mn in Providence. 

Williams received them kindly, as was his wont. How could he, 
who not long before had accepted re-baptism from Ezekiel yy, joaves 
Holliman — “a poor man late of Salem” — the founder of Acawdneck 
the first Baptist Church in America, refuse a welcome to ‘"° 
one who had just testified to the truth, as he believed it, by suffer- 
ing an ignominious punishment ? 

Gorton bought lands, in the latter part of the year 1641, at Paw- 
tuxet — now Cranston — but within the bounds of Providence, and 
was soon involved in disputes with his new neighbors. ‘ Those of 
Providence,” says Winthrop, were all Anabaptists ; “ sdéme were only 
against baptizing of infants; others denied all magistracy and churches, 
etc., of which Gorton . . . . was their instructor and captain.” Wil- 


1 Winslow’s /Typocrisie unmasked. 

2 Arnold’s History of Rhode Island. 

3 Plain Dealing ; or Newes from.New-England. By Thomas Lechford, of Clement’s Inne, 
in the County of Middlesex, Gent., London, 1642. Republished in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Third Series, vol. iii. See also Savage’s Winthrop, vol. ii., p. 69. 


TO THE BOSTON: PURITANS. [Cuar. III. 


liams kept the peace among them for a little while, but controversial- 
ists soon became combatants, and from words came to blows. 

Gorton and his friends were 
the stronger party. An attempt 
was made to distrain upon the 
property of one Francis Weston 
to satisfy a decision against him 
in relation, probably, to real 
estate. It is certain that one 
portion of this community 
claimed the right to take land 
from the public do- 
main, which the oth- 
ers denied; and 



























































































































































































































































































The Conflict over Weston’s Cattle. 


it may be that for an encroachment of this kind Weston was adjudged 
by a board of referees — which was the method adopted for the ad- 
ministration of justice —to make a payment into the public treasury. 
The debt, at any rate, was a public one, and Weston refused to submit 
to the judgment in a written reply, a copy of which he nailed to a tree 
in the village, as well as gave to the authorities. The order was 
given to levy upon his cattle, which Gorton and others resisted, with a 
‘* tumultuous hubbub,” and some blood was shed. <A second attempt 
was made, when, says the narrative, ‘* Weston came furiously running 


1641.] THE GORTON PARTY AT PAWTUXET. T1 


with a flail in his hand, and cried out, ‘Help Sirs, Help Sirs, they are 
going to steal my cattle,’ and so continued crying till Randall Gorton’s | 
Holden, John Greene, and some others came running, and fe bers 
made a great outcry, and hallooing, and crying ‘ Thieves, Pitted ae 
Thieves, Stealing cattle, Stealing cattle;” and so the whole number 
of their desperate company came riotously running, and so with much 
striving in driving, hurried away the cattle, and then presumptuously 
answered they had made a rescue, and that such should be their prac- 
tice, if any men, at any time, in any case, attach anything that is 
Cicirs ae . 

Benedict Arnold,? and a dozen others of the defeated party, ap- 
pealed at once to Massachusetts for aid and counsel against these 
“lewd and licentious courses’ of persons who, they declared, had 
openly proclaimed that they would ‘‘ have no manner of honest order 
or government either over them or amongst them;” and who, un- 
less brought to reason, would soon come “ boldly to maintain licentious 
lust, like savage brute beasts,” and fail to recognize any “ manner of 
difference between houses, goods, lands, wives, lives.” ‘The exaggera- 
tion of such a statement is self-evident. It was so much the habit of 
the time to attribute all manner of immoralities, as a necessary con- 
sequence, to any difference of opinion, that nothing was easier — even 
to those who had been sufferers from intolerance in others—#in a 
dispute where feeling was warmly enlisted, or pecuniary interest 
deeply involved, than to asseverate that he who maintained one side 
of the question had, therefore, no more religion than an Indian, and 
that he who maintained another must be bad enough to covet his 
neighbor’s goods, and was generally no better than a thief and a 
murderer.? 


1 Petition of some of Providence Colony to the Government of Massachusetts against Gorton 
and Others. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d series, vol. i. Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii. 

2 The petition was in Arnold’s handwriting. 

3 In 1664-65 the people of Warwick — as Shawomet had come to be called — petitioned 
the King’s Commissioners that satisfaction might be given them for the great losses they 
had suffered from the Massachusetts government. The General Court of Massachusetts 
cited in their defence the petition referred to in the text from the Providence people against 
those of Shawomet. As nearly twenty-five years had elapsed since the event referred to 
had occurred, it was clear enough that the consequences which the,petition predicted — 
namely, that unless the Shawomet people were checked in their evil courses they would 
come to be like licentious, savage, brute beasts, holding all things, even their wives in com- 
mon — were completely falsified. A prophecy proved to be false in 1665 would be a poor 
justification for Massachusetts to offer for her conduct in 1641. It therefore suited the 
General Court to quote the Providence petition as stating that Gorton and his compan- 
ions were already the vile and dangerous men which the petitioners only said they might 
become in a certain contingency. In other words, the court so garbles the petition as to 
make it assert as an existing fact that which was only put as a possible consequence. How- 
ever heretical it may seem, it is difficult to escape the suspicion that the Puritans some- 


72 THE BOSTON PURITANS. (Cuap. IIL 


To the appeal of the discomfited party, however, the magistrates 
in Boston returned a cautious, and, at the same time, a suggestive 
answer. They could not, they said, levy war without the action of 
the General Court; but then any aggrieved people would be sure of 
protection if they subjected themselves to the jurisdiction of Massa- 
chusetts. As all these people at Pawtuxet knew what it was to live 
under the government of Massachusetts and had run away from it, 
they were apparently not disposed to try it again immediately. 

They were evidently not so disposed, for they did not ‘ subject” 
themselves. For a year nothing is heard of any discord among them, 
and when, after the lapse of that period of quiet another cry came to 
Boston for help, it was not from the people of Providence at large ; 
not even from the thirteen who had begged for interference the year 
before; now it was only four men who appealed to the Masachusetts 
magistrates, and of these four two were new men.! 

These “four of Providence,” writes Governor Winthrop, ‘‘ who 
he could not consort with Gorton and that company, and there- 
nterterence e . . 
of Massa- fore were continually injured and molested by them, came 
chusetts. . 

and offered themselves and their lands, etc., to us, and were 
accepted under our government and protection.” ‘This was done, he 
says, ‘partly to rescue these men from unjust violence, and partly to 
draw in the rest in those parts, either under ourselves or Plymouth, 
who now lived under no government, but grew very offensive.” But 
there was still another reason for this proposed interference with his 
neighbors, and Winthrop is frank enough to avow it; ‘ the place,” 
he adds, “ was likely to be of use to us.” The good Governor, who 
was so apt with Scriptural illustration, might have been reminded of 
times showed signs of human weakness. See Memorial to the King’s Commissioners, re- 
published from Mass. Records in Coll. R. I, Hist. Soc., vol. ii. 

1 The four were William Arnold and his son, Benedict Arnold, William Carpenter and 
Robert Cole. Benedict Arnold and Carpenter were among the petitioners of the year be- 
fore. Cole, during the ten previous years, had been more under the active jurisdiction of the 
government, whose protection he now asked for, than most men. He was repeatedly pun- 
ished for drunkenness and other misdemeanors, as the Massachusetts Records show. One 
of these records is: ‘f Robte Coles is ftined X! & enioyned to stand wth a white sheete of 
pap on his back, wherein a drunkard shalbe written in greate tres, & to stand therew' soe 
longe as the Court thinks meete, for abuseing himselfe shamefully wt drinke, intiseing 
John Shotswell wife to incontinency, & otht misdemean'.” Mass. Records, vol. i., p. 107. 
And again: “It is ordered, that Robte Coles, for drunkenes by him comitted att Rocks- 
bury, shalbe disfranchized, weare aboute his necke & soe to hange vpon his outward garmt, 
a D, made of redd cloath, & sett vpon white; to contynue this for a yeare, and not to leave 
it of att any tyme when hee comes amongst company, vnder the penalty of xl* for the first 
offence, & V! the second, & after to be punished by the Court as they thinke meete ; also, 
hee is to weare the D outwards, & is enjoyned to appeare att the nexte Gefiall Court, & to 
contynue there till the Court be ended.” Jbéd. p. 112. Even the austere magistrates in 


Boston must have smiled to see Robert Coles in the attitude of plaintiff, and asking their 
intercession for the establishment of an orderly and quiet government. 


1642. ] INTERFERENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 73 


that narrative in which it is related how “ Naboth, the Jezreelite, 
had a vineyard, which was in Jezreel, hard by the palace of Ahab 
king of Samaria. And Ahab spake unto Naboth, saying, Give me 
thy vineyard, that I may have it for a garden of herbs, because it is 
near unto my house.” 

The grievance actually complained of related to the division of wild 
lands, a question on which it was absurd to assume that one side was 
necessarily in the right, and the other as necessarily in the wrong. 
Massachusetts had not the shadow of authority for interference on 
either side. But she wanted a pretext and found it in the petition of 
the Arnolds and their two companions. It was natural enough to 
covet the garden of the Narragansett ; it was not less natural that she 
should wish to punish over again those whose banishment had led to 
so pleasant a possession and not to pains and penalties. In addition 
to these carnal motives, there was the desire to serve God, as they 
proposed to do, by suppressing heresy. 

Gorton was undoubtedly a pestilent and noisy fanatic, preaching 
doctrines as incomprehensible as they were captivating to himself and 
his illiterate hearers. But he does not seem to have been a bad citi- 
zen, and probably would have been harmless enough had he been let 
alone. But “a wanton gospeller” was of all men the most exasper- 
ating to a Boston Puritan, —a kind of human vermin which he felt 
bound to extirpate. Williams had written to Winthrop the year be- 
fore: ‘* Master Gorton, having foully abused high and low at Acquid- 
neck, is now bewitching and bemadding poor Providence, both with 
his unclean and foul censures of all the ministers of this country (for 
which myself have in Christ’s name withstood him), and also deny- 
ing all visible and external ordinances in depth of Familism, against 
which I have a little disputed and written, and shall (the Most High 
assisting) to death.’ But the short and sharp punishment which 
Coddington adjudged Gorton drove him speedily out of that colony. 
It is probable that he was already becoming of little moment to the 
Providence people, inasmuch as two only of the thirteen who the 
year before asked for aid against him now joined with two others in 
this second complaint. A year’s experience had probably convinced 
the rest that the man was a harmless enthusiast ; but*whether he was 
or not, Williams, however much he might disapprove of him, would 
not be likely to ask the protection of that government the character 
of whose mercy he so well knew. 

There came presently a formal and formidable notice from the 
Massachusetts magistrates, that, inasmuch as the two Arnolds, Cole, 
and Carpenter had put themselves under their protection, they should 


1 Winslow’s [Typocrisie Unmasked. 


74 THE BOSTON PURITANS. [CHap. III. 


‘¢ maintain them in their lawful rights. If,” continued this remark- 
able document, ‘ you have any just title to any thing they possess, 
[referring to the lands in dispute] you may proceed against 
them in our court, where you shall have equal justice ; 
but if you shall proceed to any violence, you must not blame 
us if we shall take a lke course to right them.” ! That course, 
indeed, was taken at once, and the case prejudged in favor of the four 
complainants ; for these were immediately appointed “ to keep the 
peace in their lands,” which only meant that they should have all 
requisite force to crush their adversaries. In short the whole proceed- 
ing was an act of sheer usurpation on the part of Massachusetts, done 
on the flimsiest pretext, and for an unavowed purpose. 

Their defence of it was that it was their nght and duty to protect 
any Indians who asked for protection; that Plymouth claimed that 
the lands in dispute were within the hmits of the Plymouth patent, 
and her magistrates assented to this interference on the part of 
Massachusetts; and that the commissioners of the United Colonies 
justified her action by formal vote. But the real question at issue 
was whether either Massachusetts or Plymouth had any such rightful 
jurisdiction over these lands of Pawtuxet. The conduct of Massa- 
chusetts, therefore, could not be justified by the assumption of that 
right while it was still doubtful, nor could that conduct, if wrong, be 
made right by the approbation of the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies. The plea that the Indians needed any protection was a 
pretext and not a reason. 

The whole Gorton party seems to have been only about a dozen. 
So far from assuming to be defiant or dangerous, except in words, 
they immediately abandoned their houses and lands at Pawtuxet, — 
which put an end, of course, to any plausible pretext of the necessity 
of interference from anybody — and moved away in search of a new 
home. Whatever they may have done at other times, and in other 
places, to provoke persecution, they were anxious now to get out of 
the way of it. Though they did not mean to forego the right of 
maintaining their religious convictions, they hoped, at least, to escape 
from a jurisdiction where to those convictions was attached a penalty. 
They might well call upon the woods to hide them from a government 
which summoned them to appear as plaintiffs in a civil suit, that it 
might try them as criminals, whose guilt admitted of no defence. 

The place chosen for their new settlement was Shawomet — after- 
ward called Warwick, — about a dozen miles south of Provi- 
dence. All those who went, being of one mind, probably 
hoped to escape further molestation from Massachusetts, as well as to 

1 R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii., p. 53. 


Arbitrary 
course of 
the Boston 
authorities. 








Gorton at 
Shawomet. 


1642.] GORTON AT SHAWOMET. Td 


be beyond the reach of the four new justices of the peace that Massa- 
chusetts had put over them. So far as the land-titles at Pawtuxet 
were concerned, the Arnolds had carried the day; but the magistrates 
at the Bay were greatly mistaken if they thought that any assump- 
tion of territorial jurisdiction on their part could silence Gorton. 

Before he and his companions fled to Shawomet they answered the 
Boston magistrates in a letter of many pages. It covered goons tet: 
their whole body of theology as that was conceived and “” 
brought forth, full grown, from the brain of Samuel Gorton ; it touched 
upon civil things, | 
but only as they 
had some theologi- 
eal aspect; it was 
replete with Scrip- 
tural illustrations ; 
it abounded with 
references to He- 
brew history ; it 
was illuminated 
with copious anno- 
tations ; 1t assumed 
to be exhaustive as 
to its logic; as to 
its inward spiritual 
sense its depths were 
unfathomable ; it 
was red and hot and 
angry with denunci- 
ation, and had only the briefest and most perfunctory allusion to the 
question of land titles. No doubt it meant a great deal to those who 
wrote it, though we have never heard of anybody since that time who 
has pretended to understand it; and it is creditable to the intelli- 
gence or the ingenuity of those to whom it was addressed that they 
could find in it “ twenty-six particulars, or thereabouts, which, they 
said, were blasphemous,” though to do this they had, the writers said, 
to change the phrases, to alter the words and thé’ sense, and in no 
case take the true intent of the writing.! So taken, however, it an- 
swered the purpose of those who received it; here were fresh heresies 
and blasphemies to denounce from the pulpits; and the magistrates 
and General Court of Massachusetts were incited to new watchfulness 
to find a fresh pretext for the suppression of the schismatics whose ex- 
istence troubled the Israel of New England.? 


1 Gorton’s Simplicitie’s Defence, in R. I. ITist. Soc. Coll., ii. 
2 The signers to the letter were John Wickes, Randall Houlden, John Warner, Robert 



















































































































































































































































































































































































Site of Gorton’s Settlement at Shawomet (now Warwick). 


76 THE BOSTON PURITANS. (Cuap. IIT.. 


For that pretext they had not long to wait. They seized it and 
used it pertinaciously and remorselessly. However unworthy it was 
of men so enlightened and so good as they unquestionably were ; how- 
ever sincerely they may have beleved they were suppressing evil, 
not hindering the truth, they must be judged by their acts, rather 
than their motives, — by that abstract rule of right by which the 
deeds of all men are to be measured. In no event of that period do 
we see more clearly the spirit of that rule which the Puritans hoped 
to establish, or a more marked illustration of the character of that 
struggle for civil and religious freedom, and the abuses attending it, 
which belong to the early history of New England. 


Potter, Richard Waterman, William Waddle, Samuel Gorton, Richard Carder, John 
Greene, Nicholas Power, Francis Weston, Sampson Shotton. These twelve men were the 
purchasers of Shawomet. 


























Ruins of Gorton’s House at Shawomet (Warwick, R. I.) 


CHAPTER IV. 


THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THEIR INDIAN FRIENDS. 


PuRCHASE OF Lanps at SHAWOMET. — PROTEST OF TWo INDIAN CuiEFs, PumHAM 
AND SACONONOCO. — SHAWOMET PEOPLE SUMMONED TO Boston. — COMMISSIONERS 
APPOINTED TO VISIT THEM.— THREATS AND PREPARATIONS FOR RESISTANCE. — 
FLIGHT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. — THE MEN BESIEGED. — NEGOTIATIONS FOR 
Prace.—A Horttow TrRuck.— THE MEN TAKEN PRISONERS AND CARRIED TO 
Boston. — THEIR TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT. — THEIR RELEASE AND RETURN TO 
RuopeE Istanp. — APPREHENDED TROUBLE WITH THE INDIANS. — CHARGES AGAINST 
MIANTONOMO. — FEUD BETWEEN THE MOonICcCANS AND NARRAGANSETTS. — UNCAS 
BEFRIENDED BY THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES. — CAPTURE OF 
Miantonomo sy Uncas.— His ASSASSINATION BY DIRECTION OF THE ENGLISH. 


THE lands at Shawomet upon which Gorton and his eleven com- 
panions hoped they might live unmolested, were bought of Miantono- 
mo. He gave a deed as chief sachem of the Narragansetts, and by 
it conveyed possession ‘* with the free and joint consent of the pres- 
ent inhabitants, being natives, as it appears by their hands hereunto 
[thereunto] annexed.” Among these was Pumham, a petty sachem 
of the place. The twelve men with their wives avd children had fled 
for the sake of peace into the wilderness; for their lands they had 
paid the owners in sound Indian currency of wampumpeage, — one 
hundred and forty-four fathoms, twelve fathoms to a man;—and as 
they had gone where they could do no harm to others, they only asked 
that no harm be done to them. 

But they were not left long undisturbed. Whether it was that the 
controversy about the lands at Pawtuxet had aroused in Benedict 
Arnold a personal animosity so bitter that nothing would satisfy him 
but the ruin of his opponents ; or whether he was only anxious to 
serve those with whom religious rancor was quite as inexorable as 
private hate could be, — whatever was his motive he again appeared 
before the government of Massachusetts as a complainant against 
the Shawomet people. 

He was an Indian trader and interpreter, and as such possessed a 
good deal of influence over the natives. Soon after Mian- 4n Indian 


complaint 


tonomo’s deed was given Arnold went to Boston, and with against the 


Shawomet 


him were two chiefs, Pumham and Sacononoco. They settlers. 
claimed that they were independent sachems; that one of them — 


78 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cuar. IV. 


Pumham — had been compelled by Miantonomo to part with his 
lands at Shawomet, and aflix his signature to the 
ee deed conveying them to the Gorton people, for which 
Sipnatute of he declined to accept any remuneration ; and both now 
te begged that they might be taken under the protection 

of Massachusetts. 

It is far more likely these Indians were induced by Arnold to 
come forward with such a proposition, that a plausible pretext might 
thereby be made for further proceedings against the Shawomet people, 
than that the Indians should ask for any such interference between 
them and another chief. The umpire whose good offices they would 
have naturally sought, in case of any real grievance, was Williams. 
And even if they did not owe allegiance to Miantonomo, — which, as 
he was the chief sachem of the Narragansetts, they probably did,—the 
protection of one Indian against another did not necessarily extend the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts over a country beyond the boundaries of 
her patent. The colonies, great or small, were responsible to the gov- 
ernment at home, and not to Massachusetts. The plea, nevertheless, 
answered its purpose. Miantonomo was summoned to Boston, and 
on the testimony of Arnold, an interested witness, and Cutshamake, 
a petty sachem of Dorchester, who knew little about the matter, 
the magistrates decided that Pumham and Sacononoco were indepen- 
dent chiefs, whose lands Miantonomo had no right to sell. Pumham 
and Sacononoco were thereupon told that they would be received “ not 
as confederates, but as subjects,” to which they replied with true In- 
dian frankness and indifference, that they knew the English had so 
little respect for them that they expected nothing better.t 

That the new subjects might be properly protected the twelve men 


1 The two chiefs seem to have been but little impressed with the gravity of changing 
their nationality. On the other side it was made a very solemn business, and the Saga- 
mores were put through a rigid course of catechizing. Some of their replies were curious 
and characteristic. They should wish, they said, to speak with reverence of the English- 
man’s God, for He did better by His people than their gods did by them. As to false 
swearing, they knew nothing about it, as they did not know what an oath was. When 
asked if they would refrain from unnecessary work on the Lord’s day while in the towns, 
they replied that it was easy to do that, for they had very little to do at any time, and 
could forbear from work on that day quite as well as any other. As to honoring superiors 
—so much was it their habit to do so, they said, that if the governor told them they lied 
they should not resent it. Certain crimes which they were asked to refrain from, they said 
with quiet sarcasm were no more allowed, though they were committed among them, than 
stealing was — stealing not having been mentioned by their catechizers. They would like 
to know, they said, the “ manners” of the English, when asked the comprehensive question 
if they would permit their children to read God’s Word that they might have a knowledge 
of the true God, and worship Him in accordance with his will. In short, whether consciously 
or unconsciously, they were guilty of literal contempt of court in their manner of treating 
very serious matters. 


1643. ] THE MASSACHUSETTS COMMISSIONERS. 79 


e 


qf Shawomet were summoned to appear before the General Court at 
Boston.! They answered that they were responsible for their actions, 
not to Massachusetts but to the government in England which was 
over both. A second message was sent a few days later, but me Gorton 
with an indictment much enlarged. Wrong had been done, Pty Su 
it declared, not merely to the Indian sachems but to Eng- P™ 
lish and Indians generally within the newly found jurisdiction, and 
more than this, even to the Massachusetts government itself. The 
accused were notified that commissioners would at once proceed to 
Shawomet for negotiation, taking with them, however, a sufficient 
guard “for their safety against any violence or injury.” But this 
precaution for the protection of the commissioners had another pur- 
pose; for unless their demands were complied with ‘ we must’ — 
adds the letter, signed by the secretary of the General Court — * right 
ourselves and our people by force of arms,’ ?— the “force” of a pow- 
erful colony against twelve men. 

The handful of Shawomet men were nevertheless defiant. ‘If you 
come to treat with us,” they wrote to the commissioners, ‘in ways of 
equity and peace (together therewith shaking a rod over our heads, 
in a band of soldiers), be you assured, we have passed our childhood | 
and nonage in that point; and are under commission of the great 
God, not to be children in understanding, neither in courage, but to 
quit ourselves as men. We straitly charge you, therefore, hereby, 
that you set not a foot upon our lands in any hostile way, but upon 
your peril; and that if any blood be shed, upon your own heads shall 
it be.’ But the peril was one that no brave words could avert. 

The commissioners had with them a minister as well as a band of 
soldiers, ‘* certainly persuading ourselves,” they said, “that we shall 
be able through the Lord’s help, to convince some of them at least of 
the evil of their way, and cause them to divert their course, that so 
doing they may preserve their lives and liberties, which otherwise 


1 According to one of the Gorton letters, addressed ‘To the great and honored Idol 
General now set up in the Massachusetts,” an offence that was neither forgotten nor for- 
given, ‘these Indian chiefs had some reasons, not stated, for wishing to be released from 
responsibility to the Shawomet people. They were both thieves, and Pumham having, on 
one occasion, crept down a chimney and rifled a house in the absence of its owner, was 
captured as he was attempting to escape by the same outlet. Perhaps the Massachusetts 
magistrates were not insensible of the ridicule thrown upon them by the relation of this 
incident in the letter, with the reflection, “indeed Pumham is an aspiring person, as 
becomes a prince of his profession.” 

2 The commissioners were George Cooke, Edward Johnson, and Humphrey Atherton. 
Johnson was the author of Lhe Wonder-working Providence of Sion’s Saviour in New 
England, published in London in 1654. In that book he speaks of Gorton as the “ring- 
leader of the rout, full-gorged with dreadful and damnable errors”; as he who “ vomits 
up a whole paper full of beastly stuff”; as “exceeding the Beast himself for blasphemy.” 


80 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cuap. IV. 


must necessarily lead to eternal ruin of them and theirs; ... . but 
if there be no way of turning them, we then shall look upon them as 
men prepared for slaughter.” 

There was little opportunity, had there been any serious intention 
of engaging in theological disputation, and this suggestion of persua- 
sion was mere pretence. That point was long since passed, even if 
Gorton had been a much more hopeful subject. The presence of a 
clergyman only showed that the suppression of heresy was the true 
object of the expedition, as it was of all the preliminary measures 
that led up to it; but the suppression was not to be by an appeal to 
reason. | 

Though Gorton had been whipped from colony to colony, and he 
and his followers must have been quite conscious that they were held 
to be a very obnoxious and even dangerous people, this answer of the 
commissioners to their brave words seems to have revealed to them, 
for the first time, that they really were in danger of their lives. 
Alarm spread through the village. The women gathered 
their children about them to be ready for flight to the forest, 
where they hoped to find refuge among the savages. ‘The men pre- 
pared themselves, few as they were, for fight, but without sufficient 
_ means for any effectual resistance, if their own story be true, that the 
magistrates of Massachusetts had, some time before, included them in 
a prohibition of the sale of gunpowder to the Indians. 

The commissioners were not far behind the announcement of their 
determined purpose. The band of soldiers and Indians was seen 
coming through the woods, and the alarm was hardly given before 
they charged into the village. The affrighted women and children 
fled before them as the brave troops of the Massachusetts General 
Court levelled their muskets upon women great with child, upon 
toddling children holding to their mothers’ skirts. Some ran to the 
woods for shelter; others waded into the river to reach a boat where 
some kindly Providence people, whose sympathies had brought them 
to the place, were ready to give them a helping hand. None were 
killed actually upon the spot, though some died afterwards in prema- 
ture childbed, and others from the sufferings to which they were all 
exposed. 

The men, not thinking, probably, that they were leaving their 
ey wives and little ones to any serious peril, had fortified them- 
people at- selves as best they could, in one of their log-houses. Gorton 
Thel pate rag the last to enter this citadel, having delayed that he 

might help his wife—it should have been the wife of another 
man if he deserved his reputation — to a place of safety. When the 
soldiers had dispersed all who were incapable of resistance they con- 


Alarm at 
Shawomet. 


1643.] THE GORTON’PARTY BESIEGED. 81 


sented to a parley with those who could fight. It was only by the 
persuasions of the Providence people, however, who hearing of the 
coming of the commissioners were there to prevent bloodshed if 
they could, that an immediate assault upon the log-house was pre- 
vented. 

The commissioners demanded an instant surrender. ‘They pre- 
tended,” says the Gorton narrative, ‘we had done some wrong unto 
certain of their subjects, as | 
also that we held blasphe- | 
mous errors which we must 
either repent of, or go down 
to the Massa- 
chusetts, to be 
tried at their 











































The Gorton Party attacked. 


Courts, or else they had commission to put us to the sword and to 
pay themselves out of our goods for their charges in coming thither.” | 
Possibly they may not have gone to the extremity of threatening in- 
stant death, but the statement of the alleged offences for which sur- 
render was demanded is, no doubt, correctly given. 

The besieged refused. They denied that they owed any allegiance 
to Massachusetts, for they were not within her jurisdiction. They de- 
clined to accept as their judges those who were their avowed enemies ; 
1 Simplicitie’s Defence against Seven Headed Policy, p. 104, vol. ii., Coll. R. I. Hist. Society. 


VOlealIe 6 


82 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS.  [Cuap. IV. 


but they were quite willing that the differences between them should 
be submitted to the government at home. ‘This proposition was met 
with a peremptory refusal. 

They then offered to submit the case to arbitration. Impartial 
men, they proposed, should be chosen by both parties, and they prom- 
ised to bind themselves by their goods, their lands, and their persons 
to abide by any decision that should be given against them. ‘This 
was so far considered that a truce was agreed to till a reply to the 
proposal could be received from the government in Boston. 

It is clear enough that the Gorton people were only anxious for 
peace ; equally clear that the other party only meant that they 
should be punished. ‘The truce on one side was a hollow pretence. 
Before the messenger could return from Boston, the houses of the vil- 
lage were broken open and pillaged ; their desks were rifled and their 
papers stolen; the soldiers helped themselves to all they wanted, 
carrying beds and bedding to the trenches for their own comfort; the 
women and children venturing back from the woods to see the hus- 
bands and fathers who they hoped would be for a little while unmo- 
lested, were assaulted, and even fired upon as they approached. No 
doubt it was—as some pitying people in Providence wrote at the 
time to Governor Winthrop, under the delusion that their intercession 
and testimony might abate the rigor of that persecution — no doubt 
it was ‘“‘a mournful spectacle,” and one can only wish, as they did, 
that these poor creatures so likely “to be left miserable,” had but 
been * able to write their own grief.” } 

Affairs were still worse when the messenger arrived from Boston. 
The proposition for arbitration was rejected at once. ‘The real offence 
was one for which there could be no compromise, and, with the Puri- 
tans no palliation. “ Besides the title of land,” wrote Winthrop, to 
the compassionate mediators of Providence, they ‘ have subscribed 
their names to horrible and detestable blasphemies, against God, 
and all magistracy.” Above all things was ‘‘ the vindication of God’s 
honour,” which the Boston people firmly believed was intrusted to 
their keeping. And, moreover, to whom could all the questions in 
the case be referred? Not to you of Providence, said the Massachu- 
setts governor, for you live too near and have too much pity for these 
blasphemers, to be trusted; and as to those people on Rhode Island 





1 However much the people of Providence may have been vexed at the extravagances 
of Gorton and his friends, they deprecated and protested against the cruel treatment which 
their vagaries brought upon them. Even had they of Providence cared nothing for liberty 
of conscience, they knew how little reason there was to fear that any harm could come of 
the preaching of an apostle who had gained, even with the rare advantage of two public 
whippings and expulsion from every place where he had tried to find a home, only about a 
dozen disciples. 


1643. | THE GORTON PARTY BESIEGED. 83 


we know them too well! No! There could be even no further nego- 
tiation, much less arbitration. ‘They must surrender or take the con- 
sequences. : 

Gorton and his men, whatever else they were, were not cowards. 
A discharge of musketry announced the return of the messenger, and 
notice was given that the truce,— which had been no truce, — was 
ended. They saw their goods despoiled, their cattle driven guawomet 
off, or slaughtered ; their women and children were in they #se4. 
knew not how great extremity ; they were a dozen men only shut up 
in a log cabin; the enemy was nearly four times their number, safely 


















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































entrenched in ditches, amply 
provided with arms, with am- 
munition, and with food, of all 
which their own supply was 
probably not abundant. It was 
not easy to dislodge the be- 
leaguered men, though their 
resistance was rather passive 
than active. For several days they withstood the siege, but without 
firing a shot, for they would shed no blood if they could avoid it. 
The soldiers in the trenches emptied their bandaliers of four hun- 
dred bullets into the logs of the fortress; they built fires in the night 
time against the walls; but all with no other result than the con- 


The Gorton Party besieged in the Block-house. 


84 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS.  [Cuap. IV. 


sumption of much patience and powder. It was a special providence, 
Mr. Winthrop thought, that nobody was hurt — nobody, that is, on 
his side ; the ungodly Gortonites perhaps thought that nobody was 
killed because they preferred not to kill the enemy on the outside, 
and on the inside kept themselves out of the range of the bullets. 

But what could not be done by force was done at last by stratagem 
—if treachery be not the better word. Reinforcements were sent 
for from Boston, and it was evident that defence much longer was 
hopeless. It was agreed, therefore, that hostilities should cease, Gor- 
ton and those with him consenting to go to Massachusetts, on condi- 
tion, however, that they should go not as prisoners, but as ‘* free men 
rs and neighbors.” So soon, however, as the soldiers gained 
party taken admittance to the house, the men were seized by order of 
“ao LG captain, their arms taken from them, and the whole com- 
pany marched off as captives. They were permitted to make no dis- 
position of their property, which was left as a spoil to the Indians 
after the commissioners and the soldiers had helped themselves to all 
they thought worth taking. They had been, it is plain, too thrifty 
and industrious a community to have been very bad citizens, for their 
losses were fourscore head of cattle, besides swine and goats, corn 
and other provisions, and their household goods. ‘* Our countrymen,”’ 
— is the simple but emphatic testimony, a few months afterward, of 
some of the most respectable people of Providence, — “* were peacably 
possessed of a plantation at Shawomet;” they were “ assaulted and 
besieged by Captain Cooke and his company in warlike manner,” 

. * their goods, cattle, houses, and plantations were seized upon 
by the foresaid captain;” ... . they themselves “were carried 
captive through this town of Providence to the Bay of Massachu- 
setts; ... . Their “wives and children were scattered in great 
extremities, and divers since have died.” ! 

No glimmer of merciful relenting, no ray of pitiful compassion, 
soften or relieve the cruel and sombre gloom of this page in the 
history of Massachusetts. Making every possible allowance for the 
strength of religious convictions, and for the sensitiveness of political 
relations still inchoate and experimental, it is hard to find any other 
excuse than that which may be given for any religious bigotry for this 
persecution of a handful of harmless people, whose numbers were too 
few to be dangerous, and whose doctrines were too abstruse, if not ab- 
solutely too unmeaning, to admit of that number being ever seriously 
increased, But it was enough that they were blasphemers against 
God, because their supposed theological notions did not square with 
those preached in the First Church of Boston; that they were disbe- 

1 Coll. R. I. Hist. Soe., vol. ii., p. 117. 


1643. ] THE CAPTIVES AT BOSTON. 85 


lievers in all human governments, because they questioned the author- 
ity of the magistrates of Massachusetts. 

The unhappy prisoners were hurried on to Boston. Had they been 
malefactors on their way to the gallows, — malefactors on »,, cites 
whose garments the mob hope to see, and shudder at the ®* Boston. 
thought of seeing, the blood of the victims of their cupidity or their 
hate, — they could hardly have been received with more public emotion. 
In some of the towns they passed through the clergymen called the 
people to join in prayer, in the open streets, in recognition of the good- 








nt 
ea 















































Winthrop blessing the Soldiers. 


ness of the Lord that he had given them the victory. ‘*In Dorchester 
was a great gathering, and in the crowd were those worshipful minis- 
ters, Master Cotton and Master Mather, whose presence gave special 
solemnity to the volleys of shot that were fired over the heads of the 
prisoners in token of the triumph of the expedition. In Boston the 
public rejoicings were made even more significant. ‘The troops were 
drawn up in double file in front of Governor Winthrop’s house, and, 
at intervals of five or six soldiers, were placed these dreadful enemies 


86 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cuap. IV. 


of the quiet of the Church, and the peace of the Commonwealth. 
The commissioners entered the house, and in due form reported their 
return; and then came out to the military array the honored gover- 
nor, who, passing between the lines, lifted up his hands and _ his voice 
in welcome and in thanksgiving that God had permitted their safe 
deliverance and signal victory. And he took from each soldier his 
name, that the General Court might be informed of their pains and 
good carriage, and where such worthy instruments of its will might 
be found when occasion should again arise for great services.’ Then, 
after a brief examination, the prisoners were committed to the com- 
mon jail; the governor again stepped forth to receive a salute of three 
rounds of shot from the military, who then marched to the nearest 
inn, the governor at their head, for a frugal banquet, before disband- 
ing. There was peace in Massachusetts. 

Trial and punishment came in due order, beginning with compul- 
sory attendance upon Mr. Cotton’s ministrations on the first Lord’s 
day after the arrival in Boston, -—a penalty, however, not without 
mitigation, for Gorton took up the sermon of the learned clergyman 
and answered it on the spot, point by point. For such an opportu- 
nity of exhorting he and his followers would have been willing, 
doubtless, to listen to Mr. Cotton daily, but we find no record of the 
repetition of this particular discipline. It was clearly more prudent 
that the elders should conduct these theological discussions within the 
jail, rather than the meeting-house, lest some feeble brothers or sis- 
ters, as was quite possible, should be deluded by the Evil One into 
believing that Master Cotton or Master Wilson had the worst of the 
argument. There was, at any rate, no lack of controversy till the 
time of the public trial, and the most learned elders, and those most 
distinguished for godliness, spent themselves in vain in labors with 
the stiff-necked heretics.” 


1 Gorton, in the Simplicitie’s Defence, and Winthrop, in his history, are perfectly in ac- 
cord as to the details of this singular proceeding. 

2 To grapple with a knotty theological problem was the delight of the learned and de- 
vout Puritan, and it is easy to understand the complete satisfaction with which they came 
to the encounter with so tough a disputant as Gorton, armed and equipped with such weap- 
ons as these, —we quote from Winthrop: ‘Gorton maintained (ina dispute in the prison 
with one of the elders) that the image of God wherein Adam was created, was Christ ; and 
so the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restoring of it in regeneration 
was Christ’s resurrection, and so the death of him that was born of the Virgin Mary was 
but a manifestation of the former.” The devout governor discovered flat blasphemy in 
all this, but it is difficult to understand that such a thesis, however earnestly defended, 
could threaten the safety of either Church or State. 

Gorton’s method of controversy was only a travesty of that of the time. That profes- 
sedly minute and exhaustive analysis of texts of Scripture, in search of some profoundly 
occult meaning, overlooking the obvious interpretation as puerile, because it was level to 
the vulgar comprehension, — this Gorton imitated and reduced to a fine absurdity. The 


1643.] THE GORTON TRIAL. 87 


They were brought at length before the General Court and put 
formally upon their defence. The judicial proceeding was 
characteristic of all that had gone before. The offences, for Goer 
which the accused were on trial, were theological rather than *" 
civil, and therefore the elders were called to sit with the judges. As 
to the claim of jurisdiction, including protection for the vagabond In- 
dian chiefs, “we need not,” said Winthrop, “ question them [the 
Shawomet people] any more about that ;” possession was gained, and 
the Massachusetts “ title appearing good,” he said, they refusing to 
prove a negative. They refused, because they were too wary to be 
impaled upon the horns of a dilemma by appearing as defendants be- 
fore a court whose jurisdiction they denied, where the question to be 
tried was whether that court had jurisdiction. 

«They were all illiterate men,” says Winthrop; “the ablest of 
them could not write true English, no, not common words, yet they 
would take upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places 
of Scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their own turns.” Pity 
might have waited gracefully upon such contempt as this, and the 
more, that these ignorant enthusiasts would not acknowledge, perhaps 
were incapable of understanding, that the doctrines they preached 
could bear any such interpretation as the court chose to put upon them. 
But they stood before judges of a faith too inexorable to be moved by 
compassion, and, as was fit, they to whose care that faith was specially 
committed were the most unrelenting. “ 

The trial lasted several days. <A single incident shows the manner 
in which it was conducted. Four questions were put to Gorton, in 


difficulty was that the very elect were taken in by any such assumption of profound relig- 
ious wisdom, because the presentation was after the approved method. They became in- 
capable of relying upon the good sense of the people, who, when no appeal was made to 
their sympathies by the persecution of obnoxious persons, would easily distinguish the false 
from the true. To give an instance of Gorton’s method: When in prison in Charlestown, 
he wrote to the minister of the church, and proposed that he might have “liberty to speak 
and express the word of the Lord” in public, either on Sunday or at the weekly lecture. 
The Scripture he proposed “to open and declare ” was the ninth chapter of Revelations. 
The first verse of that chapter is: And the fifth angel sounded, and I saw a star fall from 
heaven unto the earth ; and to him was given the key of the bottomless pit. On this text the peo- 
ple of Charlestown were to be taught by Gorton — ‘? 

“1, What the sound of the trumpet is. 2. Who the Angelis. 3. Why the fifth. 

“1, What the star is that falls from heaven to the earth. 2. What the fall of itis. 3. 
How it falls from heaven unto the earth. 

“1, What the key of the bottomless pit is. 2. To whom it is given. 3. The manner 
how it is given. 4. How the pit is opened. 5. How it can be said to be bottomless, seeing 
nothing can be without banks and bottom, but the Lord himself.” 

He goes on to other verses of the chapter with the same drastic diffusiveness of verbal 
criticism ; and were it not perfectly certain that Gorton was in most deadly earnest it might 
be supposed that he was aiming to give an absurd caricature of Puritan preaching and 
exegesis. — See Simplicitie’s Defence. Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc., vol. ii., p. 146. 


88 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cuap. IV. 


which he was called upon to answer, whether the Fathers who died 
before Christ was born, were justified and saved only by his blood ; — 
whether the only price of redemption was not the death and suffer- 
ings of Christ ;— who 
that God is whom, he iy i 
ANAL TEA 
ey 
an 













said, they, his persecut- ? ‘ 
ors, served ;— and, final- A 
ly, what he meant when | 
he said, ‘‘ We worship 
the star of our God Rem- 
phan, Chion, Molech.” 
This body of divinity 
he was at first required 


eS 


iV 





























































































































































































































Gorton’s Dispute with Cotton. 


to elucidate in writing, at peril of his life, in fifteen minutes; but 
the time was afterward extended to half an hour, and then to the 
next morning. In the answers, no flaw could be found, but they were 
none the more satisfactory on that account; on the contrary, they 


1643. | ’ THE SENTENCE. 89 


were on that account the more objectionable, inasmuch as they were 
not what was expected, and did not agree, the court decided, with 
what Gorton had written in his answer to the accusations of the 
magistrates. There could be little of the spirit of justice in a court 
that arraigned a man for alleged erroneous opinions, and then refused 
to accept his defence because he denied that these opinions which his 
judges accused him of holding were his. 

The elders declared that the offence of these men was deserving of 
death ; of the magistrates, all but three agreed with the elders; but 
the larger number of the forty delegates to the General Court repre- 
senting the body of the people, where sound judgment and yo con. 
love of justice had freer play, refused to sanction such a sen- '”°* 
tence. But it was decided that the accused should be dispersed into 
several towns, where each should be kept at hard labor, with irons 
upon one leg, and commanded that they should “not, by word or 
writing, maintain any of their blasphemous or wicked errors upon 
pain of death.” 4 

The imprisonment lasted through the whole winter of 1645-4, and, 
as not unfrequently happens, the purpose of the punishment was de- 
feated by its severity. ‘The poison of false doctrine was spread, not 
suppressed ; for the fear of death with such men was as nothing com- 
pared to the fear of offending their own consciences by base and sub- 
missive silence. In the spring, the anxiety was as great to get rid of 
them as it was in the autumn to bring them within reach of the heavy 
hand of Massachusetts law. ‘* The court,’ Winthrop frankly con- 
fesses, ‘‘ finding that Gorton and his company did harm in the towns 
where they were confined, and not knowing what to do with them, at 
length agreed to set them at liberty, and gave them fourteen days to 
depart out of our jurisdiction in all parts, and no more to come into 
it upon pain of death.” Gorton, no doubt, was willing enough to be 
released, but he parted unwillingly with the “iron furniture” abort 
his leg. He would have been glad to drag that clanging witness at 
his heels about the streets of Boston, as he boldly cried aloud against 
the injustice of her magistrates, and proclaimed anew his own goon ex- 
heresies. But the people could no more be trusted to listen }velre™ 
than he to preach. Within three days of the order'of re- °° 
lease, which gave them permission to remain a fortnight, Gorton and 


1 Winthrop’s History, Savage’s edition, vol. ii., p. 177. Mass. Records, vol. ii., p. 52. 
‘“‘ And when the bolts and chains were made ready,” says Gorton, in his Simplicitie’s De- 
fence, ‘‘ they put them upon us in the prison of Boston, that so we might travel in them to 
the several towns to which we were confined, some of us having fifteen miles, and some 
thirty to go from Boston, only we were to stay till Master Cotton, his Lecture day, and then 
were all brought to the congregation, in that our iron furniture for the credit of the sanc- 
tuary, which had set the sword on work to such good purpose.” Whatever Governor Win- 


90 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cuap. IV. 


his companions were commanded ‘to depart out of the town before 
noon this day,’’ — the day of the order. 

Persecution in their case had clearly not been successful except 
to inflict upon them needless suffering. As they turned their faces 
back toward the road along which they had been brought as prison- 
ers six months before, they evidently felt that the Lord had given 
them the victory. ‘* Was Captain Cooke a good captain?” asked 
some of them of an Indian chief at whose wigwam they were en- 
tertained on their journey. “I cannot tell,” he answered, * but In- 
dians account of those as good captains, when a few dare stand out 
against many.” ! They were quite willing to accept this tribute to 
their own courage and this estimate of good soldiership. 

For one night they stopped in their old homes at Shawomet, now 
Subsequent Gesolate and ruined. And it must have been in no slight 
fring oF, degree exasperating to the magistrates in Boston, when a 
Parey letter came from there asking if the prohibition to settle 
upon any lands of Pumham and Sacononoco was meant to include 
Shawomet ? for they very well knew —and knew that those magis- 
trates knew that they knew —that the only lands to which those 
sachems had ever made any precise claim were the lands of Shawo- 
met. ‘They were not so out of the fashion of the times as to be given 
to unseemly mirth; but possibly they may have indulged in a quiet 
smile when Winthrop, foolishly provoked into answering the ques- 
tion, and betrayed by its impudence into unwonted anger, replied, 
that not “upon peril of their lives,’ were they to intrude upon the 
lands of those chiefs, ‘* be the place called Shawomet or otherwise.” 
Surely never were a more exasperating people. 

Nevertheless, Shawomet, in the end, again became their home. 
They found refuge for two or three years in Rhode Island until they 
were reinstated upon their lands by an order from the government in 
England. For Gorton as a politician was by no means wanting in 
sagacity, and the first use he made of his liberty was to avail himself 
of, and probably encourage, a strong feeling of enmity existing — for 
a reason to be explained presently —among the Narragansetts against 
the Massachusetts colony. 

These Indians, Gorton says, were puzzled to understand why the 
Effect of . Magistrates in Boston, having had these Shawomet people — 
tnon the in. the violent proceedings against whom the Indians witnessed 
aa with their own eyes— in their power, should have permitted 
them to escape with their lives from a Massachusetts prison. They 


throp may have thought of the power of these men to write “ true English,” this statement 
could hardly be put in a style more forcible and picturesque. 
1 Simplicitie’s Defence. 


1644. ] POLICY OF THE NARRAGANSETTS. hl 


did not understand why an enemy, who was worth the trouble of 
being captured, should not be killed. The explanation was an Indian 
explanation. Rumors of a great war in England had reached their 
ears. There must then be in England two kinds of people, the Wat- 
taconoges—as they called the English generally — 
and the Gortonoges; and the Gortonoges must be the 
stronger, for here in Massachusetts, the Wattaconoges 
were afraid to kill them. The policy the chiefs 
chose was the Indian policy; it was to be on the 
strongest side. Pessicus, Canonicus, and Mixan, the Narragansett 
sachems, accordingly submitted themselves and their people, by sol- 


Signature of Pessicus. 























yD ta 





The Messengers at the Tent of Canonicus. 


emn act and deed, to Charles the First, who at that moment stood 
in great need of faithful subjects. 

The government at the Bay were duly advised of this new aspect 
of affairs, and the sachems were summoned to appear before the Gen- 
eral Court. They declined to come; whereupon messengers were 
sent them with instructions to ask “‘ by whose advice they had done as 


92 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. ([Cuap. IV. 


they wrote, and why they would countenance and take counsel from 
such evil men, and such as we had banished from us, and to per- 
suade them to sit still and to have more regard to us than such as 
Gorton.’ But Canonicus sulked in his tent ; for two hours he kept 
the messengers waiting in the rain; and when he admitted them to 
his presence entertained them only with “a few froward speeches.” 
Pessicus was more amenable. The conference he granted to the mes- 
sengers lasted through the night, and his speeches, though not ‘ fro- 
ward ” were “witty.” 1! The savage chieftain probably could not be 
convinced why, if it were right that Pumham and Sacononoco should 
ask the protection of Massachusetts, he and Canonicus and Mixan 
should not declare allegiance to King Charles, the great chief, as they 
considered, of the Gortonoges. Moreover he declared that the Nar- 
ragansetts would presently go to war with Uncas, the Mohegan sa- 
chem. 

This avowal of hostility to the Mohegans is the real explanation of 
veud pe. the relation in which the Narragansetts stood to all parties. 
Nowa The King of England, the government of Massachusetts, or 
Moheasns, the handful of fanatics at Shawomet, were of little moment 
Ms causes. to them except so far as they might hinder or help their de- 
signs of revenge upon their savage enemies. ‘There had long been a 
deadly feud between these two tribes, and the Narragansetts were at 
this time in mourning for the death of their chief Miantonomo, whom 
Uncas had caused to be treacherously murdered, the previous year, 
with the connivance or rather by the counsel, of the United Colonies 
of New England. 

For several years before this act of useless and cruel perfidy, there - 
had been suspicions that the great sachem Miantonomo, jealous of the 
erowing power of the English, and alarmed at the result of the Pequot 
war, — was seeking secretly to unite all of his race in a league for the 
utter destruction of the whites. He was represented as travelling 
among the tribes from Massachusetts to Long Island, everywhere ap- 
pealing to their patriotism, buying their consent with presents of 
wampum, inciting them by his eloquence to protect their own interests 
and to revenge the wrongs they had suffered. We, he is reported to 
have said, are all Indians as they are all English, ‘‘so must we be one 
as they are, otherwise we shall be all gone shortly. For you know 
Supposed OUT fathers had plenty of deer and skins; our plains were 
the Chief full of deer, as also our woods; and of turkies; and our coves 
cone full of fish and fowl. But these English having gotten our 
land, they with scythes cut down the grass, and with axes fell the 
trees; their cows and horses eat the grass, and their hogs spoil our 


1 Savage’s Winthrop, vol. ii., p. 203. Wit in the sense of wisdom. 


1643.]. MIANTONOMO AND THE GORTON CONTROVERSY. 93 


clam banks, and we shall all be starved. Therefore it is best for 
you to do as we, for we are all the sachems from east to west, both 
Moquakues and Mohawks joining with us, and we are all resolved 
to fall upon them all at one appointed day . . . . and when you see 
the three fires that will be made forty days hence, in a clear night, 
then do as we, and the next day fall on and kill men, women and 
children ; but no cows, for they will serve to eat till our deer be in- 
creased again.” 4 

This bit of Indian eloquence, which seems to have been the proto- 
type of many Indian speeches since, was probably never made by 
Miantonomo, but put into his mouth by some clever savage to work 
him harm. Captain Gardiner, nevertheless, believed it to be his, and 
reported an intended massacre of the English to Mr. Haynes at Hart- 
ford, and Mr. Eaton at New Haven. Massachusetts was appealed to 
for aid, arid the sachem was summoned to Boston to answer the ac- 
cusation. ‘The only evidence against him was the hearsay testimony 
of his enemies. 

This evidence, though accepted at Hartford, New Haven, and Plym- 
outh, was not believed by the Massachusetts magistrates. Twice (in 
1640 and 1642) Miantonomo appeared before them, and by his digni- 
fied and fearless bearing, his evident good sense and frankness, satisfied 
them that, as Winthrop said, ‘All these informations might arise 
from a false ground, and out of the enmity which was between the 
Narragansett and Monhigen.”* The plot had no other foundation 
than the purpose of Uncas to provoke the Fnglish into hostilities 
against the Narragansetts. 

But the Gorton difficulty favored Uncas in an unexpected way, 
and foreed Miantonomo into an attitude which the United gy, poicy 
Colonies assumed to be hostile. He would not, with Pum- °% &"*: 
ham and Sacononoco, repudiate the sale of the lands of Shawomet 
to Gorton, nor ask, as they did, under the leadership of Benedict 
Arnold, the protection of Massachusetts. During the progress of that 
controversy, but before Gorton and his companions were taken pris- 
oners to Boston, Uncas attacked and destroyed a Narragansett vil- 
lage, and killed a number of its people. Miantonomo complained of 
this outrage to the magistrates of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and 
begged them not to be offended if he should revenge this wrong done 
to his relatives and friends. Governor Winthrop replied: ‘If Onkus 
{Uncas] had done him or his friends wrong, and would not give sat- 
isfaction, we should leave him to take his course.” ? 


1 Gardiner’s Pequot Warres. We follow the text of this supposed speech verbatim, but 
making a few slight changes in the punctuation where the sense obviously requires it. 
2 Savage’s Winthrop, vol. ii., p. 100. 8 Tbid., vol. ii., p. 155. 


94 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS. [Cnuap. TV. 


Confiding in this assurance of neutrality he went upon the war-path 
against Uncas. ‘The result was unfortunate, for he was taken prisoner, 
the weight of the coat of armor, which, it is said, Gorton had given 
Miantonomo Li, preventing his escape by flight. That disgrace, no 
taken pris- Coubt, overwhelmed him, for he begged his enemies repeat- 
He: edly to take his life, taunting them, perhaps, after the Indian 
fashion, with his own deeds of prowess in the past, and how they had 
fled like women before him at the sound of his war-whoop. But Un- 
cas had learned to refine upon the crude methods of Indian revenge ; 
he sent the great chief to Hartford to be lodged in the common jail. 

How should so important a prisoner, falling thus into the hands of 
the English, be disposed of ? The question was one, it seems, not 
easily answered. ‘The governor and magistrates at Hartford consented 
to hold him in custody, but declared that it was not for them to decide 
upon his final disposition ; there was no war, they said, between their 
colony and the Narragansetts to justify their interference. That 
decision, they thought, belonged to the commissioners of the United 
Colonies.! 

A meeting of the commissioners, at which Governor Winthrop pre- 
Condemnea sided, was held in Boston in September, and the subject had 
to death by — their most serious consideration. They well knew, they said, 
the ambitious design of Miantonomo ‘‘ to make himself uni- 
versal Sagamore or Governor of all these parts,” and they believed he 
had determined to exterminate the English ; but this knowledge and 
belief, they declared should not influence their judgment in this case, 
which was simply one between the two Indians. Their conclusion was 
‘‘ that Uncas cannot be safe while Myantonomo lives, but that either 
by secret treachery or open force his life will be still in danger. 
Wherefore they thinke he may justly put such a false and blood- 
thirsty enemie to death, but in his owne jurisdiccon not in the English 
plantacons — and advising that in the manner of his death all mercy 
and moderacon be showed, contrary to the practise of the Indians who 
exercise torture and cruelty.” 

This was their conclusion. ‘The considerations that led them to it 
were: That Miantonomo had made war upon Uncas without sub- 
mitting his grievances to the English for arbitration, as had been pro- 
vided by treaty: that a subject of Uncas had attempted to kill him 
and then fled for protection to the Narragansetts, and that Mian- 
tonomo instead of surrendering him as he had promised, had himself 
cut off the culprit’s head, ‘that he might tell no tales:” that Mian- 
tonomo had attempted to destroy Uncas by “ sorcery”: that it was 
Sequasson and not Uncas who was the original aggressor in the quarrel 


the commis- 
sioners. 





1 Trumbull’s History of Connecticut, vol. i., p. 131. 


1643.] EXECUTION OF MIANTONOMO. 95 


that led to the conflict between Uncas and Miantonomo: and, eanallys 
that Miantonomo had “suddainly without denouncing war’? come 
upon Uncas with superior numbers and relying upon those had de- 
clined to settle their feud by single combat; that the Mohawks were 
now within a day’s journey awaiting the issue of his capture, though 
what they might do “whether against the English, or Uncas, or 
both,” the commissioners acknowledged, ‘1s doubtful.” 4 

This formidable indictment, nevertheless, was not accepted, at once, 
as conclusive. Winthrop’s statement of the conclusion of the commis- 
sioners is, that they, ‘‘ taking into consideration what was safest and 
best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set 
him [Miantonomo] at liberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us 
to put him. to death.” 

Here then was a dilemma. Was Miantonomo to be punished’ be- 
cause he was the enemy of the English? He was believed to be so 
in Plymouth, New Haven, and Hartford, but hitherto Massachusetts 




































































































































































































































































The Grave of Miantonomo. 


had not believed it; moreover, the delegates from those colonies de- 
clared that was not the question now at issue. Was he to be pun- 
ished because he had disregarded the treaty, as the commissioners 
said, by neglecting to notify the English that he proposed to make 


1 Hazard’s State Papers, vol. ii., pp. 8, et seq. 


96 THE SHAWOMET PEOPLE AND THE INDIANS.  [Cuap. IV. 


war upon Uncas? But this was: not true, according to Winthrop’s 
own testimony. Miantonomo, he had recorded in his journal, ‘ sent 
to Mr. Haynes (at Hartford) to complain of Onkus;” and Governor 
Haynes had replied, “ that the English had no hand in it, nor would 
encourage them.” ‘ Miantonomo gave notice hereof also to our goy- 
ernor’’ — Winthrop himself — continues the journal, and the chief 
was told “to take his own course.” Miantonomo took “his own 
course.” Was it a crime because the fortune of war was against him ? 

‘In this difficulty,” says Winthrop, after giving the decision of the 

commissioners — “in this difficulty we called in five of the 
settled by most judicious elders, (it being the time of the general as- 
ee thE sembly of the elders,) and propounding the case to them, 
they all agreed that he ought to be put to death.” 

“It was now clearly discovered to us,” says the governor, ‘that 
there was a general conspiracy among the Indians to cut off all the 
English and that Miantunnomoh was the head and contriver of it.” 
Apparently it was the judgment of the elders alone that revealed the 
truth of what hitherto had not been credited, for there seems to haye 
been no new evidence. 

Miantonomo was to die then by the sentence of the English, but 
Uncas was appointed to be his executioner. ‘The Mohegan chief was 
by no means reluctant to take upon himself that pleasant office. The 
prisoner was delivered into his hands and marched to a spot near 
where he was captured, now known as Sachem’s Plain, in Norwich, 
Connecticut. It was ordered by the commissioners that the execution 
should be without torture, and some Englishmen were present to see 
mge ke that the order was obeyed. If the method chosen was 
tio of Mi- savage, 1t was, at least, merciful: one of Uncas’s men — 
mmvenem’ said to be his brother — stealthily approached the prisoner 
from behind, and with a deadly blow buried a hatchet in his brain. 
Uncas sprang upon the body of his fallen enemy, and cutting a large 
piece of flesh from the shoulder devoured it in triumph, exclaiming, 
“it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong.” ! 


1 Trumbull’s History of Connecticut, vol. i., p. 185. Drake’s Book of the Indians, p. 65. 
Winthrop was probably wrong as to the place of this tragedy, notwithstanding Savage 
(vol. ii., p. 162), in a note, maintains that he is right. Drake doubts if Uncas committed 
the savage act attributed to him, but Trumbull is good authority for the tradition. A 


monument has been erected to the memory of the great Sachem on Sachem’s Plain in 
Norwich. 


; 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of Providence, Rhode Island. 


CHAP LEAR TN. 


RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. 


THE SHAWOMET CONTROVERSY TAKEN TO ENGLAND. — DECIDED IN Favor OF GORTON 
AND HiS ASSOCIATES. — CHARTER GRANTED TO PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. — CIVIL 
Liperty and RELIGIOUS TOLERATION PROVIDED FOR. — VISIT OF CrLark, HOLMEs, 
AND CRANDALL TO Boston. — PUNISHED FOR HOLDING AND PREACHING HETERODOX 
OPINIONS. — DISSENSIONS IN RHODE ISLAND. — CODDINGTON APPOINTED GOVERNOR 
FOR Lire — THE CHARTER GRANTED BY CHARLES II.— ITs CHARACTER AND His- 
TORICAL INTEREST. 


DEEPLY moved with grief and indignation as the Narragansetts were 
when they heard of the treacherous assassination of their young and 
beloved sachem, it shows how little real fear there was of any retalia- 
tion on their part, that a small guard was thought sufficient for the 
protection of Uncas. ‘That the Indians might know,” says Win- 
throp, “that the English did approve of it, they sent 12 or 14 mus- 
keteers home with Onkus, to abide a time with him for, his defence, if 
need should be.”’ There was no need ; the Narragansetts understood. 

They understood, they thought, so well that when a few months 
later Gorton and his men came back rejoicing and confident ap tele 
with not a hair the less upon their heads, it was, the Narra- tum to y 
gansetts believed, because the others were afraid. Gorton 
looked, he told them, to the king for justice ; it was no hard thing to 
persuade them to offer their allegiance to a power which, though so 
far away, was feared by their enemies. If such subjects were of no 


lod 


VOL. I. 7 


98 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuap. V. 


use to Charles, and such a king no protection to such subjects, the 
deed of submission was, at least, a good document for Gorton to have 
in his hand when he appealed to the government at home. This he 
did, and so successfully that within about two years, Randall Holden 
and John Greene —two of the Shawomet people —arrived in Bos- 
ton, with an order from the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations in 
London, that they and Gorton should be permitted to pass unmo- 
The English lested through any part of New England, from which they 
commession- had been banished; and ten days later these Commissioners 
in histavor. issued an order that all those evicted from Shawomet 
should be permitted to reénter upon and enjoy their possessions in 
that place. The Earl of Warwick was the president of that Board of 
Commissioners, and in gratitude to him the place was thereafter called 
Warwick. 

This happy result to their troubles was not, of course, brought 
about without a struggle. Edward Winslow was sent by the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts, to controvert in England the statements of 
Gorton, and a lively controversy ensued between them before the Com- 
missioners and a committee of Par- 
liament, and in published letters 
and pamphlets, which found lis- 
teners, absorbing as the interest of 
the Enghsh people was, at that 
time, in their own affairs. Win- 
slow was faithful to his trust, and 
withstood with all his might a con- 
troversialist, who thanking God that 
he was bred in no ‘schools of hu- 
man learning,’’ must have been the 
harder to grapple with; but even 
Gorton himself testified to his manly 
fairness.! 

But Winslow only so far prevailed that a year later the order re- 
storing their lands to the Shawomet people was so modified and ex- 
plained by a committee of both houses of Parliament, and by the 
Board of Commissioners of Foreign Plantations that the question of 
jurisdiction should be left for future decision. Winslow claimed that 








Edward Winslow. 


1 Edward Winslow, often governor of Plymouth, was deservedly one of the most hon- 
ored and respected of the early New Englanders. No one went so often as he as the 
agent of the Colonies to England, and on one of these visits he was sent by Cromwell as 
commissioner on the expedition to the West Indies, in 1654. He died, after the disgrace- 
ful repulse at. Hispaniola the next year, of fever; A Diary in the Memorials of Admiral 
Sir William Penn says: “Taking conceit (as his man affirms) at the disgrace of the army 
on Hispaniola, to whom he told, it had broken his heart.” 


1644. ] THE QUESTION OF JURISDICTION. 99 


the lands were within the Plymouth patent; but however the colo- 
nists may have persuaded themselves on this point, the Cominissioners 
still insisted that Gorton, Holden, and their friends should be per- 
mitted to rest on the lands they had purchased from the natives. 

For years the question continued to vex the colonies, and was a fre- 
quent subject of discussion, and even of altercation, between ,,,.. Me 
Plymouth and Massachusetts, between the Commissioners of fhe Gor 
the United Colonies, and between them all and the people %™- 
of Warwick. As a reason for insisting upon the exercise of the right 
of jurisdiction over them the latter were accused of wrongs committed 
against their neighbors both English and Indian, the ready rejoinder 
to which accusation was that the injuries were from the other side 
and were only withstood in self-defence. ‘There seems to have been 
little peace for them till 1658, when Wilham Arnold and William 
Carpenter, two of the four original instigators of the troubles of the 
Shawomet people, petitioned — with others of Pawtuxet — that Mas- 
sachusetts would discharge them from the jurisdiction of that colony. 
This petition, however, is to be understood as one of the evidences that 
Massachusetts had relinquished her claim and is not to be mistaken as 
the cause of that change of policy. 

Years before this Warwick had become a part of the colony of 
“Providence Plantations,” under a charter procured by Roger Wil- 
liams in March, 1644.1. This was granted to Providence, Portsmouth, 
and Newport, Warwick not being named in it; bet when in May, 
1647, the colony was organized, that plantation was admitted _ ated 
to equal privileges with the rest. Thereafter any attempted charter. 
exercise of power over her was an intrusion upon territory 
protected by patent given under the authority of the English Parlia- 
ment. 

Williams arrived in Boston with this charter in September, 1644, 
and was allowed to land there on his way to Providence by virtue of 
a letter from ‘“‘ divers lords and others of the parliament” to the 
governor and assistants of Massachusetts. Not that there was any 
growing disposition to tolerate him or his doctrines.2. The letter 
alone secured him a safe passage through Massachusetts and at the 
same time informed its magistrates that he was the bearer of this char- 
ter granted to him and his friends by both houses of Parliament. 


1 There has been some controversy as to the date of this charter, the question being 
whether it was March 14th or 17th. In Hazard’s State Papers it is the 14th; Savage in 
Winthrop’s Journal maintained that this was correct, while Elton and Staples in A. /. Hist. 
Coll., insist that it should be the 17th. But Sainsbury’s Calendar of State Papers in the 
State Paper Office, London, gives the 14th [O. 8.], and this, therefore, must be the cor- 
rect date. 

2 Hubbard’s General History of New England, chap. xliii. 


100 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [CuHap. V. 


The warmth of his weleome at home was as marked as the coldness 
with which he was received in Boston. It was a little less 
than eight years since he had evaded the sentence of the 
law of Massachusetts and fled into the forest through which he now 
again found his way. The people had heard of his coming; at See- 
konk the river was covered with canoes ; all Providence had come out 
to hail the return of a benefactor and a friend. Surrounded by a 
grateful people he made an almost triumphal entry into the colony 
he had planted. 
It is an interesting and important fact that there was, unknown 
to Willams, though known 
— —_ probably to the magistrates of 
~ Massachusetts, another grant 


His return. 





















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































in existence at that moment, J 
bearing the date of the preced- 
ing December — December 10, 
1643 [O. S.] — extending the ve aaa eae 
existence of Pitent of that colony over the whole of the present State of 
an earlier Rhode Island. It is probable that the instrument had not 
Rhode then been received, for some reason, in Boston, for the first 
allusion to 1t is found in the records of the 7th of October, 
1645. Mr. Williams is then notified by an official letter to refrain 
from exercising any jurisdiction over the lands about Narragansett 
Bay and the tract ‘wherein Providence and the Island of Quidny 
are included,” the charter of which was “ receaved lately out of Eng- 
land,” ? giving that country to Massachusetts. 


1 Records of Massachusetts, vol. iii., p. 49. 





aity, 



















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































| Hi iI ah il | HI Mi ae 4 ti 

| | ii | | ! | | ! | | il 
HANH | He ATA A CAA AM : AEN 

a i NG HI | SH i | yh i i" i Hi 

| i | | i AE Hi | Wh at a 
cc ih | A wn l mt A 










































































































































































BAY. 


NARRAGANSETT 


IN 


VIEW 





1645. | THE NARRAGANSETT PATENT OF 1643. 101 


Why should a charter which, if put in force, would settle defini- 
tively so much that was vexatious because unsettled, have been re- 
ceived only ‘lately’ in October, 1645, when the erant was made 
nearly two years before, in December, 1643 ? Why also Puzzling — 
when received, though so tardily, was not some further use Ses its 
made of it other than in this single instance to hold it up as a menace 
to the Providence Plantations? That is the sole use to which it was 
ever put by the Massachusetts government, and in that case the warn- 
ing was not thought worth heeding by those to whom it was sent or 
followed up by those who gave it. 

The patent was a month old when Gorton and his companions were 
released from their sentence of confinement at hard labor in Massachu- 
setts and dismissed with a new one of banishment beyond her bor- 
ders. It was four months later when Governor Winthrop warned 
these people that the General Court did not intend their sentence as a 
‘“‘ scarecrow ” — that it would be found real and effectual should it be 
transgressed. Did he know at that very moment that these men were 
still within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and in proposing to set- 
tle on Rhode Island were as much disregarding the order of the Gen- 
eral Court, if this charter were valid, as they would have done by re- 
maining in Boston? It is of course, possible, though not probable, that 
the Massachusetts agents in London, the Reverend Thomas Welde and 
the Reverend Hugh Peters, had not informed the government of Massa- 
chusetts that they had secured so important an addition to her domain 
and her power. But even if this were true, for years xfterward, when 
the charter was certainly in Boston, no attempt was made to enforce it, 
though its enforcement as a matter of absolute right would have set- 
tled at once so many questions over which discussion, altercation, and 
contention lasted through all those years. } 

Why then was so important an instrument permitted to he in abey- 
ance among the archives of Massachusetts? Why should Winthrop, 
whose journal of the events of that period is so minute, and therefore 
so much more valuable than any other contemporary narrative, be 
absolutely silent— save in a single instance where it is alluded to by 
way of illustration only — upon this Narragansett patent ? 

Positive answers there are none to these questions, but many con- 
jectures.! By some writers it is maintained that the charter ginoutar 


treatment of 


was fraudulent, procured in an irregular and illegal way by jhe matter 
Welde, and sent out by him to be used in Massachusetts eae cops 
to sustain the unfounded claim of jurisdiction over Rhode *’’°™™ 
Island, assumed in the outset for the punishment and suppression of the 

1 See a very thorough discussion of the subject by Mr. Charles Deane and Col. Thomas 
Aspinwall in the volume of Proceedings of Mass. Hist. Soc., 1862-1863. 


102 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuap. V. 


heretics of Shawomet. Williams in a letter to Major Mason, written 
in 1670, says that when Gorton made his complaint, in London, 
against the action of Massachusetts, ‘the Lord High Admiral, Presi- 
dent, [ Warwick] said openly in a full meeting of the commissioners, 
that he knew of no other charter for these parts than what Mr. Wil- 
liams had obtained, and he was sure that charter, which the Massa- 
chusetts Englishmen pretended had never past the table.”! In a 
petition presented by John Clarke and others on behalf of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations to Lord Clarendon in 1665, the 
charter is referred to as “that which Mr. Wells [Welde] got under- 
hand” and as ‘* never passed at Council table nor registered.” * And 
in 1662 President Brenton told Hutchinson, the Massachusetts agent 
in London, that the Narragansett patent “ was not fairly got ;” that 
“there was no such thing upon record in any court of England, for 
he had sent to search the records;’’ and Hutchinson in a letter to 
Secretary Rawson of Massachusetts, says, ‘find there theirs, but not 

CUKe 
On the other hand, Sainsbury records the patent as in volume x. 
of the State Paper Office in London. But this record rather com- 
plicates still further than clears up the question, for added to it are 
the words — ** Copy, attested by Edward Rawson, Secretary.” Raw- 
son was the Colonial Secretary of Massachusetts. Did he send back to 
England an official copy of a charter obtained by fraud, that it might 
1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., First Series, vol. ii. R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. iii. 

2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Second Series, vol. vii. 


® Mass. Archives, cited by Aspinwall in the discussion with Deane. | 
* Sainsbury’s Calendar of State Papers, p. 325. 


Fen VASES eee aces Casill wdlanite feo Lista (oii ae ee 
ha ond, i WES within Me ond faith rofouker 
bof le avy olhbe afm Fe; 

paren) of GX 













ta’ Qwik ~ wow ‘s 


Mis (rhe 


Reduced Fac-simile of the Signatures and Closing 





1645.] THE NARRAGANSETT PATENT OF 1643. 103 


appear, for some ulterior purpose, of record in the State Paper Office? 
Or, appearing there in due course, were the Earl of Warwick, John 
Clarke, President Brenton of Rhode Island, and Edward Hutchinson 
of Massachusetts, all in error as to its legality ? 

It is neither agreeable nor charitable to suppose that the Massa- 
chusetts magistrates would avail themselves of a patent 5...) 
which they knew to be obtained by trickery, even for so opr pnetians 
pious a work as the suppression of heresy. They recognize P°%- 
its existence just often enough to show that they accepted it as legal 
—or accepted it at any rate— while they refrained so completely 
from maintaining any vested right under it, that it is plain they pre- 
ferred, for some reason, to ignore it. Perhaps the most common- 
place explanation of the enigma is nearest the truth, — they did not 
use the charter because it did not answer their purpose. Tor some 
reason, which probably will never be explained, there were serious 
doubts as to the genuineness of the document; but in Boston, let us 
hope they knew it was legal, and nevertheless they put it aside among 
the archives of the colony because it was of little practical value in 
carrying out their policy in regard to Rhode Island. 

For the jurisdiction Massachusetts wanted in that region of country 
was not merely jurisdiction over land, but over people; not merely 
over that which was uninhabited, except by Indians, but that in which 
dwelt their own countrymen. In each of the new settlements were 
men already obnoxious to the laws of the General Court, and in each 
could men still more obnoxious find an asylum. But the Narragansett 
patent contained a reservation of all lands previously granted, ‘and in 


Tio a RT AE Ae BD ‘his 


ch fnud aud sok legs tes 
ae SoS wt wi 





yy eh aalbat ead 
fete 


“Gua cee eee 
nity 


Sentences of the Narragansett Patent, 


104 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. ([Cuap. VY. 


present possession held and enjoyed by any of his majesty’s Protes- 
tant subjects.” There had, indeed, been no grants of lands in the ter- 
ritory in question, but there was ‘‘ present possession ” at Providence, 
Portsmouth, Newport, and Shawomet, and the charter, therefore, con- 
ferred upon Massachusetts no right of jurisdiction over these or their 
inhabitants. Her authority, therefore, in that country would have 
been only a divided authority, and would have failed precisely where 
she most wished to exercise it. Rather than accept this she may 
have preferred to await the decision she hoped for — that the country 
was embraced within the Plymouth patent, inasmuch as Plymouth 
had conveyed her right of jurisdiction to Massachusetts.) But, how- 
ever her course may be explained, the question still remains unsolved, 
—how came the Commissioners of Plantations to confer —if they 
did confer —upon the Providence Plantations, in March, 1644, a 
patent of precisely the same lands which three months before they 
had granted to Massachusetts ? 

The charter which Williams brought back from England was free 
Provisions 2G absolute, giving to the people of Providence Planta- 
of the grant tions ‘* full power and authority to govern and rule them- 

selves and such others as shall inhabit within any part of the 
said tract of land, by such a form of civil government as by voluntary 
consent of all or the greatest part of them shall be found most service- 
able in their estates and conditions ;”” and to that end it empowered 
them to make and enforce such civil laws and constitutions as should 
be necessary, provided only that they were in accordance with the 
laws of England. And even this condition was so modified as to 
provide that this conformity to the laws of the mother country need 
be only so far as the nature and constitution of the colony admitted. 
It was the freest colonial charter that had ever been given; naturally, 
for it was obtained at the solicitation of Roger Williams, through 
the influence of Sir Henry Vane, and from a parliamentary com- 
mission. 

The first General Assembly which met under it at Portsmouth, 
winch ase May 19, 1647, adopted a code of laws, in the preamble of 
laws uaiee Which it was declared: “sith our charter gives us to govern 
charter" ourselves, and such other as come among us, and by such 
ott a form of civil government as by the voluntary consent, 
etc., shall be found most suitable to our state and condition. It is 
agreed by this present Assembly, thus incorporate, and by this present 
act declared, that the form of government established in Providence 
Plantations is DEMocRATICAL, that is to say, a government held by 
the free amd voluntary consent of all, or the greater part of the free 

1 See Arnold's History of Rhode Island, vol. i., p. 119. 


1647. ] LIBERTY AND RELIGIOUS TOLERATION. 105 


inhabitants.” The personal rights of the citizen were guarded by 
the declaration “ that no person in this Colony shall be taken or im- 
prisoned, or be disseised of his lands or liberties, or be exiled or any 
otherwise molested or destroyed, but by the lawful judgement of his 
peers, or by some known law, and according to the letter of it,” rati- 
fied and confirmed by the General Assembly. And that absolute 
freedom of conscience should be secured, it was declared that “ all 
men may walk as their consciences persuade them, every one in the 
name of his God. And let the saints of the Most High walk in this 
Colony without molestation in the name of Jehovah, their God for 
ever and ever.” ! | 

Five years before Portsmouth and Newport had declared in almost 
the same words, that such were the principles by which they meant to 
be governed. Here was a new and wider union under the authority 
of a charter. It laid down as the firm foundation of the State that 
idea of civil and religious liberty, which every wise man among them, 
who had followed Williams to an asylum for those distressed in con- 
science, maintained to be its only true foundation. Whatever vicis- 
situdes and trials they were called upon to meet, they kept carefully 
in mind the great principles of their political faith. 

There were dividing interests and dissensions in the several towns, 
however, which the union under this charter could not recon- 
cile. What these were is not, and cannot now, be accu- English af. 
rately known, but they were, no doubt, increased by division al auen 
of feeling and opinion on affairs in England. Royalists and © 
parliament men no more loved each other in the colonies than at 
home, though distance from the scene of the actual struggle softened 
the political rancor enough to restrain them from open violence. But 
whatever other differences there were, this one intensified them. Cod- 
dington, a royalist, was the leader of one party, and one strong evi- 
dence of the difference between the two was that he, with others, 
asked on behalf of the island that they be admitted into the confeder- 
ation of the United Colonies. He claimed that this was the wish of 
a majority of the people of Portsmouth and Newport, and he may 
have been right, for the island towns and the mainland towns seemed 
to mark the division of parties. | 

The party feeling in the Rhode Island towns must have been in- 
tense that could make any of them so forget the wrongs they had sut- 
fered at the hands of Massachusetts, as to ask an alliance where hers 
was the chief influence. The request of the petitioners was refused 
unless they would acknowledge that the territory they occupied was 
within the Plymouth patent. To accept such terms would have been 

WRT, Hisiv S0ee Coll. ,Voleiviyp. 229; 


106 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuae. V. 


to forego all the advantages of the possession of their own charter, 
and to surrender themselves eventually to the jurisdiction of Massa- 
chusetts. What that might be the people of Providence Plantations 
had already been taught by some efficient lessons, and others were to 
come. 

In the summer of 1651 the Reverend John Clark, who was not 

_ only one of the most influential and most respected citizens 
mission to of Rhode Island, but the pastor of the Baptist Church at 
das Newport; the Reverend Obadiah Holmes, who had gathered 
a church of the same denomination at Seekonk, and one Crandall, 
went together to Lynn, in Massachusetts, to visit a sick brother in 
the church, one William Witter.1. Clark was an eminent and public 
offender inasmuch as he was a Baptist clergyman, and the leader of 
that band of exiles who, banished from Massachusetts, found a home 
on the island of Acquidneck ; Holmes was also a Baptist clergyman, 
had been excommunicated from the church at Seekonk, and bound 
over to keep the peace by the authorities of Plymouth; and Crandall, 
to his other offence of being an Anabaptist, had added that of mar- 
rying a daughter of Samuel Gorton. ‘Three such criminals were not 
to be permitted to come with impunity within the boundaries of Mas- 
sachusetts, although the church of which all three were members had 
deputed them to visit a brother member, sick and old and blind, who, 
from his distant home, had asked for the consolation of a religious 
visit. 

On the Sunday after their arrival, ‘not having freedom in our 
Arrest of | Spirits,” says Clark, “for want of a clear Call from God to 
hic conman. goe unto the Publike Assemblie to declare there what was 
ae the mind, and counsell of God concerning them,” he ‘“ judged 
it a thing suitable” to hold divine service in the house and with the 
family of Witter, and four or five others who came in to join in their 
worship. While thus engaged there came in two constables with a 
warrant for their arrest. A request to finish the services was denied, 
and ‘the erronious persons, being Strangers’? whom the writ of Jus- 
tice Bridges commanded should be brought before him in the morn- 
ing, were marched off as prisoners — bail being refused — to the inn 
for safe keeping. 

The constables were more zealous than wise, for in the afternoon 
they insisted upon taking the prisoners to the Meeting, notwithstand- 

1 Witter was nearly seventy years of age and blind; not being able to go to Newport 
for the comfort of the ordinances in the church to which he belonged, he asked that he 
might be visited, for he seemed to be near his end. Clark, Holmes, and Crandall were sent 
as the representatives of the church at Newport, as appears by the records of the church, 
as quoted by Backus. 

2 Backus’s History of the Baptists, vol. i., p. 215. 


1651.] JOHN CLARK’S MISSION TO LYNN. 107 


ing Mr. Clark’s repeated protests and warnings that if compelled to go 
there his conscience would constrain him to testify to his dissent both 
by word and gesture from those with whom he could hold no religious 
communion. And he was true to his word; for in the Meeting he 

| kept his hat upon his head till 
Penn ite i ye the constable removed it, and 
ee a c=.| at the close of the services 
‘| undertook to exhort the con- 
eregation. It is no wonder 
that such conduct exasperated 
Justice Bridges, by whose or- 
der they had been arrested, 
and who now compelled the 
preacher to hold his peace. 




















































































































































































































































































































































\ 


A 
y 
\Y 
Nl 
‘ 





egy 








‘' The Meeting at Witter’s House. 


The next morning the three were sent to Boston jail for safe-keep- 
ing till the next sitting of the court, the charges against them being 
that they had held a private religious meeting; that they had dis- 
turbed public worship; that they had led others astray; that they 


108 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuar. V. 


were suspected of rebaptizing of one or more persons, and had failed 
to give security that they would appear for trial.t 

They lay in jail for ten days before the Court, consisting of the 
governor, deputy governor, and three assistants, was con- 
vened, but there was no delay when they were once before 
their judges. There were neither accusers nor witnesses summoned. 
against them; no jury to try them, and no law either of God or man 
cited to their condemnation. It was enough for the irascible Governor 
Endicott to declare that they were Anabaptists; the formalities of 
trial evidently were of small moment with regard to criminals of that 


Their trial. 


sort. 

Of course they were found guilty. They were Baptists ; the com- 
mitment said they had held two meetings of worship at Witter’s. 
house; and when taken into the meeting-house of the town they had 
kept on their hats. ‘They were sentenced to be well whipt, or to pay, 
Clark twenty pounds, Holmes thirty pounds, and Crandall five pounds. 
Mr. Clark asked respectfully that he might be told under what law 
they were condemned. He reminded them that by their Code no 
man should be molested except under a law of the General Court, or, 
failing that, the law of God; and neither had been produced against: 
them. He hoped they were not less tender of the rights of the stranger 
within their gates, than they were of the rights of their own people. 

Endicott was equal to the occasion ; they denied infant baptism, he 
shouted ; they ought to be put to death, and ‘“ he would not have such 
trash brought into their jurisdiction.”” Holmes, more meek, said as. 
he turned to leave the court, ‘*I bless God I am counted worthy to 

: suffer for the name of Jesus.” 

Whereupon he adds, ‘John 

oS pr ‘\yp \ Wilson (their pastor, as they 

call him) strook me before the 

judgment seat and cursed me, 

saying, the curse of God or Jesus go with thee.” It was not much 

that would put John Endicott in a towering passion at any time; but 

By dale it must have been a lively and exciting occasion that could 

ings in move John Wilson— though capable of being moved, for 

i we haye seen him climbing a tree in a time of popular 

clamor to harangue a crowd *— that could so move him as to strike 
and curse even a theological opponent in open court.? 

Endicott told Clark that it was only the weak to whom he ventured 


Signature of John Wilson. 


1 Til Newes From New-England :.or A Narrative of New-Englands Persecution. By John 
Clark. London: 1652. Reprinted Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, vol. ii. 

2 Vol. i., p. 554. | 

3 Holmes’s Narrative in Backus; and R. J. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. vi. 


1651.] TRIAL OF CLARK, HOLMES, AND CRANDALL. 109 


to present his doctrines, but that he could not sustain himself in a 
controversy with the Boston ministers — with brother Wilson, for ex- 
ample, then and there present ready on the instant to pound the ob- 
durate Holmes into a Christian state of mind. Nothing could be 
more acceptable to the Newport clergyman than such a challenge ; 
but though agreed to and the preliminaries arranged after much nego- 
tiation, the proposal came to naught. It was not so much, probably, 
that Messrs. Wilson and Cotton feared to meet Mr. Clark in debate as 
that they dreaded the effect on the popular mind, all the more ready 
to embrace new doctrines which it was unwisely attempted to sup- 
press by the persecution of those who held them. 

After some days of imprisonment both Clark and Crandall were re- 
leased, their fines being paid by some judicious friends without their 
knowledge. But with Holmes it fared otherwise. His conscience 
would not permit him to pay for himself, or allow others to pay for 
him, the sum adjudged as penalty. He struggled hard, he tells us, 
to resist the temptation to escape a painful punishment, and on the 
morning of its execution, *‘in consideration of the weakness of the 
flesh to bear the strokes though the spirit was willing, I was,” he adds, 
“‘caused to pray earnestly unto the Lord that he would be pleased to 
give me a spirit of courage and boldness, a tongue to speak for Him, 
and strength of body to suffer for His sake, and not to shrink or yield 
to the strokes, or shed tears lest the adversaries of the truth should 
thereupon blaspheme and be hardened, and the weak and feeble- 
hearted discouraged.” 

Fortified with this spirit of resignation and endurance, he was led 
out of the prison into the presence of the people. He tried aaa 
to speak that he might bear witness to them that he suffered ment of 
for “the Word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ.” 
If the punishment was just it was just that he should be silenced, for 
it was for preaching that he was punished. ‘+ Fellow, do thine office,” 
said the magistrate to the executioner; “for this fellow would but 
make a long speech to delude the people.” To him there was nothing 
ignominious in his position; rather the glorification of martyrdom. 
‘““T dressed myself,” he says, ‘‘in as comely a manner as I could, hav- 
ing such a Lord and Master to serve in this business.” And these 
comely garments had to be removed from him, for ‘* I made,” he de- 
clares, ‘as much conscience of unbuttoning a button as I did of pay- 
ing the 30/. in reference thereunto.” To this disrobing he submitted 
gently and unresistingly, as he did to his punishment ; ‘for in truth,” 
continues his narrative, ‘‘as the strokes fell upon me I had such a 
spiritual manifestation of God’s presence as the like thereto I never 
had nor felt, nor can with fleshy tongue express, and the outward pain 


110 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuap. V. 


was so removed from me that, indeed, I am not able to declare it to 
you; it was so easy to me that I could well bear it, yea, 
{vec and in a manner felt it not, although it was grievous, as 
POMS spectators said, the man striking with all his strength, 
(yea, spitting on his hand three times, as many affirmed), with a 
three-corded whip, giving me therewith thirty strokes.” Such was 
his spiritual exaltation that when the ghastly spectacle was over and 
his clothes were restored to him to cover his scored and bloody back, 





oN gi 
\ rag) A) 
— Mi 


\ 


| 
' 
| 

1 








ROY } 





fina" i 





























Whipping cf Obadiah Holmes. 


he turned to the magistrates standing by and said, ‘* You have struck 
me as with roses.”’ 

When the scourging was finished a number of the bystanders 
crowded around the sufferer to avow their pity for his condition, if 
not their sympathy for his doctrines and their indignation at his per- 
secution. Writs were immediately issued for the arrest of a dozen or 
more of these persons, but only two were taken. These also would 
have been publicly punished at the whipping-post, had not their fines, 
which their consciences forbade their paying, been discharged by their 
friends. 

Whatever were the merits, and they were many, of the early Puri- 


1651.] PUNISHMENT OF OBADIAH HOLMES. Le 


tans of Massachusetts, candid and truthful history can neither wink 
out of sight nor palliate the intolerance and cruelty which »,. soit ct 
they visited upon those who differed from them. Fortunately opposition to 
for her, and for the whole country whose destiny she hag ‘lee. 
done so much to influence, the efforts of her earliest rulers to stamp 
her character with the indelible impress of their own narrow views 
and purposes were not successful. In all those years there was among 
the common people, particularly outside of Boston, a determined pur- 
pose, which it was impossible altogether to suppress, not to submit to 
the arbitrary will and narrow fanaticism with which the magistrates 
proposed to govern in the name of religion and of law. The struggle 
was long continued, — continued, indeed, even down to our own time. 
But that spirit which led some of the most enlightened of her people 
to build up another colony on a foundation of religious toleration and 
the equal civil rights of all men, has, in the long run, been triumphant 
in Massachusetts also. The extravagancies in theological discursive- 
ness which grew out of the intellectual and religious activity of the 
age came, in the end, to harmless and sometimes rational conclusions ; 
while the intolerant bigotry which knew no better way to meet the 
vagaries of fanaticism than persecution became at length so intolerable 
to all sober-minded people as to be looked upon with such abhorrence 
as to defeat itself. 

It is not at all impossible that these outrages in Boston upon two 
well-known clergymen of Rhode Island may have had some —__ 
influence upon political events in that colony. Goyernor Gat Gan: 
Coddington had, by a clever coup de main, obtained from the Rhode Tsl- 
Council of State in England a commission to govern Rhode aha 
Island, with a council of six men, during his life. With this commis- 
sion he returned home about the time of the visit of Clark to Massa- 
chusetts; and though there is no evidence of his having repeated his 
overtures to the Commissioners of the United Colonies that Rhode 
Island should be admitted to that Confederacy, there was, neverthe- 
less, a good deal of alarm among the people at his success. Roger 
Williams, as representative of the mainland towns, and John Clark, 
on behalf of those of the Island, were sent soon after to England, 
the one to procure the recall of the commission to Coddington, the 
other to obtain a confirmation of the charter. The latter was prob- 
ably thought desirable, as since that charter was granted Charles the 
First had been brought to the block, England had been declared a 
Commonwealth, and the government of the nation entrusted to the 
Council of State appointed by parliament. The mission of the com- 
missioners, however, was, in effect, the same — to restore the govern- 
ment of Providence Plantations, which had lapsed through the dis- 


112 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuapr. Y. 


sensions of the several towns, and the repeal of the appointment of 
Coddington as governor for life over those of Rhode Island. 

The mission was successful. Williams and Clark presented their 
petition to the Council of State the following spring; in the autumn 
of 1652 the commission to Coddington was recalled, and a few months 
later the towns were again united under one government, Williams, 
who had meanwhile returned from England, being the first goy- 
ernor. 

Clark remained in England to watch over, during the next ten 

momentous years of the Commonwealth, the interests of the 

pon charter Colony. On the restoration of Charles II. he devoted him- 
rst self to obtaining a royal charter, which was granted in July, 
1663, to the Colony under the new name of ‘* Rhode Island and Proy- 
idence Plantations.” All the 
rights granted in the earlier 
patent were confirmed in this ; 
the original title of the native 
Indians — for affirming which 
as to the country of New 
England Roger Willams was, 
among other reasons, banished 
from Massachusetts — was rec- 
cognized; the rights of con- 
science and of private judg- 
ment, for which the people of 
Rhode Island had suffered so 
much at the hands of their 
neighbors, were affirmed by 
the declaration that ‘no per- 
son within the said Colony, at 
any time hereafter, shall be 
anywise molested, punished, 
disquieted, or called in ques- 
Portrait of Charles II. tion, for any differences in 

opinion in matters of religion, 

that do not actually disturb the civil peace of our said Colony; but 
that all and every person and persons may, from time to time, and at 
all times hereafter, freely and fully have and enjoy his and their own 
judgments and consciences, in matters of religious concernments, 
throughout the tract of land hereafter mentioned ; they behaving 
themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licen- 
tiousness and profaneness, nor to the injury or outward disturbance of 
others”’; it empowered a general assembly “to make, ordain, constitute 





1663. ] THE CHARTER OF 1663. 118 


or repeal, such laws, statutes, orders and ordinances, forms and cere- 
monies of government and magistracy, as to them shall seem meet, for 
the good and welfare of the said Company, and for the government 
and ordering of the lands and hereditaments hereinafter mentioned 
to be granted, and of the people that do, or at any time hereafter 
shall, inhabit or be within the same; so as such laws, ordinances 
and constitutions, so made, be not contrary and repugnant unto, but 
as near as may, agreeable to the laws of this our realm of Eng- 
land, considering the nature and constitution of the place and peo- 
ple there”; that in all matters of public controversy between this 
and other colonies the appeal should be to the government in Eng- 
land, and that to the inhabitants of Rhode Island there should be 
perfect freedom to pass and repass without let or molestation into the 
other colonies, and to hold intercourse and trade with such of their 
people as were willing, ‘“‘any act, clause, or sentence in any of the 
said Colonies, provided, or that shall be provided, to the contrary in 
any wise notwithstanding.” ‘This, no doubt, referred to the sentence 
of banishment of Roger Williams and others from Massachusetts which 
had never been repealed. 

No charter so comprehensive and so radical as this had ever before 
been granted to any English colony. It guaranteed to the 4, charac- 
people of Rhode Island those great principles of civil and 
religious liberty for which they had struggled so long and some of 
them had sacrificed so much ; it anticipated in a royal grant the fun- 
damental law of that great republic of which this colony is a part, 
but which was waited for till more than another century of growth 
and struggle had passed away; and so broad and free it was that it 
served as the constitution of that little commonwealth for the next 
hundred and eighty years. Under it Benedict Arnold was the first 
governor; among the names of those on whose behalf the king was 
petitioned that such a patent be granted, were those of Samuel Gor- 
ton, John Greene, Randall Holden, and William Coddington ; + and 
the man to whom it owed its.character and at whose importunity the 
royal will was chiefly moved, was Dr. John Clark, who two years be- 
fore barely escaped the whipping-post in Boston, where the magis- 
trates were not ashamed to condemn to a punishment so ignominious 
a venerable and estimable and learned clergyman whose offence was 
one that this charter forbade to be called a crime, and maintained as 


1 Those on whose behalf John Clark petitioned the king were: Benjamin Arnold, Wil- 
liam Brenton, William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, William Boalston, John Porter, John 
- Smith, Samuel Gorton, John Weeks, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, Gregory Dexter, 
John Coggeshall, Joseph Clarke, Randall Holden, John Greene, John Roome, Samuel 
Wildbore, William Field, James Barker, Richard Tew, Thomas Harris, and William Dyre. 


WO 8 


114 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [Cuap. V. 


a precious right. As an historical document the instrument is full of 
the gravest interest for the incidents and the men whose memory it 
preserves ; for the events in the formation of governments of which it 
was, in a certain measure, a prophecy ; and for the end which awaited 
it when nearly two centuries later its form though not its spirit was 


outgrown. 








Roger Williams' Compass. 


CHAP TERA I: 


NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. 


STUYVESANT’S ARRIVAL AT MANHATTAN. — HOPEFUL RECEPTION BY THE CITIZENS.— 
HE BEFRIENDS EX-GOVERNOR KIEFT. — ARREST AND TRIAL OF KUYTER AND Me- 
LYN. — THEIR BANISHMENT AND DEPARTURE WITH KIEFT. — WRECK OF THE PRIN- 
CESS. — DIFFICULTIES WITH NEW ENGLAND.— SEIZURE OF THE ST. BENINIO. — 
THE CONSEQUENT QUARREL WITH New HAVEN.— CONTROVERSY WITH THE Com- 
MISSARY OF RENSSELAERSWYCK.— DISCONTENT OF THE PEOPLE. — APPEAL OF THE 
CiT1zENS TO HOLuanp. — MELYN’s RETURN. — REVERSAL OF HIS SENTENCE. — THE 
REMONSTRANCE FORWARDED TO THE STATES-GENERAL. — VAN DER DONCK AND THE 
DELEGATES AT THE HAGUE. — STUYVESANT’S CONTINUED ARROGANCE, 


On the 27th of May, 1647, Peter Stuyvesant, the new governor 
who, the New Netherlanders hoped, had come to remedy all 
the evils*which they had suffered under the administration saigresnaved 
of Kieft, arrived amid ‘“ shouting on all sides”? and the burn- Manhattan 
5 c 5 May, 1647. 
ing of nearly all the powder in the town in salutes.!. The 
rejoicing was universal, and even Kieft himself was glad, probably, to 
welcome a successor who was to release him from the cares of a vexa- 
tious office. As the excited burghers gathered near the fort upon 
what is now known as the Battery, to look at the fleet anchored in 
the harbor, they congratulated each other, no doubt, that an era of 
peace, prosperity, and equitable rule had come at last. 

The burghers forgot for the moment, if they had ever heard, that 
the reputation of the new governor was not altogether un- yj¢ previous 
sullied. It is said that in Holland he had been detected in “"* 
robbing the daughter of his host, and that he would have been pun- 
ished for the act had he not been mercifully forgiven for the sake of 
his father, who was a clergyman in Vriesland, and greatly esteemed. 
The famous expedition against St. Martin, where Stuyvesant lost: his. 
leg —in place of which he ever after wore a wooden one, bound to- 
gether with rings of silver, and therefore called his “ silver leg,” — this 
expedition, it was said, was unsuccessful because it was so badly con- 

1 So extravagant was this demonstration of welcome “ that they were obliged to send 


to another place to buy powder for exercising and in case of need.” — The Breeden Raedt. 
Extracts translated in Documentary History of New York, vol. iv., p. 69. 


116 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


ducted ; for the commander wasted, in vainglorious salutes at sea, 
nearly all his powder before he reached the fort ; and when he raised 
the siege, which he had not ammunition enough to go on with, he left 
behind him, not only his leg but much property, especially cannon. 
But as the leg was really lost, it seems hardly probable that its owner 
had acted the part of a coward, and other stories against him-on the 
same authority may be as little likely to be true." 

At any rate the enthusiastic people of New Amsterdam, when they 
welcomed with shouts and all their powder this successor to Kieft, were 
so full of pleasant excitement and hopeful anticipations of a happy 
and prosperous future, that they failed to call to mind, if they had 
ever heard of, any moral delinquencies of which the man might have 
been guilty in far-off Holland, or of military failures which had _ be- 
fallen him in the West Indies. 

This popular enthusiasm, however, hardly outlasted the ceremony 
of reception. Stuyvesant was a man of haughty as well as violent 
temper ; more imperious in presence and in manners than Kieft whom 
he came to displace, he was quite as despotic, and the more to be 
feared for his ability and strength of purpose. When he landed he 
marched into the town “like a peacock, with great state and pomp.” 
Some of the principal eitizens met him bare-headed, and bare-headed 
‘he let them wait for several hours, he himself keeping his hat on his 
fis recep. Head as if he was the czar of Muscovy; nobody was offered 
bet a chair, while he seated himself very comfortably on a chair, 
the better to give the welcomers an audience.” ? The picture is not 
drawn by friendly hands, but it is not out of keeping with what we 
know of Peter Stuyvesant. 

But he did better presently when Kieft came forward to surrender 
the government into the hands of his successor. As the retiring 
governor stood for the last time before his fellow-citizens in his official 
capacity, he wished, perhaps, to bury the memory of past animosities ; 
at any rate he must have been anxious to step down gracefully from 
his elevation, as he yielded the place to another. He thanked his 
fellow-citizens with a natural if not pardonable exaggeration for the 
fidelity they had shown him during his administration of affairs, 
hoping, no doubt, that he would be met in a like conciliatory and 
compliant mood, and his services acknowledged in terms that would 
be complaisant if insincere. But the sturdy Dutchmen were not to 
be cheated out of their resentments by any momentary enthusiasm or 


1 Translations from The Breeden Raedt, in Documentary IHist. of New York. 

2 The Representation of New Netherland (1650). By Adrian van der Donck. Translated 
by Henry C. Murphy. WV. Y. List. Soc. Coll., Second Series, vol. ii. The Breeden Raedt. 
Documentary Hist. N. Y. 


1647. | STUYVESANT’S PROMISES. L17 


ceremonial proprieties. On all sides went up a shout of loud dissent ; 
as spokesmen for the rest, Joachim Kuyter and Cornelis Melyn, who 
were of the old Board of ‘+ Eight Men,” and had otherwise been con- 
spicuous as opponents of Kieft, declared boldly that they had nothing 
to thank him for and no approval to give. Such unexpected candor 
marred the harmonies of the occasion, 
and might have led to even more sig- 
nificant demonstrations of popular feel- 
ing, had not Stuyvesant 
stepped forward and stilled 
the growing excitement by 






























































Stuyvesant’s Reception. 





declaring that ‘‘every one should have 
justice done him. I shall govern you,” 
he said, ‘as a father lifts children, for 
the advantage of the chartered West India Company, and these 
burghers and this land.” } 

The crowd dispersed, quieted if not satisfied with these assurances 
of the paternal intentions of the new governor, and almost forgot how 
long they had stood bare-headed in the sun. 


1 Breeden Raedt and Albany Records, cited by Brodhead, History of New York, vol. ile 
p. 433. 


118 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


There was not much delay, however, in testing his sincerity. Be- 
fore many days had passed Kuyter and Melyn brought a formal com- 

___ plaint against Kieft, and asked that a rigid inquiry be made 
complaint of into the alleged abuses of his government, and especially 
ante of his treatment of the Indians which had led to the war. 
The answer was as unexpected as it was unwelcome. Was it to be 
accepted as his opinion that it was treason to petition against one’s 
magistrates, whether there was cause or not? The denials of Kieft, 
he considered as of more weight than any evidence his antagonists 
could bring to substantiate their charges. He would not, he declared, 
recognize them officially as members of the late Board of ‘ Eight 
Men,” nor as representatives of the citizens at large; but only as ‘ pri- 
vate persons.” He looked upon them, he said, merely as ‘ pertur- 
bators of the public peace,” hardly worthy of a hearing. In all this 
he was mindful of the force of precedent. ‘If this point be con- 
ceded,” he said to his couneil, “ will not these cunning fellows, in order 
to usurp over us a more unlimited power, claim and assume, in conse- 
quence, even greater authority against ourselves and our commission, 
should it happen that our administration do not quadrate in every re- 
policy of  Spect with their whims?” His despotism was not without 
Stuyvesant. forethought. The council had no will and no opinions of 
their own; all its members, Van Dincklage, Van Dyck, Keyser, 
Captain Newton, La Montagne, and Van Tienhoven the provincial 
secretary, hastened to agree with him, and the petition of Kuyter and 
Melyn was not granted.} 

The wily Kieft saw his opportunity in this unexpected turn of 
affairs, and embraced it promptly. The defendant became plaintiff, 
and brought charges against Kuyter and Melyn, who, he declared, 
were the authors of that appeal of the ‘“ Eight Men” to the chamber 
of Amsterdam ;* that they had induced their colleagues, against their 
better judgment, to join in that petition, all whose statements, he 
affirmed, were false. The ex-governor was listened to where the 
‘‘ private persons” had no standing in court. ‘They were ordered to 
answer the accusations within twenty-four hours. 

Stuyvesant was only the more enraged when that answer was an 
offer to produce the evidence of the truth of all the charges sent to 
Amsterdam against Kieft, and to bring forward the four survivors of 
the Eight Men to testify that they had voluntarily signed the docu- 
ments containing those charges.? It was only an aggravation of the 


1 See Stuyvesant’s address on this subject in O’Callaghan, vol. ii., pp. 24, 26. 

2 See vol. i., p. 462. 

8 The Breeden Raedt says that these survivors were induced by threats and promises to 
testify that they had been bribed to sign the letters sent to Holland containing the charges 
against Kieft. 


1647. ] TRIAL OF KUYTER AND MELYN. Lio 


offence, on the part of the accused, to propose thus to show their 
innocence. The Director General ordered that they be at once in- 
dicted; a speedy trial followed, and a prompt conviction waited on 
the trial. 

Both were found guilty. Kuyter was condemned to three years’ 
banishment and to pay a fine of one hundred and fifty justary 
guilders. The sentence of Melyn was more severe. Per- {fetment of 
haps there were additional charges against him ; perhaps the 124>- 
enmity of Kieft, who, says one authority, had resented Melyn’s refusal 
some time before to give him a share in the manor of Staten Island, 
was more bitter. The patroon was at any rate declared guilty of trea- 
son, of bearing false witness, of libel and defamation ; was sentenced 
to forfeit all benefits of the Company, to pay a fine of three hundred 
guilders, and to be banished for seven years. The Director was in 
favor of severer punishment, but even his pliant council dissented 
from his judgment, though he supported it by a violent speech, in 
which he appealed to Scripture and the authority of the learned in 
civil and criminal law with many a text and quotation. 

When it was suggested to the triumphant Kieft that the result of 
the trial might have been different in Holland, ‘* Why should we,” 
said he, exultingly, ‘‘alarm each other with justice in Holland? 
In this case I consider it only a scarecrow.” Stuyvesant was even 
more emphatic. Melyn, 
he thought, deserved Cres $i omer 
death, and was threat- : i) 
ened with it by the i 
Director. “If I was 
persuaded,” he said, ‘* you would appeal from my sentences or di- 
vulge them, I would have your head cut off, or have you hanged on 
the highest tree in New Netherland.” To another person he said, 
“Tf any one, during my administration, shall appeal, I will make him 
a foot shorter, and send the pieces to Holland, and let him appeal in 
that way.” 

These servants of the West India Company had little fear, prob- 
ably, of their masters, who cared little and did less for New Nether- 
land, and who, already in a condition of bankruptcy, had neither the 
power nor the will to regulate the affairs of the distant colony.!. Had 
it been otherwise, however, Stuyvesant would not have been likely to 
put a bridle upon his tongue, for so transported was he with rage at 
these daring attacks upon prerogative, that ‘the foam hung on his 
beard” as he roared and raged against their perpetrators. ‘‘ These 


Signature of Cornelis Melyn. 


1 The West India Company : in Bibliographical and Historical Essays on the Dutch Books 
and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland. By G. M. Asher. 


120 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


brutes,” he said, ** may hereafter endeavor to knock me down also, 
but I will manage it so now, that they will have their bellies full for 
the future.”” The people of New Amsterdam had good reason to be 
amazed and alarmed at the words of this impetuous and irascible gen- 
tleman, as well as at these first acts of the administration of a 
governor who not long before, had declared “ under the canopy of 
heaven,” that justice should be done in all New Netherland, and that 
he was to rule over them as a father over his children. 

But there was one man, at least, who was thankful for such a 
Director; and that was Kieft. Had he been the benefactor instead of 
the oppressor of New Netherland he could hardly have retired from 
its government with more triumphant complacency than that with 
which he now hugged himself. On the 17th of August, less than 
Kieft's qe. three months after the coming of Stuyvesant, KGaeft embarked 
parture. for Holland in the ship Princess, carrying with him an am- 
ple fortune, and taking on board with him, “like criminals torn away 
from their goods, their wives, and their children,” ? the “ two faithful 
patriots,” Kuyter and Melyn, who had ventured to impeach his admin- 
istration, and who for their temerity were thus punished by banish- 
ment, with the added humiliation of going as the prisoners of the man 
they had hoped to humble. 

But their humiliation and his triumph were not to last long. It 
was on this voyage there came that “observable hand of God,” of 
which Winthrop speaks, and which he interpreted as ‘ against the 
Dutch at New Netherlands,” and showing ‘*so much of God in favor of 
his poor people here [in New England] and displeasure toward such 
as have opposed and injured them.” For Kieft, he adds, “ had con- 
tinually molested the colonies of Hartford and New Haven, and used 
menacings and protests against them upon all occasions, and had 
burnt down a trading-house which New Haven had built upon Dela- 
ware River.” 

Therefore it was that the hand of God was heavy upon him ; so 
that when the Princess approached the English coast she lost her 
ats reckoning, ran upon the coast of Wales, near Swansea, in- 
the Prine Stead of up the English Channel, and was lost. Many saw 
wh in it a judgment, who did not agree with the Massachu- 
setts governor that Kieft was ‘a sober and prudent man,”’ and who 
believed that the providence of God sometimes had other purposes 
than the punishment of the enemies of the Puritans of New England. 
“| told Wilhelm Kieft,’” — De Vries had written four years before, 
— ‘that I doubted not that vengeance for the innocent blood which 


1 This is the testimony of the Breeden Raedt, a little colored, perhaps, by partisanship, as 
it is certain that Melyn took a son with him. 


1647. ] THE WRECK OF THE PRINCESS. 121 


he had shed in his murderings, would, sooner or later, come on his 
head.”” Kuyter and Melyn, and their friends, also, had, no doubt, 
their reflections. ‘To Kieft himself, whose life had been one of go 
much turbulence and injustice, there came a sort of death-bed repent- 
ance, as his ship lay pounding to pieces on the Welsh rocks ; for call- 
ing his prisoners to his side, he said: ‘“ Friends, I have been unjust 
towards you, — can you forgive me ?” 

So he perished, and with him eighty others — among them Melyn’s 
son, and Bogardus,! the minister of the church of New Amsterdam, 
who had been one of Kieft’s most determined opponents. ‘Twenty only 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View on the Coast of Wales near Swansea. 


were saved, and of these one was Kuyter, who was washed ashore in 
a surf so heavy that it threw, at the same time, a cannon |, 
uyter 


upon the beach; and another was Melyn, who escaped upon and Melyn 
in Holland. 


a raft. Perhaps their hardships aroused some sympathy for 
them in Holland; at any rate their grievances were listened to, the 


1 The farm of Dominie Bogardus —called first the ‘“Dominie’s Bowery,” afterward 


“the Duke’s Farm,” “the King’s Farm,” “the Queen’s Farm,” as it was conveyed, in the 
progress of events, from one proprietor to another — became at Jength the property of 
Trinity Church, New York, by letters-patent under the seal of the province. It is still, for 
the most part, in the hands of that corporation, and produces an immense revenue. To the 
conveyance of this farm to Governor Lovelace, in 1671, by the children of Annetje Jans, — 
the widow of Dominie Bogardus, who had been twice married, — one of the sons was not 
a party, and the property is claimed by his descendants. — O? Callaghan. 


122 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


sentences against them reversed by the States-General, and Stuyvesant 
had reason subsequently to regret that he had begun his administra- 
tion of the affairs of New Netherland by their persecution. 

In the spirit and temper, however, with which he had come to the 
defence of Kieft, the Director-general continued to administer the 
affairs of the colony after the departure of the Princess. He began 
at once to enforce some burdensome taxes, particularly upon wine and 
beer, which aroused the most bitter opposition; and he showed it to 
be clearly his policy to make the colony profitable to the Company 
rather than that the rights of the colonists should be protected. If his 
laws and their rigid enforcement were sometimes beneficial to the citi- 
zens, as they sometimes unquestionably were, it was not so much that 
Stuyvesant was anxious for their welfare, as because the laws were in 
themselves judicious and wholesome for them as well as favorable to 
the interests of the Company. He was accused of imposing restrictions 
upon trade that he might have a monopoly in smuggling some partic- 
ular article of commerce; when the truth was that he was honestly 
aiming to repress some illegal and injurious practice, the repression 
of which would deprive his accusers of the monopoly which, they said, 
he was prostituting his power to get into his own hands. Undoubt- 
edly he was very much of a despot, had very little faith in popular 
government, and very little respect for popular rights; but he was 
personally honest; he conducted the affairs of the colony in a way 
which he sincerely believed was for the benefit of the Com- 
pany; and he ruled with a strong hand because he thought 
that was the only way the people could be governed. Asa 
natural consequence he had almost as little popular support in acts 
that were judicious and for the good of the community, as in those 
which were unwise and clearly against its best interests. 

But he could not carry on the administration of affairs without 
some sort of popular codperation. ‘Taxes were paid, if paid at all, 
with reluctance and much grumbling; the Indians were threatening 
the fort, and the palisades around the town were in need of repairs ; 
the church was only half finished ; trade languished, and there was a 
general condition of danger, depression, and discontent. Stuyvesant 
listened at last, though very unwillingly, to the advice of his council, 
to admit the people to such share in the government as they were 
accustomed to at home. <A general election was ordered in the 
autumn, at which the burghers of New Amsterdam, of Breuckelen, 
on the other side of the East River, of Pavonia, and Amersfoort or 
Flatlands on Long Island, were to choose eighteen delegates, from 
whom the governor and council were to select a board of Nine Men 
as the popular representatives of the colony. 


Features of 
Stuyvesant’s 
administra- 
tion. 


1647.] THE BOARD OF NINE MEN. 128 


By proclamation in September, the powers of this body were de- 
fined. That the colony “ and principally New Amsterdam, our cap- 
ital and residence, might continue and increasé in good order, justice, 
police, population, prosperity, and mutual harmony, and be provided 
with strong fortifications, a church, a school, trading-place, harbor, 
and similar highly necessary public edifices and improvements ;”’ that 
‘“¢the honor of God and the welfare of our dear Fatherland, 
to the best advantage of the Company, and the prosperity of a oe 

BO 9 burghers. 
our good citizens”? be promoted; that ‘¢the pure reformed 
religion, as it is here and in the churches of the Netherlands,” be pre- 
served and inculeated, this Board of Nine Men was established. 

These were to convene when called by the governor and council, 
but were not to hold private meetings, the governor, whenever he 
pleased, sitting with them as the presiding officer. Their duty and 
powers were advisory, not legislative, as they were only to give advice 
on such propositions as the governor and council thought fit to submit 
to them. Three of them were to sit in turn at the council-board each 
week, and to act as arbitrators in civil suits, the parties to which, 
however, had the right of appeal to the council on payment of a fee. 
Six of the nine were to retire annually, and six new members to be 
appointed from twelve of “the most notable citizens.””"! Thus the 
Nine Men were to nominate their successors, with the Director’s help, 
without recurrence again to a popular election; and the Board was 
to “ continue until lawfully repealed,’’ — continue, that is, until the 
Director and council saw fit to dispense with it. Its creation, never- 
theless, was a concession, on the part of Stuyvesant, to the popular 
will,? and its members sometimes were enabled to withstand and de- 
feat the arbitrary acts of the Director and his Council. 

Besides his difficulties at home the Director was soon involved in 
trouble with his neighbors of New England. Kieft had left, 
as he could hardly help doing, the questions of boundaries with New. 
and jurisdiction in the valley of the Connecticut in an un- ee 
satisfactory condition, and an effort to come to some equitable settle- 
ment with the commissioners of the United Colonies was among the 
earlier acts of Stuyvesant’s administration. He entered into cor- 
respondence with the several colonies with a sincere desire, no doubt, 
to reach an amicable understanding; but the policy of New England 
was to come to no understanding whatever. There was no lack of 


1 The proclamation — or charter, as it is sometimes called — is given in full from Albany 
Records (vii. 72-84), by O’Callaghan, in his /Tistory of New Netherland, ii. 37-39. 

2 The Nine Men first appointed were Augustine Heermans, Arnoldus van Hardenburg, 
and Govert Loockermanns, merchants; Jan Jansen Dam, Jacob Wolfertsen van Couwen- 
hoven, and Hendrick Hendricksen Kip, citizens; and Michael Jansen, Jan Evertsen Bout, 
and Thomas Hall, farmers. 


124 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuapr. VI. 


courteous words, and on his side an earnest purpose; on the other, 
fair words only covered up the determination to “keep crowding the 
Dutch.” Stuyvesant’s proposition of a friendly conference Governor 
Winthrop of Massachusetts accepted in vague terms; that it might 
take place at some proper time and place when his health permitted ; 
but no conference followed. Stuyvesant suggested as the basis of 
any settlement the right of the West India Company ‘to all that 
land betwixt that river called Connecticutt, and that by the English 
named Delaware.” The New England commissioners, on their side 
met the suggestion by complaints of the restrictions on trade estab- 
lished by the Dutch, and of the selling of arms to the Indians to the 
great danger of the English settlements. Energetic action, however, 
suited the temper of the Dutch Director better than this sort of diplo- 
matic correspondence which led to nothing. 

What he would do when a practical case of disputed jurisdiction 
presented itself he soon had opportunities of showing. Some years 
before, as we have related in another chapter,! a company from Mas- 
sachusetts, under Captain How, had made a settlement within the 
territory of New Netherland, not only without the permission of the 
Dutch, but in such evident contempt of their assumed proprietorship 
as to pull down the Dutch escutcheon, and to carve in its place a 
mocking efhgy. These Englishmen had bought the lands of the 
Indian owners by an agreement with one James Farrett, the agent of 
the Karl of Stirling, who claimed the island of Matowack, or Long 
Island, under a grant from the council of New England.? 

In September one Andrew Forrester appeared on Long Island and 

at New Amsterdam, claiming to be —as he no doubt really 
Claims of =. oe : 
Lord Stir: was— the agent of Lady Stirling, the widow of the earl, 
ling’s estate ~ 5 . - 3 > . : 
to Long and asserting her right of proprietorship.? As Kieft, in his 
sland. . . ’ . 

time, had dispersed the people who claimed the right of set- 
tlement near Cow Neck by virtue of an agreement with Farrett, act- 

1 See Chapter ii., p. 34. 

2 Sainsbury’s Calendar of State Papers, p. 204. 

8 Some confusion has crept into the books in relation to these two agents, Farrett and 
Forrester, which is explained in a note to Murphy’s translation of The Representation of 
New Netherland. Wood, in the first edition of his Sketch of Long Island, confounded For- 
rester with Farrett, and this led Savage [ Winthrop’s Journal, note, vol. ii., p. 6] to assert 
that there was no such agent as Forrester. In the second edition [Furman Club] of Wood’s 
Sketch the error of the first is corrected, and the agent of the Earl of Stirling, in 1640, 
is properly named as James Farrett. Hubbard, in his History of New England, calls him 
Forhead. As all that is of much value in Hubbard is copied from Winthrop, it is difficult 
to account for his change of spelling on any other supposition than that Hubbard assumed 
to correct Winthrop, who, he may have supposed, had written forehead, as the vulgar pro- 
nounced it — forrett — which supposition, if correct, settled Hubbard’s pronunciation rather 
than Winthrop’s spelling. The fact is that Farrett was the Earl’s agent in 1640, and For- 
rester in 1647. 


1647.] CONTROVERSIES WITH THE ENGLISH. 12 


cyt 


ing for the Ear] of Stirling, so Stuyvesant now disposed of Forrester 
when claiming to represent the widow of the earl as the owner of 
the whole island. Forrester was arrested, and, though con- aval s 
sideration enough was shown him to permit him to present Forester. 
the grounds on which, on behalf of his principal, he claimed the own- 
ership of Long Island, he was kept in close confinement till he could 
be put on board ship for Holland. He left the vessel, however, at an 
English port, not without, perhaps, the consent of those who had 
charge of him, and who cared little where he was so he was not in 
New Netherland; for it is plain the Dutch did not feel quite easy 
about this Stirling patent. 

The next case of disputed jurisdiction was not so easily disposed of, 
but Stuyvesant had as little hesitation in dealing with it as gist with 
with Lady Stirling’s agent. He learned that a Dutch ship ew Haven. 
was at New Haven taking in a cargo without a permit from the goy- 
ernment at New Amsterdam, or paying the legal duties. She was 
pronounced a smuggler, and her seizure was determined upon, for the 
Director claimed that New Haven was within the territory of New 
Netherland. It happened that Mr. Goodyear, the Deputy Governor 
of New Haven, had just purchased the Company’s ship, the Zwol, at 
New Amsterdam, to be delivered at New Haven, and the Director 
took advantage of this transaction for a strategical movement against 
the other ship. The Zwol sailed in due course from New Amsterdam 
to New Haven for delivery to her purchaser, but beneath her hatches 
were concealed a company of soldiers under the command of one Cap- 
tain Van der Grist, with orders to take the St. Beninio, the offending 
vessel, and bring her to Amsterdam. The expedition was eminently 
successful. Suddenly, ‘‘on the Lord’s day,” Van der Grist, with his 
men, boarded the St. Beninio, made prisoners of one of the owners, 
of her officers and crew, and before the astonished Englishmen had 
time to come to the rescue, sailed out of the harbor. 

Against this high-handed act Governor Eaton of New Haven pro- 
tested, promptly and indignantly. ‘We have protested,” he wrote, 
‘‘and by these presents do protest against you, Peter Stuyvesant, 
Governor of the Dutch at Manhattans, for disturbing the peace be- 
tween the English and Dutch in these parts . . . . by making unjust 
claims to our lands and plantations, to our havens and rivers, and by 
taking a ship out of our harbor, without our license, by your agents 
and commission ; and we hereby profess that whatever inconveniences 
may hereafter grow, you are the cause and author of it, as we hope to 
show and prove before our superiors in Europe.” But Stuyvesant 
confiscated the ship and cargo, nevertheless, having asserted — with 
some considerable extension of his former claim — that New Nether- 


126 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


land embraced the whole country from Cape Cod to Cape Henlopen,! 
and that the St. Beninio was legally seized within New Netherland 
boundaries. 

The correspondence was hot and furious. You write me neither 
in Latin nor in English, “but in Low Dutch, whereof I understand 
little, nor would your messenger, though desired, interpret anything,” 
wrote the angry Englishman. Stuyvesant refused’ at length to hold 
further communication with 
Eaton, and retorted by com- 
plaining of him to Good- 
year, the deputy governor, 
as “ripping up, as he con- 
ceives, all my faults, as if I 
were a school-boy, and not 
one of like degree with him- 































































































































































































































































































































































































Capture of the St. Beninio. 


self.” The New Haven governor was sufficiently revenged for the 
Low Dutch, in exciting the Director to this childish display of anger. 

And not only this; Eaton was presently able to retaliate in acts as 
well as words. ‘Three of the servants of the Dutch governor escaped 
from New Amsterdam and fled to New Haven. Stuyvesant demanded 
their rendition, addressing his letter, Winthrop says, to “ New Haven 


1 Stuyvesant afterward explained that by Cape Cod he meant Point Judith. 


1647.] CONTROVERSIES WITH THE ENGLISH. 127 


in New Netherlands.” It was not wise to ask a favor with the air of 
a sovereign. Eaton refused to return the fugitives, contrary — | 

to the advice of Winthrop, who considered that such an act themsonihin 
of courtesy, though asked for in a way that was objection- “” 
able, could be assented to without prejudice to the territorial title of 
the English. 

On receiving this reply Stuyvesant’s conduct was characteristic. It 
was of no little importance to all the colonies that fugitives from jus- 
tice or from labor in any one of them should not find an asylum in 
another. To retaliate in kind upon Governor Eaton was a most un- 
popular proceeding even in New Netherland; nevertheless, the Di- 
rector issued a proclamation when Eaton’s refusal reached him, every 
word of which flashed with indignation, declaring that “if any person, 
noble or ignoble, freeman or slave, debtor or creditor, yea to the lowest 
prisoner included, run away from the colony of New Haven, or seek 
refuge in our limits, he shall remain free, under our protection, on 
taking the oath of allegiance.” It was, at least, a bold act, if nota 
masterly stroke of policy. Governor Winthrop lamented the more 
that New Haven had not followed the advice of Massachusetts instead 
of obstinately adhering to its own judgment, ‘in pursuit whereof this 
damage and reproach befell them.” 

But it was as easy to recapture a prisoner as to cut out a ship, and 
Stuyvesant was not a man to satisfy himself with proclama- Searels 
tions, or to let his actions lag behind his wrath. However Ney Maven 
loud he barked, his bite was always worse than his bark. °essfl- 
He contrived to get letters conveyed to the refugees in New Haven, 
both from himself and from the dominie of New Amsterdam; thev 
were assured of a full pardon for offences in the past, and plied with 
promises of good treatment in the future. The Director was as suc- 
cessful in his strategy as he was vigorous in his proclamation. The 
men were persuaded by his assurances and returned to New Nether- 
land. It was easy enough then to recall with dignity his offer of pro- 
tection of offenders against the laws of New Haven, which he had 
already explained to Massachusetts and Virginia was only meant to 
apply to that colony. 

These quarrels with the New Englanders were neither forgotten 
nor forgiven, and the New Netherlanders had occasion a few ap eee 
years later to regret, and the Director, possibly, to répent of ment at 
them. Meanwhile his administration of the affairs of his . 
own colony was no less vigorous, sometimes judiciously so, and some- 
times injudiciously and oppressively. It was not that he disdained to 
take counsel of prudence, but that his prudential measures were often 
carried out with a passion and vehemence that defeated his most cher- 


128 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


ished purposes. The selling of arms to the savages, who might on 
the smallest provocation, or with none at all, turn them against the 
whites, was an evil so obvious, that the complaints of other colonies 
were not needed to convince him of the necessity of its suppression. 
He issued stringent orders upon the subject, and when certain persons 
in New Amsterdam were suspected of disregarding this prohibition, 
he brought them to trial, and they were sentenced to death. The 
penalty was too severe, and so shocked the community that it was 
commuted to milder punishment, and especially when it appeared 
that there were grave doubts of the guilt of some of the accused. 

The intention of the governor was certainly praiseworthy, and for 
the real good of every citizen of the colony. But men are free-traders 
by nature, and restrictions even upon a traffic so dangerous as to put 
arms in the hands of those who may at any time become enemies, 
may be made unpopular by undue severity. Stuyvesant’s energy, in 
the right direction, was almost sure to make itself offensive by harsh- 
ness and arrogance, and his zeal made the recrimination all the more 
bitter, when later it was suspected that nobody violated his own pro- 
hibition in this matter so flagrantly as himself. The truth really was 
that he only sparingly distributed arms and ammunition among the 
Indians, by order of the directors in Holland, to bribe the savages to 
keep the peace; but either the distinction was not understood, or was 
wilfully misinterpreted. The result, at any rate, was to unjustly 
ageravate the unpopularity of the governor, which he was justly earn- 
ing in other ways. 

This question of trade with the Indians was probably one cause of 
med.  & conflict which soon arose between Stuyvesant and Brandt 
emor's eons van Slechtenhorst, the commissary of the young patroon of 
Van Slech- ~Rensselaerswyck at Beverswyck, Albany. ‘The old patroon 

was dead and Van Slechtenhorst was sent out by the guar- 
dians of the son and heir, Johan van Rensselaer, as his representa- 
tive, about the 


wy time that Stuy- 
bby L (is qf Le vesant arrived 


at New Amster- 

dam. ‘The com- 

missary was 
quite as Jealous of the prerogatives of the young patroon as the Di- 
rector was of the rights of the Company. An opportunity soon arose 
of testing the question, for when Stuyvesant proclaimed a fast Van 
Slechtenhorst refused to keep it, on the ground that the Director 
General of New Netherland had no jurisdiction within the domain 
of the Patroon. 


Signature of Johan van Rensselaer. 


1648. | CONFLICT WITH VAN SLECHTENHORST. 129 


Such a defiance of authority was certain to exasperate Stuyvesant, 
and he unwisely determined to assert his authority in a more positive 
way. He visited Fort Orange, about which the hamlet of Bevers- 
wyck had clustered, and which certainly belonged to the West India 
Company, and ordered, on a survey of the place, that certain houses 
should be pulled down to permit of a better defence of the fort in case 
of an attack from the Indians; he commanded also that stone and 
timbers should be taken from the Patroon’s lands for the purpose of 
repairing and adding to its fortifications. Van Slechtenhorst refused 
to permit the houses to be destroyed, and forbade that depredations 
should be made upon the Patroon’s property. 





Stuyvesant at Fort Orange. 


The Director sent a squad of soldiers from New Amsterdam to en- 
force his orders; the commissary defied them to interfere with his 
authority on his lordship’s manor, and though they derided and al- 
most assaulted him, the commander of Fort Orange was too prudent 
to try the temper of the people of Beverswyck by any attempt to en- 
force the Director’s commands. Even the Indians shared in the ex- 
citement, and wondered why *“ Wooden Leg” wanted to pull down 
the houses of his own countrymen, and were evidently ready if a 
struggle ensued to take sides with those whom they looked |. 
upon as their friends and who sold them guns and ammuni-  tenhorst the 
tion. The conflict of authority between the Company and a 


patroon was one that was inevitable whenever an occasion for it should 
VOL. Ii. 9 


180 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


arise, and this occasion was an unfortunate one. The commissary 
stoutly and successfully maintained the rights of his lord; the Director 
was powerless to maintain those of the Company. Proclamations 

were loud and long from both 
(3° aa SCAG aS =: parties; but the commissary car- 

ried his point, while the Director 
gained nothing, except, perhaps, 
some loss of prestige for asserting a right which he had not the power 
to maintain. 

So far Stuyvesant had not proved a successful governor, nor been 
to the people as he had promised, ‘as a father to his children.” Dis- 
content had followed increased taxation ; prosperity had diminished 
rather than grown; the vexed question of colonial boundaries re- 
mained as unsettled and vexatious as ever, and in the confused con- 
dition of affairs in England seemed lkely to remain so; trade was 
driven from the port of New Amsterdam, for New England and Vir- 
ginia vessels were afraid to venture into a harbor where, as in the 
ease of the St. Beninio, seized at New Haven, the governor did not 
hesitate to confiscate ship and cargo if his demands were not complied 
with; and the fear of such acts was said to have been a loss of the 
trade of twenty-five ships a year to New Netherland. Within two 
_years the first board of Nine Men became dissatisfied and uncompliant, 
and another was appointed. ‘This second board proved as unman- 
ageable as the first, and succeeded in doing what the first had at- 
eons tempted to do without success, — in sending a deputation to 
the citizens the Hague to present to the States-General a statement of 
Se. saith grievances of the colonists, and to complain of the gen- 
eral mismanagement of the affairs of New Netherland by the West 
India Company and its servants. Of this commission Adrian van der 


Ne EN ee Pee es. 


Signature of Adrian van der Donck, 


Signature of Brandt van Slechtenhorst. 


_——_——_—" 


Donck was the head, as he was probably the author of the Vertoogh, 
or Representation, presented to their High Mightinesses.? 

This important measure, however, was not carried without a strug- 
gle with the imperious Director. When the Nine Men proposed it 
they asked permission of Stuyvesant that they might confer with 
their constituents in a popular meeting to be called to consider the 


1 The Representation of New Netherland. Translated by Henry C. Murphy, N. Y. Hist. 
Soc. Coll., Second Series, vol. ii. 


1649. ] MELYN’S RETURN. 131 


condition of the colony, whether it would approve of sending a 
delegation to Holland, and to provide means to defray the expenses. 
The Director refused permission, saying that any such com- | ; 
munication with the people must be made through him, He unent OF 
and his directions followed. ‘The next best thing the Nine Pye 
Men could do was to go from house to house to consult with their 
constituents privately, and Van der Donck was appointed to keep a 
record of the result of these private conferences. Stuyvesant, exas- 
‘perated at this defiance of his authority, went to Van der Donck’s 
‘chamber, in his absence, seized all his papers, and the next day ar- 
rested and imprisoned their author. That he might not be, however, 
without some show of popular support he called a meeting of dele- 
gates of the militia and the burghers. From these he secured an 
approval of his course, and Van der Donck was expelled from the 
board of Nine Men, and the demand that his papers be returned to 
him refused. : 

While this struggle was going on between the Director and the 
party opposed to him, Melyn returned from Holland, not 
only with the sentence, pronounced against him by the Coun- tums trom 

: . : 5 4 Holland. 

cil of New Amsterdam, reversed by their High Mightinesses, 

but bringing with him a mandamus requiring the Director to appear 
at the Hague, either in person or by attorney, to answer to the charges 
which Melyn and Kuyter had brought against him. The Patroon was 
by no means disposed to carry his triumph meekly. He declared that 
the decision in his favor ought to be pronounced as publicly in New 
Amsterdam as, two years before, he had been ‘publicly condemned. 
This he demanded in a public meeting in the church soon after his 
arrival. At this bold step the whole assembly was ablaze with excite- 
ment. An excited and vehement debate followed ; but the motion to 
read the mandamus was carried, and Van Hardenburg, one of the 
board, was about to obey, when Stuyvesant, declaring that a copy 
ought first to be served upon him, snatched the document from the 
hands of the councilman. 

All dignity and reserve were thrown aside at this violence of the 
governor. The disputants forgot where they were and who 
they were ; an unseemly struggle followed, in which, if the ¢eynt 
burghers did not knock each other down, they showered 
hard and angry words upon each other. One party tried to retain, 
the other to regain possession of the paper, and in the snatching and 
re-snatching the seal was torn from it. The tumult was at length 
quelled by the intercession of some of the cooler and wiser by-stand- 
ers, and the Director was persuaded to return the document, on Me- 
lyn’s promise that a copy should be given him. When the manda- 


Excitement 


132 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


mus was read, Stuyvesant said in answer, “I honor the States, and 
shall obey their commands. I shall send an attorney to sustain the 
sentence that was pronounced.” Melyn demanded that a written 
reply should be given, but this Stuyvesant refused. 

The popular feeling was evidently in Melyn’s favor, but that was 
of no personal advantage to him, as Stuyvesant let no chance escape 
him which could be used to annoy his enemy. But the governor’s 
conduct in this affair, his imprisonment of Van der Donck, and the 
strong suspicion that he used his office to promote his own interests, in 
shops which he owned and others kept for him, in farms cultivated, in ° 
breweries carried on, in ships sailed wholly or in part on his account, 
and in a monopoly of the sale of arms to the Indians, — all these 
charges, true or untrue, combined at this time to so arouse the public 
indignation, that he did not venture to continue to throw obstacles in 
the way of a popular delegation to Holland. 

A memorial was prepared and signed by eleven persons who were 
members of the second, or had been members of the first Board of 
Nine Men, asking that the States-General would take the colony 
under its own care; that they would establish in it a Burgher Goy- 
ernment, as much as possible like that of Holland ; that there should 
be free trade, colonial commerce, with the encouragement of the fish- 
eries ; that the boundaries of New Netherland should be definitely and 
definitively determined, all for the ‘‘ peace and quietness,” and the 
“liberty” of the people. In the Remonstrance, or Vertoogh, which 
The Remon. 2CCQEMpanied the memorial and which was signed by the 
‘ids ~=sSame men, the gravest charges were brought against the ad- 
patched. ministrations of Kieft and Stuyvesant, and it was declared 
that the colony could never flourish if left longer in the hands of the 
West India Company. And this was not done in a corner, but in 
the light of day. The haughty and irascible Director was brought 
by the popular clamor to unwonted submission. He permitted the 
departure of three of the signers of these documents, — Van der 
Donck, Couwenhoven, and Bout, —as delegates to the States-Gen- 
eral, one of whom he had, not long before, imprisoned, partly because 
he was the author of this very Remonstrance. He dispatched Van 
Tienhoven, the provincial secretary, however, to Holland, to meet his 
accusers. 

Van der Donek was zealous and able, and his efforts on behalf of 
his constituents were well supported not only by his colleagues, but by 
Melyn, who went out to Holland with them, and the Dominie Back- 
Efforts of its TUS, the clergyman of New Amsterdam, who left the colony 
supporters- not long before. A strong popular feeling was soon aroused 
in favor of the colony, for Van der Donck appealed to the people of 


1649. | THE REMONSTRANCE IN HOLLAND. 133 


Holland by publishing the Remonstrance, as well as to the States 
General by his earnest representations. ‘‘ The name of New Nether- 
land,” wrote the Amsterdam Chamber to Stuyvesant, ‘ was scarcely 
ever mentioned before, and now it would seem as if heaven and earth 
were interested in ‘it.” 
Van Tienhoven, the 
secretary, on the other 
side, was not less busy 
nor less in earnest. He 
put in a long reply to 
the Remonstrance, de- 
fending the Company, up- 




































































































































































































































































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hit 
Hi 
Ht 
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ATT 








The Delegates before the States-General. 


holding the administrations of Kieft and Stuyvesant, denying, and, if 
he spoke the truth, sometimes disproving the chargés brought against 
them, but resorting to the common line of defence, where the de- 
fendant’s cause is a weak one, of abusing the plaintiff’s attorney. 
And this he did with a good deal of bitterness and some humor. 
“ Those,” he said, “who complained about the haughtiness of Stuy- 
vesant are such as seek to live without law or rule ;”’ those indebted 


134. NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cnap. VI. 


to the Company were “angry and insolent’’ if payment was de- 
manded, and * would be right glad to see that the Company dunned 
nobody, nor demanded their own, yet paid their, creditors ; ” many 
of them had been provided with provisions and clothing on arriving 
Peder i from Holland, and ‘+ now when some of them have a little 
of Van Tien- more than they can eat up in a day, they wish to be re- 
leased from the authority of their benefactors, and with- 
out paying if they could; a sign of gross ingratitude; ” the place of 
Dominie Backerus was now “supplied by a learned and godly min- 
ister who has no interpreter when he defends the reformed religion 
against any minister of our neighbors, the English Brownists ;” Van 
der Donck had been in the service of the proprietors of Rensselaerwyck, 
and there is the sting of an insinuation in the comment that he did 
not remain long in that service; Stevensen, another signer of the Re- 
monstrance, had ‘“ profited in the service of the Company, and endeay- 
ored to give his benefactor the world’s pay, that is, to recompense 
good with evil;” Elbertsen was indebted to the company, and ‘‘ would 
be very glad to get rid of paying;” Loockermans, who from a * cook’s 
mate ”’ had become a 
0 } aye ge. vA prosperous _ trader, 
= “owed gratitude to 

( 
Signature of Govert Loockermans. 





the Company, next 
God, for his eleva- 
tion, and ought not 
advise its removal from the country ;” Kip was a tailor who had 
never lost anything, which was only another way of saying he had 
nothing to lose; and Evertsen’s grievance was that he had lost a 
house and barn in the war with the Indians, though the land on which 
they stood, and which cost him nothing, he had sold for a great price. 
Tn short, the secretary, though he undertook to show that the in- 
dictment of the Company and its servants could not be sustained, 
hoped to strengthen his arguments and his assertions by showing or 
insinuating that those who brought the charges were either interested 
witnesses or not worthy of belief. It was unfortunate for his own 
case that he proposed to test the truth of alleged facts by the char- 
acter of those who stated them, for soon after making this appeal he 
was brought to trial in Amsterdam and found guilty of seducing a 
young woman under promise of marriage, he having a wife and chil- 
dren residing in New Netherland. 
ene Redress did not come immediately for the grievances com- 
order of the plained of, though some promise of relief was given in a pro- 
visional order of their High Mightinesses containing some 
wise measures for the government of the colony, and commanding 


1650. | PERSECUTION OF MELYN. 135 


Stuyvesant’s return to Holland. It was not accepted, however, by 
the Amsterdam Chamber of the Company, and, when sent to New 
Netherland, Stuyvesant refused to obey it. ‘*He should do as he 
pleased,” he said, and in all such matters he was quite as good as 
his word. In two successive years the board of Nine Men added 
fresh delegates to their deputation in Holland, moved thereto, the see- 
ond year, by the Director’s refusal to nominate new members to the 
board, thus virtually dissolving it. In nothing would Stuyvesant 
abate the arrogance of his temper, the rigor of his rule, or the bitter- 
ness of his resentments. 

No sooner, for example, was Melyn again within his reach than the 
Director subjected him to new persecution. The Patroon returned in 






























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































1650, in a ship which was com- 
pelled by stress of weather to 
put into Rhode Island, and 
when she arrived, some months 
later, at New Amsterdam, the 
Director ordered her to be senna otatorlslend, 

seized for violation of a regulation of the company in trading without 
a license, and brought Melyn to trial as her owner. He gtayyes 
was only so far interested in her voyage that she brought a *"°™ 
number of settlers for his manor of Staten Island, and though the ship 
and cargo were confiscated, there was no evidence that could hold him 
responsible.!’ Failing in this Stuyvesant brought new charges against 
the patroon, confiscated his property in New Amsterdam, and com- 
pelled him to confine himself to his manor of Staten Island. Melyn 
surrounded himself with defences, and establishing a sort of baronial 


ant’s 


1 The Company was subsequently compelled to pay heavy damages to the owners of 
this vessel for this arbitrary act of the Director. — 0? Callaghan, vol. ii., p. 157. 


1586 NEW NETHERLAND UNDER PETER STUYVESANT. [Cuap. VI. 


court contrived for a while to live till Stuyvesant’s persecutions drove 
him, at length, out of the colony. 

With Melyn, on Staten Island, Van Dincklage, the vice-director, 
also found a refuge from the violence of Stuyvesant. The vice- 
director busied himself in preparing a new protest to the States-Gen- 
eral on behalf of the colony, when Stuyvesant ordered that he be 
expelled from the council. Van Dincklage refused to be thus dis- 
posed of, on the plea that he held lis commission not from the 
Director but from Holland. Stuyvesant arrested and imprisoned 
him for some days, and he felt that his life was not safe on Manhat- 
tan Island. 

Other leaders of the popular party were subjected to treatment 
Eo hardly less vindictive and arbitrary. fh Our great Muscovy 
of the pop Duke (noster magnus Muscovi Dux), Van Dincklage wrote 

to Van der Donck, ‘goes on as usual, resembling somewhat 
the wolf,—the older he gets the worse he bites. He proceeds no 
longer by words or letters, but by arrests and stripes.’ Van Dyck, 
the fiscal, or attorney-general, who, with Van Dincklage, was detected 
in drawing up the protest, was excluded from the council, and his duty 
reduced to that of a mere scrivener. Sometimes he was “ charged 
to look after the pigs,and keep them out of the fort, a duty which a 
negro could very well perform ;” and if he objected the Director “ got 
as angry as if he would swallow him up;” or if he disobeyed, * put 
him in confinement or bastinadoed him with his rattan.” ! Finally he 
was charged with drunkenness, and removed from office. ‘The secre- 
tary, Tienhoven, was appointed in his place ;— the “ perjured secre- 
tary,’ wrote Van Dyck, ‘‘ who returned here contrary to their High 
Mightinesses’ prohibition; a public, notorious, and convicted whore- 
monger and oath-breaker ; a reproach to this country, and the main 
scourge of both Christians and heathens, with whose sensualities the 
Director has been always acquainted.” ‘The fault of drunkenness,” 
he adds, ‘* could easily be noticed in me, but not in Van Tienhoven, 
who has frequently come out of the tavern so full that he could go 
no further, and was forced to lie down in the gutter.””! While the 
Director was thus making life a burden to his enemies, he had, under 
the pretext that his own person was in danger, four halberdiers to 
attend him whenever he walked abroad. 


1 Albany Records and Holland Documents, cited by O'Callaghan and Brodhead. 


CHAPTER V IT. 


THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. 


THe Hartrorp BounpDARY TREATY OF 1650. — ACTION OF THE STATES-GENERAL ON 


THE New NETHERLAND REMONSTRANCE. — NEW ENGLAND -TROUBLES. — STUYVE- 
SANT ACCUSED OF CONSPIRING WITH THE INDIANS AGAINST THE ENGLISH. — JOHN 
UNDERHILL IN THE FieLD.— PoruLtar Discontents aT NEw AMSTERDAM AND ON 
Lone Isuanp. — CONVENTION OF THE Towns. — A RENEWED APPEAL TO HOL- 
LAND.—ENGLisH Frertinc on Lone Isranp.— HosTiLt—E PREPARATIONS IN Con- 
NECTICUT. — NEw ENGLAND ASkS AID FROM THE PROTECTOR AGAINST THE DUTCH. 
— AN APPROACHING CONFLICT PREVENTED BY THE TREATY OF PEACE IN EUROPE. 
— UNFAVORABLE REPLY TO THE CONVENTION’S APPEAL. — NEw SWEDEN ON THE 
DELAWARE. — CONTESTS BETWEEN THE DUTCH AND THE SWEDES. — STUYVESANT 
VISITS THE SoutH RiveR-— Fort NassavU ABANDONED AND Fort CASIMIR BUILT 
BY THE DutrcoH. — GOVERNOR PRINTZ RETIRES. — ForT CASIMIR TAKEN BY THE 
SwEpDEs. — RETAKEN BY THE J)uTCH. — DIVISION OF THE COLONY BETWEEN THE 
W. I. Company AND THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM. — Limits oF NEw AMSTEL. — Dts- 
ASTERS AND J)ISSENSIONS. 


STUYVESANT had a leaning toward the English, notwithstanding 


his quarrels with Governor Eaton, of New Haven, and his altercations 
with others of the New England colonies. Of all the people of New 
Netherland, the English on Long Island were treated with the most 
consideration, and in return they gave him the weight of their sup- 


port against the opposition party among his countrymen. 


This was 


not the smallest among the causes of his unpopularity, and it gained 


new intensity and bitterness when in the midst of all these 


Negotiation 


other troubles the Director concluded an agreement with of the 
: boundary 
New England in regard to the boundary. The two com- ee 
a 5 R 


missioners appointed by him to conduct the negotiation 


were both Englishmen, Thomas Willett, a merchant of Plymouth, and 


George Baxter, employed by Stuyvesant 


as his secretary. His opponents ex- Uo Lill 


claimed at this loudly and vehemently, 


as treacherous to the colony and an ie Signature of Thomas Willett. 


sult to the Dutch. 


The articles of agreement between the contracting parties left the 
question of jurisdiction on the South River, the Delaware, undeter- 
mined; but the boundary line on Long Island was fixed to run from 


138 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VII. 


the westernmost part of Oyster Bay straight to the sea, east of that 
line to belong to the English, and west of it to the Dutch; on the 
mainland the point of departure was on the west side of Greenwich 
Bay, about four miles from Stamford, the line to run thence up into 
the country twenty miles, provided it did not come within ten miles 
of the Hudson River, the Dutch agreeing not to build within six 
miles of such line. The inhabitants of Greenwich were to remain under 
the Dutch till some other arrangement was agreed upon — which 
agreement by a subsequent article of the treaty was modified by trans- 
ferring them to the jurisdiction of New Haven, —and the Dutch 
were to retain only such lands in Hartford as they were in actual 
possession of.! 

Here was ground for fresh complaints with the popular party of 
New Amsterdam, inasmuch as the Director had first outraged his own 
countrymen by intrusting so important a negotiation to Englishmen 
on his behalf, and then by consenting to give away enough territory, 
which the Dutch claimed as theirs, to make fifty plantations each four 
miles square. It was the resignation of more than half of Long Isl- 
and, and nearly the whole of the present States of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island, even if the Dutch claim was limited to Point Judith. 
Stuyvesant reported to his masters in Holland that he had made this. 
treaty with the English, and it did not meet with their approval ; but 
as he sent no copy its precise terms were probably unknown there. 

It was plain at last to the States-General that temporizing meas- 
recites with a man of Stuyvesant’s despotic temper, unscrupu- 
General act lous will, and fearless disposition, were altogether useless, — 
Netherland they only made him worse. Hitherto all the complaints of 

the colonists, backed by the energetic efforts of Van der 
Donck and his colleagues, were incapable of overcoming the influence 
of the Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Company. But the 
Chamber yielded in the spring of 1652, when it was evident that if 
the desired reforms in New Netherland were not made with their 
consent, they would be made without. 

After three years of delay the prayer of the people was listened to 
in earnest. It was decreed that a ‘“ burgher government” 
should be established ; that the citizens of New Amsterdam 
should have the right to elect their own municipal officers ; that those 
officers should constitute a court of justice, with appeal to the supreme 
court of the Director and Council; that the export duty on tobacco 
should be abolished; that emigration should be encouraged by a 
reduction in passage-money; that the importation of negro slaves, 
hitherto a monopoly of the Company, should be now free to all citi- 


Their order. 


1 Hazard’s State Papers, vol. ii. 


1653. | MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 139 


zens ; and Stuyvesant was ordered to return home to give an account 
of his administration of affairs in answer to the numerous complaints 
that had been made 

against him. ‘This last ———e 

order, however, was Gf 
presently revoked, for = 
war was declared  be- 
tween England and Hol- 
land; Tromp and Blake 
were sweeping up and 
down the English Chan- 
nel, and it was thought 
not wise to remove a 
governor who was, at 
any rate, bold and ener- 
getic, in the probable 
contingency of an out- 
break of _ hostilities 
amone the American 
colonies. 

These long-delayed 
concessions were taken 
to New Amsterdam by 
Van der Donck himself, : ———— 
and in accordance there- The Old Stadt Huys of New Amsterdam. 
with Stuyvesant pub- %: 
lished a proclamation on the day of the Feast of Candlemas, the 
2d of February, 1653. But none knew better than he how to keep a 
promise to the ear and break it to the hope. The States-General 
meant to bestow upon New Amsterdam the right of self-government 
as it existed in their own city of Amsterdam ;— in the election by the 
people of a schout or sheriff; of two burgomasters, who were, in ef- 
fect, the chief. magistrates of the town; and of five schepens. who 
constituted a court of civil and criminal jurisdiction. Van der Donck 
might well come home in triumph with this grant of municipal gov- 
ernment, as the fruit of his three years’ incessant labor in Holland, 
and the people might well rejoice that they were at last to govern 
themselves. It was, indeed, the beginning of popular government in 
New Netherland; for in the years to come new concessions to the 
will and rights of the people followed as the inevitable consequence 
of this first success. But even this first success the Director de- 
feated for a time, by assuming the right to appoint where election 
was ordered. Such appointments he at once made, and they were all 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































=—— 


























149 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuapr. VIL. 


acceded to without objection, except that of Van Tienhoven as schout. 
Against him there was loud protest, but the rest were accepted, per- 
haps, because they were unexceptionable, and the people 
were weary of contest; perhaps, because the fear that the 
war between England and Holland might involve the colonies in se- 
rious difficulties overshadowed, for the present, all internal dissension. 

The apprehension, real or feigned, of coming trouble, existed on all 
sides. Stuyvesant endeavored, and no doubt with sincerity, to avert 
the danger, by assuring Virginia and the New England colonies of 


Stuyvesant’s 
action, 


















































































































































































































































The Building of the Palisades, 


the continued good feeling of the Company and of the colony, not- 
withstanding the war at home, and expressing the hope that their 
friendly relations would not be interrupted. At the same time he did 
not neglect prudent preparations for defence, for New England he 
heard was arming. The people of New Amsterdam for once agreed 
with him, and submitted cheerfully to a tax for the digging of a ditch 
from the North to the East River, and the erection of a breastwork 
and palisades to secure the town from attack. 


1653.1] AN ALLEGED INDIAN PLOT. 141 


On the other hand the belief — or at least the assertion — among 
the English, was that it was they who had cause for dread, 
and that Stuyvesant was secretly preparing for their de- tuple with 
struction. Uncas, the cunning Mohegan chief, alarmed the “°°""*™ 
New England colonists along the Sound, with a story that the Dutch 
had persuaded the Indians of that part of the country to conspire. 
for the massacre of the English people, and that the Sachems, Nini- 
gret, Pessicus, and Mixam, were the leaders in this plot. Stuyvesant 
had, indeed, said that he should avail himself, if possible, of an alli- 
ance with the Indians in the event of hostilities between the Dutch 
and the English, and this may have been the origin of the report of 
Uneas ; or, perhaps, the wily chief hoped to benefit himself and his 
tribe by stirring up strife among the whites. 

But the story, no doubt, was untrue. Stuyvesant, when he heard 
of it, promptly and indignantly denied that he had any gtuyyecant 
hostile intentions against his neighbors; and the Indians (cece 
whom the story of Uncas implicated, when carefully cross- ‘¢ mts. 
questioned by order of the commissioners of the United Colonies of 
New England, denied any knowledge of 
such a plot. ‘Do you think we are 
mad?” they said. They knew well 
enough how much stronger the English 
were than the Dutch. ‘“‘Do not we 
know,” they declared, “the English are 
not a sleepy people? Do they think we 
are mad to sell our lives and the lives of 
our wives and children and all our kin- 
dred, and to have our country destroyed 
for a few guns, powder, shot, and swords ? 
What will they do us good when we are 
dead?” Why, Ninigret asked, was he 
treated even with indignity by the Dutch 
governor, if he had made a league with 
him against the English, his friends ? 
He had made a visit recently to New 
Netherland. ‘I stood,” he said, ‘a great 
part of a winter day knocking at the 
governor’s door, and he would neither open it, nor suffer others to 
open it to let mein. I was not wont to find such carriage from the 
English my friends.” ! 

Some of the Long Island Indians, nevertheless, confirmed the story 
of Uncas, and consternation spread through the towns along the 

1 Hazard’s State Papers, vol. ii., pp. 207-209. 





Yee i y; 


Portrait of Ninigret. 


142 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. — [Cuap. VII. 


Sound and among the English of Long Island. <A delegation from 
the United Colonies sent to New Netherland, returned with this un- 
favorable report, and the commissioners of Connecticut and New) 
Haven proposed that a force be raised at once and war declared 
against the Dutch. But the Massachusetts magistrates were wiser 
and more moderate. Perhaps it was because they were so far re- 
moved from the scene of any possible danger that they could better 
sift the character and weigh the value of Indian testimony ; at any 
rate they did not believe in the existence of any plot, or that the 
Dutch were so rash as to provoke hostilities from their stronger neigh- 
bors. Massachusetts, therefore, refused to contribute her quota of 
troops for such a war, maintaining the right of independent action, in 
such a case, on the part of any one of the United Colonies. She was 
strong enough to stand alone if need be, and the rest were not strong 
enough to act without her. The fear of the Dutch was not, after all, 
so great as the fear of a dissolution of the New England Confederacy. 
In troubled waters no head was so sure to come to the surface as 
that of John Underhill. He is soon heard of as being lodged 
Partplayed . «ay . = eae 
by John in jail in New Amsterdam, for asserting within their own 
vase towns, that the Dutch were in league with the Indians against 
the English. He was soon released, however, without trial, perhaps 
because his conduct had a kind of official sanction, inasmuch as Gover- 
nor Eaton and the agents of the New England Confederacy had sent 
him to Long Island to gather evidence of this alleged conspiracy. 
The captain was not a man to waste his time in searching for facts to 
justify violent measures when such measures could be provoked just 
as well without the facts. If New England was not ready for a war 
with the Dutch, that was no reason why John Underhill should not 
declare it on his own account. He hoisted the colors of the Parlia- 
ment at Flushing and Heemstede ; issued a manifesto in which great 
crimes, such as the unlawful imposition of taxes, the appointment of 
magistrates over the people without election, the violation of con- 
science, the conspiring with the Indians to murder the English, the 
hampering of trade, and other acts of tyranny, even to the striking 
an old gentleman of his Council with a cane, were charged upon the 
administration of Peter Stuyvesant ; and both Dutch and English were 
called upon * to throw off this tyrannical yoke.” It shows how far 
Stuyvesant was from wishing to provoke a collision with the Eng- 
lish, that instead of hanging Underhill for this second offence, he only 
banished him.! 
As the other New England colonies had not admitted the Provi- 


1 Underhill’s Manifesto may be found in full in O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland, 


vol. il., pp. 225 et seq. 


1653. |] UNDERHILL IN THE FIELD. 143 


dence Plantations into their confederacy, that colony was, perhaps, the 
more willing to show its zeal for the Parliament in its war 
with Holland. It was not, however, without some opposition ee 
from the mainland towns, that the people of the island of ““"” 
Rhode Island, whose interests were more commercial than maritime, 
carried in the General Assembly a declaration of war against New 
Netherland. In consideration of ‘‘ the servile condition ’’ which the 
English on Long Island were ‘‘ subjected to by the cruell tirannie of 
the Dutch power at the Manathoes,” and the danger, should they “ be 

cutt off and murdered,” that would fall upon Providence Plantations, 
the General Assembly issued commissions to Captain John Underhill, 
to be commander on land, and to Captain William Dyre and Edward 
Hull, to be commanders at sea, “to bring the Dutch to conformitie 
to the Commonwealth of England.” Some cannon and small arms 
and twenty volunteers were provided to carry on the war, and a court 
of admiralty was appointed for the trial of prizes which were to be 
taken into Newport.! 

Underhill took the field. Marching to Fort Good Hope on the 
Connecticut, once held by the Dutch, but now empty, he Sin ey 
posted upon the door a notice that he, “Io. Underhill [did] Fort Good 
seaze upon this hous and lands thereunto belonging, ne as 
Dutch goods claymed by the West India Company in Amsterdam, 
enemies of the Commonweal of England.” Having done this much 
for the Commonwealth and the conquest of New Netherland, the 
commander-in-chief of the land forces of Rhode Island disbanded his 
army of twenty volunteers. The conquered territory — being about 
thirty acres — he sold, on his own account, first to one man for twenty 
pounds sterling, and two months’ later to another, giving a deed to 
each.? 

Operations at sea were, at least, less farcical, but not much more 
damaging to the enemy. Captain Hull captured a Frenchman, which 
certainly did no harm to the Dutch, and served to aggravate ioe conftict 
the dithculties already existing between Rhode Island and *“**™ 
Massachusetts. The latter complained, with some reflection upon 
Parliament, that the act was illegal; Rhode Island retorted by using 
the reflection as lending strength to her other charges against Mas- 
sachusetts.2 One Thomas Baxter,* however, did better service. He 
sailed under a letter of marque fan Rhode Island, and actually took 


1 O'Callaghan. Hazard. Arnold’s History of Rhode Island. 

2 Hartford Records. 

3 Arnold’s Rhode Island. 

* Arnold — History of Rhode Island — confounds him with George Baxter, who took 
another way, as will appear presently, to show his enmity to the administration of Stuy- 
vesant. 


n of 


144 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VII. 


two or three Dutch vessels. But as he also captured English vessels, 
under an expansive rule of his own making as to what constituted 
contraband of war, it is questionable to which side he did the most 
damage. 

Perhaps it would have been better for Stuyvesant if the threatened 
trouble from without had not been so easily and speedily dispelled. 
The fortifications of New Amsterdam were not half completed when 
the citizens, no longer afraid of an attack from the English, refused to 
be further taxed to finish the work. The new officers, whom Stuyve- 
sant had appointed, refusing to submit their selection to a popular 




















Underhill at Fort Good Hope. 


election, arrayed themselves on the side of the citizens, and con- 
strained the Director to share his power in some respects — partic- 
ularly with regard to the excise upon wine and beer — with the 
city. 

The discontent on Long Island, both among Dutch and English, 
took a more formidable shape. In the contest with Van der Donck, 
Stuyvesant had had no more useful or zealous partisans than the Eng- 
lish settlers of that portion of New Netherland. But now, alarmed 
at the continuance of Indian hostilities, and disgusted at the want of 


1653. | A CONVENTION OF THE TOWNS. 145 


prosperity generally, which they attributed to the arbitrary and un- 
wise rule of the Director, they united with the popular party graine on 
in opposition to his administration. A meeting of délepates’ tons island. 
under the leadership of two Englishmen, George Baxter and James 
Hubbard, assembled at the Stadt Huys in New Amsterdam, in No- 
vember. On the plea of the necessity of devising some means for 
the general welfare, Stuyvesant had been consulted with regard to 
this meeting, and two of his council, La Montagne and Van Werck- 
hoven, took seats in it, as the representatives of that body and the 
Director General. But the presence of Van Werckhoven especially 
was objected to. The delegates from the towns declared they would 
have nothing to do with him, and that neither the Director- P 
general nor any of his council would be permitted to preside bites 
over the convention. As the object of the meeting was to he 
provide for the common defence, they were willing to unite with the 
municipal government of New Amsterdam — which was also repre- 
sented in the body—and to continue under the rule of the States- 
General and the Company ; but they would not submit to the Director 
and Council who could not protect them. ‘“ We are compelled,” they 
said, ‘to provide against our own ruin and destruction, and there- 
fore we will not pay any more taxes.”’ 

All this, Stuyvesant said, “smelt of rebellion, of contempt of his 
high authority and commission,” which certainly was true. Not that 
he objected to an alliance of the towns for their mutual protection, 
but in such an alliance all the towns, Dutch as well as English, should, 
he thought, be included. To such a proposition there could be no 
reasonable objection; indeed, it seems to have come first from the 
delegates themselves, and they determined, therefore, “that they 
should meet on the tenth of next month; he might then do as he 
pleased, and prevent it if he could.” 7 

At the appointed time another convention assembled. There were 
present representatives from the four Dutch towns, New 4 gccona 
Amsterdam, Breuckelen, Amersfoort or Flatlands, and Mid- ™°*"s: 
wout or Flatbush; and the four English towns, Flushing, Middle- 
burgh or Newtown, Heemstede, and Gravesend. Ten of these dele- 
gates were Dutchmen,.and nine were Englishmen; but they were of 
one mind. 

The memorial in which they set forth their grievances was drawn 
up by Baxter. Six years before he was the English secretary to the 
colony, and it fell upon him to do that which he, better than any body 
else, was fitted to do. It was a good point, nevertheless, for Stuyvesant. 
‘Is there,” he asked in his reply, “no one among the Netherlands 
nation expert enough to draw up a remonstrance to the Director and 


AWOL De 10 


146 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. (Cuap. VII. 


Council . . . . that a foreigner or an Englishman is required to dictate 
what ye have to say?”” The Director was not wanting in skill to 
play upon the prejudices of his countrymen. But it was useless; the 
burghers were too much in earnest to be moved by any such appeal. 
To the memorial, which complained of the government as both arbi- 
trary and incompetent, Stuyvesant could make no satisfactory answer, 
and the end of the discussion that followed between him and the con- 
vention was a denial, on his part, of the right of the people to self- 

government, or even to hold a public meeting; on the part 
Renewed ap- ; . . ° 
peal to Hol- of the convention a sturdy and persistent assertion of their 

rights, and the dispatch of an agent to Holland with an ap- 
peal to the West India Company for protection and redress. 

The colonies of Southern New England, meanwhile, were living in 
a state of perpetual agitation and dread of the Indians, persisting in 
the assertion that the Dutch were at the bottom of these troubles, 
and that the safety of the English lay in the conquest of New Nether- 
land. ‘There was, at least, this much ground for their fears, that 
Ninigret and his band were all the while on the war-path against the 
Indians of Long Island, who were in alliance with the English. The 
savage thirst for blood might easily enough take a new direction, and 
the frontiersmen, whether living in their isolated clearings in the 
forest, or gathered into small and feeble hamlets, could feel no cer- 
tainty that the appalling war-whoop of the Indian might not at any 
moment come as the swift warning of sudden death to all their house- 
holds. The terrible suspense in which these people lived is enough to 
explain the intense feeling toward the Dutch. As reports of Indian 

outrages on Long Island spread through the Connecticut 
English Re 
feelingin towns, it was almost inevitable that they should be supposed 
aie to abe instigated by the Dutch, and that the Connecticut 
colonies were safe from such calamities only so long as Ninigret was 
prevented from re-crossing the Sound. That safety, it was obvious, 
would be permanent and absolute, if the Dutch themselves could be 
brought into subjection to English rule. 

So intense was this feeling in the border towns of Stamford and 
Fairfield, that their people accused their own government of want of 
courage and energy, and were almost at the point of open rebellion. 
The general court at New Haven,— although it had resolved that 
‘the Massachusetts had broken their covenant with them in acting 
directly contrary to the articles of confederation,” in the refusal to de- 
clare war — knew better, perhaps, than the affrighted people of the 
border towns, how little real reason there was to apprehend any al- 
liance between the Dutch and the Indians. It is quite possible that 
the dread of a savage massacre was used to inflame animosity against 


1653.] THE GATHERING AT FAIRFIELD. 147 


the Dutch, and as a pretext for the invasion of New Netherland; 
and the real grievance on the part of the other colonies against Mas- 
sachusetts was that she would not be led into a war of annexation 
under a false pretence. 

But Stamford and Fairfield were in deadly and earnest fear of the 
Indians, to whose hostility they were more exposed than any 
of the other towns along the Sound, and they firmly believed poms 
the Dutch were as dangerous as the savages. Fairfield es- ie ar 
pecially had been alarmed by the appearance of two Dutch vessels sent 
out by Stuyvesant in pursuit of Baxter during his cruise in the Sound, 
though they were deterred from venturing within the harbor by a 
proclamation of the New England Commissioners, prohibiting any 
Dutch vessels from entering the ports of the English colonies. In the 
autumn that town determined that there must be war, and that the 
way to bring it about was to begin. One of the principal magistrates 





The Gathering at Fairfield. 


of the colony, Mr. Ludlow, was appointed commander in chief, and 
volunteers were called for. The step was a bold one, and might have 
been successful but for the lateness of the season ;*for the govern- 
ments of Connecticut and New Haven were compelled by this in- 
subordination in the border towns to consider seriously whether they 
would not declare war against the Dutch even without Massachusetts. 

But the coming winter settled the question for the present, and in 
the meantime they awaited an answer to an appeal that had been 


148 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VIL. 


made to the Protector and to Parliament for aid. A special agent 
Anappeal Was sent to England on this errand, but Governor Hopkins 
to England. of Connecticut was then in London, and great reliance was 
properly placed upon his diligence and ability as the representative 
of New England interests.! 

Had the New Netherland been a Puritan colony, the Puritans would 
have rejoiced to see how, in the events of the year, she was the evi- 
dent object of the protection of a special Providence. In the begin- 
ning of these troubles, had not Massachusetts so firmly refused to 
unite with the other members of the confederacy in a declaration of 
war, the province would probably have been thus early annexed to 
New England, for the Dutch were altogether too weak to have suc- 
cessfully resisted an attack from the combined power of the English 
colonies. Had Fairfield and Stamford moved a little earlier, New 
Haven and Connecticut would have been unable to resist the popular 
hostility to the Dutch and the popular determination to acquire their 
territory, aggravated and intensified now by an Indian panic. That 
New England was dilatory was the salvation of New Netherland thus 
far, when delay again averted a danger more threatening than any 
that had yet menaced her. 

The prayers of New Haven and Connecticut were listened to by 
_ Cromwell, and he wrote to the governors of the colonies urging them 
to zeal and activity, and promising the help of four well-manned ships. 
All the colonies, except Massachusetts, responded. Connecticut was 
to raise two hundred men, to be increased, if necessary, to five hun- 
NewEng- Gred; New Haven promised a hundred and thirty-three ; 
hres ioe ~~ -L Lymouth promised fifty, to be under the command of the 
war, old soldier, Miles Standish, and that Captain Willetts, who 
was one of Stuyvesant’s commissioners on the boundary question four 
years before. But Massachusetts declined to furnish her quota, though 
she permitted a force of volunteers to be recruited in Boston. The 
ships sent by Cromwell were to be under the command of one Major 
Sedgewick and a Captain Leverett, and in good season they sailed from 
England. Three of the four, however, consumed four months in a 
voyage by way of the Western Islands, and news of the peace be- 
tween England and Holland, concluded in May, 1654, received soon 
after their arrival in New England, put an end to the proposed ex- 
pedition. Its only result was the seizure of Fort Good Hope — in 
spite of Underhill’s former capture, — which was the final disposses- 
sion of the Dutch of any territory on the Connecticut River. 

Great were the rejoicings at the reception of this news at New 
Amsterdam, where the formidable preparations in New England for 


1 'Trumbull’s [History of Connecticut. 


1654. ] FAILURE OF THE CONVENTION’S APPEAL. 149 


an invasion of the Dutch colony had aroused such alarm as to bring 
about some temporary harmony between Stuyvesant and his ons conniet 
opponents, and had united them in some preparations for *¥¢"*4. 

defence. The Director appointed a day of public thanksgiving. 
*¢ Praise the Lord,” he said in his proclamation, ‘ praise the Lord, O 
England’s Jerusalem; and Netherland’s Sion, praise ye the Lord! 
He hath secured your gates, and blessed your possessions with peace, 
even here, where the threatened torch of war was lghted; where the 
waves reached our lips, and subsided only through the power of the 


Almighty !”’! 













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Arrest of Baxter. 


There came at the same time other tidings hardly less gratifying to 
the Director. The agent, Le Bleeuw, who was the bearer of the re- 
monstrance to the West India Company, had been received with great 
coldness and severity, and he was forbidden to return to New Nether- 
land. The directors wrote to Stuyvesant that the complaints of the 
citizens were unreasonable, and that they had nothing to object to in 
his administration of affairs, except, indeed, that he was too lenient in 
his dealings with these seditious persons; that he ‘‘ought to have 
acted with more vigor against the ringleaders of the gang, and not 


1 Albany and New Amsterdam Records, cited by O’Callaghan. 


150 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VII. 


have condescended to answer protests with protests.” They com- 
manded him now to punish them as they deserved, and especially 
The appea. those delegates from Gravesend, the Englishmen Baxter and 
of the coo Hubbard. The only concession made by the chamber at 
approved. Amsterdam to the popular party was that the offices of city 
schout and provincial fiscal should not be held by the same person, 
and a commission for the former office was sent to Kuyter, who, 
more fortunate than his old companion, Melyn, had long before been 
forgiven for his past offences. He had, however, been recently mur- 
dered by the Indians somewhere on Long Island, and Stuyvesant per- 
mitted his friend, Van Tienhoven, to still remain both schout and 
fiscal without regard to the orders of the directors of the Company. 
The other injunction for the punishment of ringleaders he observed 
more faithfully, for he visited Gravesend and ejected Baxter and Hub- 
bard from the magistracy. Baxter fled to New England, but returned 
again within two months, and not long after he and Hubbard were 
arrested in the act of raising the English flag and reading a pro- 
clamation declaring Gravesend to be subject to the laws of the Re- 
public of England. Van Tienhoven, who had gone from New Am- 
sterdam to quell the disturbance, arrested both and turew them into 
prison, where they remained for months. 

During all these busy and turbulent years the Director-general had 
had little leisure to bestow upon affairs on the South River. It was 
not till 1651 that he took any decisive steps to exercise his power as 
governor of New Netherland over the Company’s territory on the 
Delaware. Printz’s Hall on Tinicum Island, at that time still knew 
its lord and master; its timbers still creaked under his massive tread, 
and its windows rattled at his stentorian voice. But Printz returned 
soon after to Sweden. ‘There might have been some lively and enter- 
taining passages of history had the two hot-headed and imperious 
governors known each other earlier; but it was only when peace be- 
tween England and Holland released Stuyvesant, for a season, from 
internal dissensions and perils from without, that events on the South 
River demanded his active interference. 

For years the few Dutch settlers of that region were left to an 
almost hopeless contest with their neighbors. Their fort — Fort 
Nassau — about four miles below the present city of Philadelphia, and 
a little more above the mouth of the Schuylkill,! was too far up the 
A e/ river to be of any practical use, even had its garrison been 
en the larger than the usual number of about half a dozen men. 

The only Indians whose trade was of much value were the 
Minquas, and they were on the Schuylkill. But that river was com- 


1 A Dutch word signifying Hidden-creek or Skulk-creek. 


1654.] THE DUTCH AND SWEDES. 151 


manded by the Swedes by a fort built by Printz on an island near 
its mouth, as well as by Fort Gottenburg on Tinicum Island, — the 
present quarantine station of Philadelphia, — whence vessels could 
sail to the Schuylkill by a short passage over meadows, then under 
water, extending southward from the point now known as Bartram’s 
Botanical Garden. The fort on the Schuylkill was on a cluster of 
rocks, at that time an island, near where a deep cut is made through 
the bluff in front of Bartram’s Garden for the Philadelphia, Wilming- 
ton, and Baltimore Railroad.!. The Dutch commissioner Hudde, who 
commanded at Fort Nassau, complained that the Swedes had obtained 
‘‘eommand over the whole creek.” For, he adds, ‘** this kill or creek 
is the only remaining avenue for trade with the Minquas, and without 
this trade the river (7. e. the Delaware) is of little value.” ? 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Mouth of the Schuylkill. 


The Dutch were not numerous enough to dispute the possession of 
the river with the Swedes with any success; they were not even 
strong enough to maintain the dignity of being held as gontentions 
enemies. The Swedes treated them as trespassers rather Jessen i 
than as foes ; as troublesome neighbors rather than as the *"** 
representatives of another nationality. Hudde put up a house near 


the banks of the Schuylkill, which he called Fort Beversrede, that he 


1 Ferris’s Original Settlements on the Delaware, pp. 70, 71. 
2 Hudde’s Report. From the Dutch Colonial Records, republished in N. Y. Hist. Soc. 
Coll., New Series, vol. i. 


152 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuar. VIL. 


might share in the trade with the Minquas; the Swedes contented 
themselves with cutting down the trees around it, including the fruit 
trees which Hudde had planted, and built another house directly in 
its front between it and the river. All such assertions of sovereignty 
were treated with like contempt. Any attempt to erect a building 
by the Dutch, the Swedes met by sending upon the ground sufficient 
force to destroy the material, threatening the repetition of the offence 
with ‘*a sound drubbing.” It was the power of the constable rather 
than of the military arm, that was relied upon to sustain the right of 
the Swedes to the territory. , No severer measures than these threats 
of personal chastisement were needed to keep the Dutch in sub- 
jection. 

Among all the early colonial governors none held more undisputed 
sway than was exercised by Printz over the broad waters of the Dela- 
ware, from the muddy banks at the mouth of the Schuylkill to the low 
capes of Henlopen and May, where the vexed and shifting sands con- 
tend in endless strife with the winds and waves of the Atlantic. It 
hd iets aaa all New Sweden for a hundred miles along both banks 
Swedish pos- Of the noble river —a rich and lovely country, its broad, 
™ vound hills covered with forests of ereat trees, the growth 
of many centuries, sweeping down with gentle undulations to the 
green meadows through which the quiet streams of many creeks 
wound gracefully in tortuous channels on their way to the wide 
waters of the Bay. “ Printz’s Hall” on Tinicum Island, was the 
capital of this noble principality. Besides the fort — New Gotten- 
burg — on that island; another, not far off, at the mouth of the 
Schuylkill ; another — Elfsborg, or Elsingborg — at the mouth of 
Salem Creek ; and still another, Fort Christina, were the strongholds 
whereby the Swedish governor overawed the natives of the country, 
and kept out intruders. | 

The Dutch, however, never forgot their claims, by right of prior 
discovery, to the South River and the beautiful region watered by its 
many affluents. Hudde, from his fort a mile below Gloucester Point, 
could only watch the growth and progress of the Swedes, and by his 
presence bear witness against their occupation of territory belonging 
to the Company. If Stuyvesant could do little else for several years 
than support his subordinate by protest, with such aid, at least, he 
was always ready to sustain the title of the Dutch. But when, in 
aa 1651, he found leisure for a visit southward, his quick intel- 
Stuyvesant to ligence and the eye of the soldier detected at once an error 
in the policy of the past, and where an advantage could be 
gained in the future. Fort Nassau, he saw, was too far up the Dela- 
ware, and was powerless against the Swedes, who, with wise fore- , 
thought, had taken possession of the mouth of the Schuylkill. 










































































——SS 



































































































































































































































———> 
















































































S55 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































+) oe ee oe ew , 


7 


Coie 
5 a 





1652. ] FORT CASIMIR BUILT. 1538 


The trade of the country, even at that day, found its natural centre 
at this confluence of the rivers. Printz was shrewd enough to see 
this. ‘To command and absorb this trade he built his forts on the 
river and at Tinicum, and barred the approach to that point by his 
forts further down the Delaware. The wisdom of the Swedish govy- 
ernor has been justified by modern commerce, which concentrates at 
Girard Point, at the mouth of the Schuylkill, the shipping trade of 
Philadelphia, loading for all parts of the world from its elevators and 
warehouses, the corn and wheat of the West, and the petroleum from 
the central counties of Pennsylvania, while the products of her mines 
are turned into iron ships in the yards of Newcastle, a little further 
down the Bay. 

Fort Nassau —as too far out of the way for defence, where there 
was nothing to protect, and too far out of the way for 
offence, where nobody came to be attacked — Stuyvesant 
ordered to be destroyed and abandoned. From the Indians, 
who were always friendly to the Dutch, he easily purchased 
all the land from the Christina to Boomtje’s or Bambo Hoeck, — now 
corrupted into Bombay Hook. Within this territory, about four miles 
below the mouth of the Christina, is a bold promontory, commanding 
a wide view of the Delaware, both above and below, then named 
Sandhuken. On this point, where now stands the town of New- 
castle, the Dutch built a fort which they called Fort Casimir. 

Printz protested against this act as an invasion of soil belonging to 
the Swedes. But Stuyvesant apparently had brought force enough 
with him to defy interference, otherwise it is not “likely that the uni- 
form policy of past years, — the prompt suppression of any attempt 
of the Dutch to gain some vantage-ground for offence and defence 
on or below the Schuylkill, — would have been pretermitted. Printz 
certainly was not unmindful of the advantage he was losing. He no 
longer commanded the Delaware, and his fort at the mouth py. gweaes 
of Salem Creek (Elsingborg) was abandoned as useless. It 3?2pggn. 
was pretended that it had become uninhabitable because of ?°" 
the mosquitoes, and that it was named therefore Myggenborg (Mos- 
quito Fort) ; but the real reason was, no doubt, the absurdity of at- 
tempting to blockade a river of which the Swedes were not strong 
enough to hold possession. Both parties, moreover, dreaded the occu- 
pation of the disputed territory by the English more than they feared 
each other; and it was agreed, therefore, between Stuyvesant and 
Printz, that they should not indulge themselves in hostilities, but. that 
they would “keep neighborly friendship and correspondence together, 
and act as friends and allies.”’ 

Both, no doubt, meant to keep this compact till they were strong 





Fort Nassau 
abandoned, 
and building 
of Fort Casi- 
mir by the 
Dutch. 


54 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. 










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Map of the Lower Delaware (after Campanius). 


[Cuar. VII. 


enough to break 
it. ~“Lhis “fear 
of the 
En g- 
Paresh 
was not without 
reason, for the 
New Haven peo- 
ple had not for- 
gotten the pleas- 
ant lands on the 
South River, — 
the genial cli- 
mate, the round- 
ed hills and no- 
ble forests, the 
rich meadows on 
the winding 
creeks, the broad 
bay of a hundred 
miles in length, 
where all the 
ships in the 
world could ride 
in safety, — from 
which in Iieft’s 
time, a few years 
before, the 
Dina boyy ed 
Swedes had 
united to drive 
them away. 
Only the 
tumn_ preceding 
the building of 
Fort Casimir a 
company of fifty 
persons had left 
New Haven de- 
termined to re- 
new the attempt 
at an English 
settlement on 


The English 
on the South 
River. 


au- 


1654.] THE ARRIVAL OF RYSINGH. 155 


the Delaware. But stopping at New Amsterdam, to inform Stuy ve- 
sant in a friendly way of their purpose, and to secure his acquiescence, 
he arrested them without ceremony,! and would only release them on 
condition of their immediate return whence they came. 

Printz, nevertheless, sent messengers to Sweden to complain of 
the intrusion of the Dutch, and had he waited long enough would 
have received the aid he asked for. But either tired of waiting, or 
impelled by a growing unpopularity which his arbitrary rule had pro- 
voked, he sailed himself for home late in 1655, before his 

= 5 age te Printz 
messengers could be heard from. Their mission, however, caves New 
was not unsuccessful. Before Printz reached Sweden a ship set 
was dispatched with a deputy governor on board, John Rysingh, 
with a foree of about three hundred men, whose first act was the 
capture of Fort Casimir. 

Rysingh was to supersede Printz in case Printz should wish to re- 
tire, as he had asked leave to do. Having already gone to Sweden 
there was no question of Rysingh’s position, though Printz had left 
his son-in-law, John Pappegoya, as his representative at Tinicum. It 
seems, however, that Rysingh did not wait to communicate with his 
countrymen before exercising his power; for he found none of them 
below Fort Casimir, as Elsingborg, on Salem Creek, had been aban- 
doned. His instructions from the government at home were pacific ; 
he was not to break the peace with the Dutch ; as to Fort Casimir— 
he was to leave it in their hands, unless there was danger of its falling 
into the hands of the English —a danger not imminent, as there was 
hardly an Englishman then on the banks of the South River. 

He paid no regard, however, to his instructions, not waiting even, 
apparently, to learn the situation of affairs on shore, or that his supe- 
rior, Printz, had gone to Sweden. ‘“ On the last day of May,” wrote 
Gerrit Bikker, the commandant of Fort Casimir, to Stuyvesant, ‘* we 
perceived a sail, not knowing who she was or where from.” On the 
27th of May, 1654, Rysingh himself wrote to Stuyvesant: “I cannot 
refrain giving you notice that a few days ago I arrived here safe in 
the government ship the Aren, with a considerable number of people 
from the kingdom of Sweden ;”’ and in his report to his own govern- 
ment? he fixes the date of his arrival as ‘“‘a few days before the 27th 
of May.” 

Whatever the date of his arrival, which is thus left uncertain, the 
fort was taken without resistance. Bikker sent messengers to the ship 
to ask who she was and what was her purpose. Adrian van Tien- 





1 See the petition for redress for this outrage of “Jasper Graine, William Tuttill, and 
many other the inhabitants of New Haven and Sotocket.” Hazard, vol. ii., pp. 192 et seq. 
2 Holland Doe. cited in Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania. 


156 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VII. 


hoven —a brother of the New Amsterdam fiscal —reported on his re-- 
Peeters ii! that she was Swedish, and that a new governor was on 
nee ee board who demanded the surrender of the fort. Van Tien- 
hoven and others counselled defence. ‘* What can Ido?” said 
Bikker, ‘* there is no powder.” ‘There was no time for deliberation. 
The captain of the ship immediately landed at the head of twenty or 
thirty men, marched into the fort and, at the points of their swords, 
compelled submission. Bikker ‘* welcomed them as friends,” he says, 
and asked a parley; but, he adds, ‘the soldiers were immediately 
chased out of the fort, and their goods taken in possession, as likewise 
my property, and I could hardly by entreaties bring it so far to bear 
that I, with my wife and children, were not likewise shut out almost 
naked.” Van Tienhoven hurried back to the ship to ask of Rysingh 
his commission and the reasons for this summary proceeding. It was 
by order of the Queen, the governor said, whose ambassadors at the 
a Hague had been 
‘| told by the States- 
General and the 
directors of the 
West India Com- 
pany that they had 
not authorized the 
erection of this fort 
on Swedish terri- 
tory, the directors. 
adding, “If our 
people are in your 
Excellency’s way, 
drive them off.” It. 
was all a lie, no doubt; but Rysingh slapped Van Tienhoven on the 
breast, and said, with a hearty and confident familiarity, ‘ Go, tell 
your Governor that !’’! 

The Swedes were again in undisputed possession on the South 
River. All the Dutch in and about the fort were required either to 
take the oath of allegiance to Sweden or to leave that part of the 
country. To make the event the more significant the name of the 
fort was changed to Trefalldigheet (‘Trinity fort) because it was taken 
on Trinity Sunday, or more probably, because that festival of the 
church was within a week of its capture.? 

When the news reached New Amsterdam the town rocked with 




























































TTT 
i ii A Wa yl 


mM TTT 
a U 























Fort Trinity (fac-simile from Campanius). 


1 Hol. Doc. cited in O’Callaghan and Hazard’s Annals. 
2 Tt is usually said that the fort was so named because the capture was on Trinity Sun- 
day. It was probably taken two or three days before Trinity Sunday. 


1654. | THE SWEDES VICTORIOUS. 157 


excitement and indignation from the Battery to Wall Street. Stuyve- 
sant seized an opportunity that occurred presently to re- 
tahate, though it produced no other result than private in- 
jury. A Swedish ship, bound for the South River, ran into 
the Kill behind Staten Island, and sent a messenger to New Amster- 
dam for a pilot. Stuyvesant imprisoned the messengers and dis- 
patched a file of soldiers to the vessel to seize her and her crew, to be 
detained till Fort Casimir was restored. The captain lost ship and 
cargo, but Rysingh was not moved thereby to give up his capture. He 
disregarded all the messages from Stuyvesant, who invited him to New 
Amsterdam, with the assurance of a safe conduct, that they might 
come to terms in regard to the fort and the question of jurisdiction 
on the Delaware. ‘The Swedish governor preferred possession to ne- 
gotiation, and declined to discuss the subject, either in person or by 
deputy. Stuyvesant had nothing to do but wait, and his anger was 
not of a kind that cooled by waiting. 

But his indignation was no greater than that of the Company’s 
directors in Holland. In their letters to Stuyvesant they denounced 
the surrender of Casimir as ‘‘infamous,” as ‘‘ scandalous,’ and as 
‘‘cowardly ;”” the conduct of the commandant, Bikker, was declared 
to be in that ‘‘shameful transaction,” “ unfaithful, yea, treacherous,” 
and his apprehension was earnestly insisted on; and it was, they 
urged, the Director’s duty, ‘to exert every nerve to revenge that 
injury, not only by restoring affairs to their former situation, but by 
driving the Swedes from every side of the river as they did with us.” 
_ They were much in earnest, and meant to put it in the Director’s 
power to obey their orders. 

Communication between the colonies and Europe was so slow and 
infrequent that winter was near before Stuyvesant could hear from 
Amsterdam, and. all action was necessarily delayed. The Director 
availed himself of this interval of quiet in the affairs of his govern- 
ment to visit the West Indies, where he remained some months in the 
hope of advancing the interests of the colony. But in this he was 
thwarted by Cromwell’s expedition under Sir William Penn. ‘* We 
have mett the Dutch governor of New Netherlands, with three ships 
under his command,” wrote the commissioner, Edward Winslow, from 
Barbadoes. ‘‘ This man’s business was to settle a faire trade between 
the Netherlands and this place; but we spoiled the sport.” In this 
project Stuyvesant spent more than half a year, and had hoped great 
things. So serious a disappointment, we may be sure, did not make 
him the less inclined for another expedition in another direction, when 
soon after his return a ship of war arrived from Holland with orders 
that he should move against the Swedes on the South River. 


Indignation 
of Stuyve- 
sant. 


158 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VIL 


New Sweden was to be reconquered, and the Director set on foot 
Preparations the most active preparations. The company had sent from 
vowcater Holland a single ship, the Balance, a man of war ; such other 
ae vessels as were needed were chartered, or impressed without 
the consent of the owners; and patriotic volunteers were invited to 
join the expedition. Measures were taken to keep it secret, that the 
enemy might be taken by surprise. The fleet numbered seven vessels, 
and they were manned by a force of from six to seven hundred men. 
It is not unlikely that many of these were volunteers attracted by the 
alluring aspects of an expedition which might, after a pleasant voyage 
of four-and-twenty hours, appear before the stronghold of an enemy 
unprepared for their coming, and whom they outnumbered probably 
by ten to one. If there was no fighting, there might at least be a 
chance of plunder, and there was the prospect of a charming excur- 
sion. ‘There was certainly nothing to fear, for all the people of the 
South River country, both Swedes and Dutch, scattered about in the 
different forts and the neighborhoods, from the Schuylkill to the capes, 
were not more than half the invading force. 

It was, therefore, only a handful of men that on the 10th of Sep- 
higher tember. saw Stuyvesant’s formidable fleet of seven vessels 
taken by ~~ with six or seven hundred men on board come to anchor 

just above Fort Trinity. A force was landed; an earthwork 
was thrown up; a detachment was sent forward to command the road 
from Fort Christina four miles above; and then a surrender was de- 
manded. Resistance, of course, was useless, but the Swedish com- 
mandant, Swen Schute, nevertheless, contrived to protract the parley 
through the day and delay capitulation till the next morning. Then 
he evacuated the fort with all the honors of war, and the Dutch 
marched in. Such of the garrison as chose to take the oath of alle- 
giance to “the high and mighty lords and patrons of this New Neth- 
erland province” were permitted to remain as “* Freemen on South 
River.” Twenty, two thirds of the whole number, accepted these 
terms. ‘ About noon,” wrote Stuyvesant to the magistrates at New 
Amsterdam, ‘ our troops with flying colors marched into the fort ;” 
Domine Megapolensis, the New Amsterdam minister, who had come 
as the chaplain of the expedition, preached a sermon “ with our im- 
perfect thanksgivings,” continues the Director, ‘‘as God’s hand and 
blessing was so remarkably visible with us as well in the weather and 
prosperous success, as in the discouragement of our enemies.” And 
as a day of fasting had been held in New Amsterdam before the fleet 
had sailed, so now he directed that there should be a day of thanks- 
giving set apart that “the all-wise and good God should be openly 
thanked and praised” for granting him the victory. 


1655. ] THE EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW SWEDEN. 159 


Rysingh, who was in command at Christina, could see the Dutch 
ships at anchor between his fort and Trinity, and knew what he had 
to expect. He had sent ten men to reinforce Schute, before he had 
heard of the surrender, but these were met by the Dutch and all but 
two taken prisoners. It was a serious loss, as it reduced the garrison 
of Fort Christina to only about thirty men. Stuyvesant pushed for- 
ward to its investment the day after Trinity capitulated. 











Sy SSS = == ~~ re : : : 
N SSeS S Aristina ama NY 3 Gmp- 
SS SSS AJ 5; Qh 

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= = SS Cae hamas 







belagring 








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Map of the Siege of Ft. Christina (from Campanius). 


The fort was at the confluence of the Fishkill (now Brandywine) 
and Christina Creek, on low land overlooked by all the neighboring 
heights. Its builder had evidently thought that no enemy would 
ever be so ungenerous as to take advantage of its situation and ap- 
proach it on the land side from the rear, when the clear intent was 
that it should only be attacked in front from the river. Stuyvesant 
paid only so much deference to this confidence in the probable mode 
of attack as to erect his first battery on the opposite bank of the 


160 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. — [Cnap. VIL. 


Christina; then moving his vessels up the Brandywine he landed his 
men and threw up four other batteries, one on Timber Island, another 
directly in the rear of the fort, two more to the west of it, and all 
commanding it. On each of these and on Rysingh’s shallop, which 
the Dutch had captured, they hoisted the flag of the States-General, 
‘all which hostile acts, injuries, and insults,’’ says the indignant 
Swedish commander, ‘* we were to our great mortification compelled 
to witness and suffer, being unable to resist them by reason of our 
want of men and of powder, whereof our supplies scarcely sufficed for 
a single round for our guns.” 

The siege lasted, nevertheless, for twelve days. Shots were once 
or twice exchanged, one from the Swedes doing no other damage 
than to frighten some of the Dutchmen into the woods, while those 
from the batteries went wide over the fort. ‘The time was consumed 
not in fighting but in negotiation, though the invaders destroyed the 
little village of Christinaham, where they planted a battery in the 
rear of the fort, despoiled and razed to the ground the houses of the 
Swedes, killed their cattle and swine, and abused their women. 
These depredations were carried on as far up the river as New Got- 
tenburg, where, among those robbed of their possessions was Printz’s 
daughter, the wife of the ex-governor, Pappegoya. Stuyvesant, per- 
haps, was unwilling to shed blood; Rysingh, evidently, could only 
delay the inevitable result by protest and expostulation. When at 
last, as he says, his “few and hastily collected people were getting 
worn out, partly sick, and partly ill-disposed, and some had de- 
serted,” and all who were left were inclined to mutiny, then he sur- 
rendered. 

By the articles of capitulation the garrison was permitted to march 
meee Out of the fort ‘with beating of drums, fifes, and flying 
wae ite colors, firing matches, balls in their mouths, with their hand 

and side-arms;” the property belonging to the Swedish 
crown, the Swedish company, and to individuals was to be unmo- 
lested ; and the Governor, Rysingh, and all who chose to go with 
him, were to be transported, free of expense, to Europe.! Not that 
there was any wish to expel the Swedes from the country, but only 
to give facilities to those who chose to go. It was the order of the 
Company that they should be permitted to retain possession of Chris- 
tina on condition of taking the oath of allegiance to the States-Gen- 
eral; Stuyvesant made the offer to Rysingh, but he declined it. 

This was the end of Swedish rule in America. Though the events 


1 Albany Records cited in Hazard and O’Callaghan ; Ferris’s Original Settlement on the 
Delaware ; Campanius’ Description of New Sweden; Rysingh’s Report in New York Hist. 
Soc. Coll., New Series, vol. i., and Hazard’s Annals. 


1655.] THE END OF SWEDISH RULE. ~ 161 


we have related continued to be the subject of diplomatic correspond- 
ence between Sweden and Holland for years afterward, and Rysingh 
labored long and zealously to induce his government to reinstate him 
in the possession of the South River, no measures were ever taken 
to that end.1 Some Swedes remained along the banks of the Dela- 
ware ; and being devoted to agriculture, while the Dutch cared more 
for trade with the Indians, they did much by thei industry and thrift 
to develop the best resources of that fertile region. 

At the fall of Christina Stuyvesant returned to New Amsterdam, 
and soon after appointed Johan Paul Jaquet as governor over the 
southern territory of the West India Company. ‘The undisputed pos- 
session of that territory, however, was rather a burden than a benefit 
to a corporation already embarrassed with enormous debts. 

A portion of it, therefore, was conveyed to the city of Amsterdam 
in consideration of advances its burgomasters had made the y.., amet, 
Company. This Colony of the City, as it was called, ex- the cclony | 


of the city of 
tended from the west side of Christina Creek to Bombay 4msterdam. 


Hook on the Delaware ; the remainder of the territory belonging to 
New Netherland was known as the Colony of the Company.” 
The new colony was to be called Nieuwer Amstel (New Amstel) 


1 In removing a portion of the foundation wall of the old Fort Christina in March, 
1755, a hundred years after its capture by the Dutch, there was found buried a quantity 
-of cannon-balls, grenades, and other articles, which it was supposed were concealed there 
by Rysingh with reference to his possible return. Acrelius. Ferris. 

2 Acrelius (New Sweden, or the Swedish Settlements on the Delaware; New York Hist. 
Soc. Coll., New Series, vol. ii.) reverses these boundaries, giving to the Colony of the Com- 
pany the territory from Christina Creek to Bombay Hook, and to the Colony of the City 
‘that extending from the creek to the extent of the Dutch settlement northward. Ferris 
accepts this as correct notwithstanding it would include Fort Casimir, — which was unques- 
tionably ceded to the burgomasters of Amsterdam, — within the bounds of the Colony of 
the Company. It is undoubtedly wrong, strange as it is that Acrelins, usually so accurate, 
should have made such a mistake, and that Ferris, who is always careful, should have fol- 
lowed him. O’Callaghan, Brodhead, Bancroft, and others give the division we have 
adopted in the text. There can be no question of its accuracy. Smith (History of New 
York) quotes from the commission to Jacob Alricks — who was sent out by the burgo- 
masters of Amsterdam as director-general of their colony — the limits of his jurisdiction 
as “beginning at the west side of the Minquaa or Christina Kill, in the Indian language 
Suspecough, to the mouth of the bay, or river, called Bompt Hook (now Duck Creek or 
Little Duck Creek), in the Indian language Cannaresse ; and so far inland as the bounds 
and limits of the Minquaas land with all the streams, etc., appurtenances and dependen- 
cies.” In the “transfer and cession” of the colony from Stuyvesant to Alricks (cited in 
full from Albany Records, vol. xv.,in Hazard’s Annals) the boundaries are defined in almost 
the same terms as “ beginning at the west side of the Minquas or Christinakil, named in 
their language Suspencough, to the mouth of the bay or river included, named Bompjes- 
hock, (Trees Corner), in the Indian language Cannareses,” etc., etc. The northern boun- 
dary of New Amstel, then, was Christina Creek, and its southern at the island which 
has been called Bompt Hook, Bomptjeshoeck, Boomtes Hook, Bambo Hook, but is now 
known as Bombay Hook Island. 

VOL. IL. LE 


162 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. [Cuap. VII. 


from a suburb of the city of Amsterdam;! and Casimir, where a 
town began to grow, to be known in later times as Newcastle, took 
the name of the colony. Fort Christina became Altona, and New 
Gottenberg the Island Kattenberg. The burgomasters of Amsterdam 
were warmly interested in their new possession, and offered large in- 
ducements to all who would emigrate thither. The directors of the 
Company were full of confidence, and evidently looked upon the es- 
tablishment of a new colony under such favorable auspices as the 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Newcastle, Delaware. 


assurance of fresh prosperity to themselves. ‘The exiled Waldenses,, 
then numerous in Holland, it was thought, would be a large and val- 
uable accession to New Netherland, and that there might be room 
enough for the expected increase in population the directors ordered 
Stuyvesant to “endeavor to purchase, before it can be accomplished 
by any other nation, all that tract of land situated between the South 
River and the corner of the North River,” by which was meant, all 
that portion of the present State of New Jersey whose coast line ex- 
tends from Cape May to Sandy Hook. 

But these sanguine anticipations were never to be fulfilled under 
Dutch rule on the South River. The first company of emigrants sent 
out from Amsterdam for the city colony, with Jacob Alricks at their 


1 Brodhead. 


1656. | DISTRESS AT NEW AMSTEL. 163 


head as director-general of New Amstel, were wrecked on the south 
side of Long Island near Fire Island inlet — a neighborhood where so 
many good ships have since laid their bones. Though no lives were 
lost, and the people, more than a hundred in number, were sent for- 
ward, with others from other ships that arrived safely, to their new 
homes, the misfortune was only the first of many to follow. 

The first two years were years of sickness, privation, and discon- 
tent. ‘The pleasant climate tempted the ignorant emigrants pj<¢ros in 
to carelessness and exposure, while the virgin soil was as ‘?lovy. 
rank with miasm as it was rich in fertility. The crops were full of 
promise, but before the time of harvest came worms and other insects 
devoured the ripening grains, and what they left the enfeebled settlers, 
stricken with fevers and with agues, were too weak to gather. Nature 
resented, as she always does, the intrusion upon her savage solitude ; 
to the ploughing of every field, to every encroachment of the clearing 
upon the forest, she attached a penalty, and for every seed that was 
sowed she provided an enemy ; if she could not destroy the intruders 
by disease, she would drive them away by depriving them of the fruits 
of their labor. In this inevitable strife of the pioneer with the forces 
of nature the unhappy settlers were reduced to extremity. Many 
died, among them the surgeon of the colony, the wife of Director 
Alricks, and later the Director himself; but the greatest mortality 
was among the children. 

To add to their other misfortunes it was announced, the second 
year, when the sickness was at its worst, and the. failure of the har- 
vest had compelled them to use their seed-corn for food, that the 
Amsterdam Company would no longer supply provisions, as it was 
originally agreed they should, for a certain length of time, to all the 
emigrants ; taxes on their lands, from which it was promised they 
should be free, were exacted; and restrictions upon trade, from which 
they were to be exempt, for a term of years, were to be enforced at 
an earlier period. ‘The stimulus of hope for the future, which might 
have sustained them in their present distress, was taken away; dis- 
content made hunger the harder to bear, and to sickness was added 
despair. 

William Beekman, one of the schepens of New Amsterdam, was 
appointed vice-director over the colony of the Company. Perhaps 
it was impossible that any administration of affairs’ should be satis- 
factory with a people reduced to a condition so wretched ; at any rate, 
between the governors there was no harmony, each accusing the other 
of a want of wisdom, and the colonists sustaining the charges that 
were made against each. ‘Those who could returned to New Nether- 





164 THE DUTCH AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. — [Cuar. VIL. 


land or to Holland; those who by their contracts with the companies 
were bound to remain fled from evils they could bear no longer to 
Maryland and Virginia, or wherever else they could find a refuge. 
The burgomasters of Amsterdam more than once proposed to reconvey 
to the Company their interest in a colony which had become a burden 
and a reproach, for it was said of New Amstel that it gained “ such 
a bad name that the whole river would not wash it out.” 
































































































































































































































































































































































































































Animals of New Netherland (fac-simile from Van der Donck’s ‘' Vertoogh.’’) 


CHAPTER VIII. 


QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 


ORIGIN OF THE Society oF FRIENDS IN ENGLAND.— GEORGE Fox.— His Lire, 
CHARACTER, AND TEACHINGS. — BELIEFS OF THE FRIENDS.— THEIR MANNER OF 
LIFE AND SPEECH. — THE FRIENDS AND THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. — ORIGIN OF 
Name “ Quakers.” — ARRIVAL OF THE First FRIENDS at Boston.— ACTION OF 
THE Boston MaGistratTes. — THE PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS BEGUN. — AC- 
CESSIONS TO THEIR NUMBER. — THE First GENERAL LAWS AGAINST THEM. — RE- 
FUSAL OF Ruope IsLaND TO JOIN IN THIS LEGISLATION. —Mary Dyer. — Ban- 
ISHED FRIENDS RETURN TO Boston. —INCREASED STRINGENCY OF THE Laws. — 
PRocEEDINGS AT New HAVEN AND ELSEWHERE. — THE DeatuH PENALTY IN Mas- 
SACHUSETTS. — CASES OF PERSECUTION. — Mary DYER AND HER COMPANIONS AT 
Boston. — THEIR TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT. — OTHER TRIALS. — INTERFERENCE OF 
THE Kinc.— END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. . 


AFTER the Rey. John Clark and his companion Crandall had been 
punished in 1651, for their visit to Lynn, and the Rev. 4 iin 
Obadiah Holmes had been whipped for the same offence, the [53n5 con- 
church of Boston enjoyed rest for a season. Perhaps the *°Y*™'* 
word enjoyment carries with it a flavor too positive to be associated 
with the men whose temper tasted a fierce delight in controversy, 
and who might therefore be imagined as pining while heresy was in- 
active. At any rate they were not long left without a fresh and 
peculiarly grateful opportunity. This came with the first es. 
appearance of Quakerism in Massachusetts ; and the facts appears in 
must be prefaced by a brief account of the origin and pur- seits.—Its 
port of that form of religion. ict 

In the summer of 1651 Cromwell was getting ready to win the 
battle of Worcester against Scotch Presbyterians, royalists, and 
Charles Stuart. George Fox was lying in the House of 
Correction at Derby, committed, as Justices Bennet and 
Barton said, for the “ avowed uttering and broaching of divers blas- 
phemous opinions contrary toa late act of Parliament.” While there 
in durance he was pestered by Justice Bennett to enlist and take part 
in the coming campaign. There seems always to have been a great 
opinion of his steadiness, power of command, and sway over men. 
The Parliament soldiers were once very angry with him because he 


George Fox. 


166 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuar. VIII. 


declined their offer of a coloneley; and it led to his being thrown into 
a vile hole in a jail. But he would not purchase his hberty of Jus- 
tice Bennett on those terms. ‘I told him that I was brought off 
from outward wars. After a while the constables fetched me up 
again, and brought me before the commissioners, who said I should 
go for a soldier.” Probably a general jail-delivery was going on at 
this time of all promising subjects, debtors and otherwise, not abso- 
lute malefactors, to recruit the army. ‘ But I told them that I was 
dead to it. They said I was alive.” Truly, never was any man 
more so, and more valiant with all the essential qualities of a soldier. 
We shall see that disciples of his brought over his stiffness and heroic 
patience to America. 




















































































































Village Church at Drayton, Leicestershire. 


George Fox was born at Drayton-in-the-Clay, in Leicestershire, in 
ey 1624. His father’s name was Christopher, and the neighbors 
and charac- for good reason called him ‘* Righteous Christer.” ‘The son 
ea George described himself as a grave and staid child, rather 
disliking that lightness and gayety of demeanor which he was always 
disposed to consider wanton. His youth was pure and righteous. 
They tried to make a minister of him, but, like Jacob Behmen, he 
became a cobbler. It was a habit of his to say “ Verily” in all his 
dealings ; so that people said, ‘If George says Verily, there is no al- 


1643. ] GEORGE FOX. 167 


tering him.’ ? At nineteen he was, with a cousin, drinking beer ina 
company which insisted that he who refused to drink healths should 
pay the whole score. Fox refused the wanton drinking, and retired, 
and from that day he broke off all familiarity with his relations, old 
and young, and fell into great despondency and spiritual 
trouble which lasted for some time. ‘I went,” he said, a pene 
‘*to many a priest to look for comfort, but found no comfort eee 
from them.” One of them advised him to get rid of his megrims by 
singing psalms and smoking tobacco. But Fox had neither ear nor 
voice, and took no pleasure in “ drinking the shameful,” as the 
Wahabees style the custom which Raleigh imported into England. 
He went to see a very experienced adviser in spiritual matters, and 
“found him only like an empty hollow cask.” Walking in the garden 
with another minister, imparting the secret ailment to him, he hap- 
pened to put his foot into a flower-bed, whereupon the man of God 
fell into a great rage, and dispensed with the use of consolatory 
phrases. Another minister thought he needed physic and _ blood-let- 
ting, but Fox says that no. blood could come out of him, so dried up 
was his body with sorrow. He avoided Christmas gayeties and mar- 
riage feasts, and began to seek out the company of widows and poor 
persons, to minister to their low estate. 

Walking in a field on a Sunday morning the Lord opened to him 
that a man need not be bred at the University in order to be | 
a minister of Christ. It was anew idea to him; as new as Bighenn i 
it was to the great majority of Englishmen. It struck at the oo 
whole hierarchy of ministers. At another time he was impressed that 
God dwelt in people’s hearts and not in the “ steeple-houses.”” From 
that time forward the sound of the Sunday bells struck at his life “at 
the very hearing of it,’ and he obeyed its summons to go to church 
for the purpose of clearing his conscience to the priest and the parish. 
He fasted, wandered in solitary places, sat with his Bible in hollow 
trees where it was too lonesome for mankind ; walked at night, and 
gave himself up to the workings of that mingled imagination and 
spiritual feeling which he perceived to be the direct working of the 
Lord. ‘I saw the great love of God, and I was filled with admiration 
at the infinitude of it.” “When at any time my condition was 
vailed ” —as it frequently was by the conflict between his old conven- 
tional beliefs and this new spontaneity — ‘‘ my secret~belief was stayed 
firm, and hope underneath held me, as an anchor in the bottom of the 
sea, and anchored my immortal soul to its Bishop, causing it to swim 
above the sea, the world, where all the raging waves, foul weather, 
tempests, and temptations are.”’ 


1 Journal of George Fox, edited by Wilson Armistead. 





168 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VIII. 


Then everything that was carnal and unrighteous was manifested 
to him in this inner light which dawned beyond his ordinary morn- 
ings. And he saw the mountains burning up, “and the rubbish, 
the rough and crooked ways and places, made smooth and plain, 
that the Lord might come into his tabernacle.” People soon began 
Bante to come from far and near to listen to his prophecy. He 
of his dealt largely in symbols, and seemed to be endowed with an 
Ot gk imagination like that of William Blake, the poet and artist, 
who earned, in our time, the reputation of insanity by believing in 
the external reality of his inward visions. Like Blake, Fox had an 
eye which translated into instantaneous solidity the imagery of his 
feeling. Sitting in a friend’s house, he saw there was a great crack 
about to split the earth, and ‘ta great smoke to go as the crack 
went,” and a great shaking to follow the path of the crack. It was 
the earth in people’s hearts. Walking through the main street of 
Litchfield he saw a channel of blood running down, and the market- 
place a pool of blood. Once he met Cromwell riding into Hampton 
Court, and before he came to him he saw a waft of death go forth 
against him, ‘‘and when I came to him he looked like a dead man.” 
No doubt the Protector did so look, about a fortnight before his death 
in 1658, when George Fox met him. 

So John Woolman saw one day “a mass of matter of a dull, 
gloomy color, between the south and the east,’’ and was informed 
that it was the misery of all human beings, and that he formed a 
part of it. Afterward he heard a pure and ravishing voice, as of 
an angel speaking to other angels, and saying, ‘“ John Woolman is 
dead ;”’ but knowing perfectly well that he was alive, he greatly won- 
dered what the heavenly voice could mean. But it meant, “I am 
crucified with Christ, nevertheless I live; yet not I, but Christ liveth 
in me.” It was the death and surrender of his own will. 

No mystics of the Middle Ages ever believed more profoundly than 
The Quaker the early Quakers in that absolute self-abnegation and anni- 
toe tteega- Hilation of the individual which secured to the Divine will 
wep a free course through their souls. This was a prime doc- 
trine of Quakerism. In the strength of it they abjured all personal 
preferences, hazarded the prejudice and wrath of their opponents, 
breathed sweet air in the foulness of dungeons, where they had to lie 
with the mouth close to the crack beneath their cell door, to keep the 
beatified life in their bodies; the doctrine dulled the smart of the 
lash, made the hangman’s noose sit lightly, and soothed the bruises of 
stonings and cudgellings. 

With this lively outwardness of George Fox’s imagination there was 
combined a sense of inward discernment, a spiritual touch for the 


1643.] GEORGE FOX. 169 


moral condition of the people whom he met, which could hardly fail 
in his times to be regarded as haying a supernatural origin. He per- 
ceived that some persons in his congregations were possessed by un- 
clean spirits. He told them so; sometimes they left the 

room, sometimes they were converted to a cleaner life. He oR TOE: 
said that the Lord had given him a spirit of discerning. It She 
is certain that, as in the case of Heinrich Zschokke, the Swiss noy- 
elist and historian, 
who could recall, 
without effort, and 
very much to the 
astonishment of the 
persons implicated, 
their words and 
sometimes the inci- 
dents of their lives, 
never having seen 
or heard of them 
before, but never 
laying claim in con- 
sequence to any pre- 
ternatural gift, — 
so Fox felt the veiled 
presence of irregular 
dispositions. ‘ As 
I was going to a 
meeting,” said Fox, 
‘¢ | saw some women 
in a field, and I dis- 
cerned an evil spirit 
in them; and I was 
moved to go out of 
my way into the 
field to them, and 
declare unto them 
their conditions.” ‘* There came also at another time another woman, 
and stood at a distance from me, and I cast mine eye upon her, and 
said, ‘Thou hast been an harlot,’ for I perfectly saw the condition and 
life of the woman.” This is the test of a soul which is so chastely 
separated from all evil that it detects the lines which evil etches upon 
the face and person, and also feels an unwholesome effluence. It is 
not at all strange that, in those days of witchcraft, and of delusion 
concerning special providences, the people should accredit miracu- 


: 


N/A) 
? 
$4 

v 





Fox reproves the Women. 


170 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VIIL. 


lous power to Fox, of whom certain stories of healing are also re- 

ported. 
Fox’s journal, like Winthrop’s, abounds with cases of judgments 
that befell their enemies and withstanders. For it was a 


Fox’s belief 


ca, mental fashion of the times, belonging to the established 
church as well as to all the sectaries, though specially to 
the Boston Puritans. A rude butcher had sworn to kill Fox, and was 
accustomed to thrust out his tongue whenever a Friend passed him. 
So it fell out that one day his tongue swelled, he never could draw 
it in again, and died so. ‘The judgments against Fox’s enemies were 
so many that they would *‘ be too large to declare. God’s vengeance 
from heaven came upon the bloodthirsty, who sought after blood ; for 
all such spirits I laid before the Lord, and left them to him to deal 
with them, who is stronger than all.” This is not more sombre and 
inconsequent than the ordinary Puritan spirit of the times. 

But the truly characteristic doctrine of the Friends exalts the intu- 
itive feelings, and all spontaneous movements of the mind, above 
et ae scholarship, instruction, Scriptures, and ordinances. This is 
a an inner the true Light which lighteth every man: if so, it antici- 

pates all forms and texts, tries them all, interprets the 
divine Word, and tests the customs of society. When this doctrine 
was so consistently held, as by Fox, it became hostile to the sacra- 
ments of the church, and to the church itself with its hierarchical scale 
of paid clergy; hostile to governments which rested upon force, hos- 
tile to the application of force in any form. It is not at all wonderful 
that Fox’s courageous and persistent logic should have involved his 
life in difficulties, and made it an almost unbroken career of impris- 
onment and contumely. Hireling priests did not like to be withstood 
in their own “steeple-houses ;”’ justices of the peace could hardly 
relish Fox’s superb disdain for their authority, and the cool equa- 
nimity of his answers as he stood before them with his hat on till 
it was knocked off his head. Many a term in jail did he serve to 
gratify the anger of judges excited by a demeanor which was all the 
more aggressive because it was so imperturbable. And he did not 
mince his English: his invective could assume all the power and au- 
thority of Scripture. 

Fox mentions that when he went to Whitehall to speak to Crom- 
well, the Protector did not object to his hat. The early Friends 
loved to use symbolic gestures and fashions. Even modest women 
would sometimes violate their natural feeling and appear in a state 
more or less like that of Godiva when she rode through Coventry, 
because it was so borne in upon them from the Lord, that they must 
protest against the nakedness of ordinances. But these were occur- 


1643.] WEARING THE HAT. 171 


rences of rare fanaticism belonging rather to individuals than rep- 
resenting the whole body of Friends. There were only two ae eee 
or three such cases in Massachusetts, while, on the other ance ot the 
hand, women when publicly whipped were stripped naked outward ore 
to the waist —‘‘shall be stripped naked from the middle 
upwards, and shall be openly whipped until his or her body shall be 
bloody ;”’ were the words of the Enghsh law. The wearing of the 
hat was a symbol of human equality with principalities and powers. 
Even the Almighty could not be honored by uncovering the head. 
Penn wrote,! “The first and most pressing motive upon our spirits 
to decline the practice of these present customs of pulling off the hat, 
bowing the body or knee, and giving people gaudy titles and epithets, 
in our salutations and addresses, was that savor, sight and sense that 
God, by his light and spirit, has given us of the Christian world’s 
apostasy from God, and the cause and effects of that great and lam- 
entable defection.” 

That is the moral ground of the first protest of the Friends, and 
the just explanation of those habits and manners for the acer 
sake of which they endured with humility such scorn and ill- AG 
treatment. Said Penn, “ honor was from the beginning but 
hat-respects, and most titles are of hate.” George Keith, a contem- 
porary of Fox, and for a time a disciple, till he lapsed and took 
orders, ridiculing the fashion of uncovering the head, wrote, ‘“* The 
preachers in Germany, and especially at Hamburgh — which I have 
seen with my eyes — use such gross partiality in their salutations, that 
commonly they have two caps under their hat ; and the poor, except 
extraordinarily, they pass by without any notice; to others they doff 
the hat; others more rich in the world, they salute with doffing 
the hat and one of the caps; and to those whom they most honor, or 
rather flatter, they doff the hat and both caps. What degrees of par- 
tiality are here!”” George Fox said, “ Do not the very Turks mock 
at the Christians in their proverb, saying that ‘the Christians spend 
much of their time in putting off their hats, and showing their bare 
heads to each other.’ ”’ 

The plain garb and the plain speech well became the righteous 
dissent of plain livers and spiritual thinkers from the eis aress 
world’s hypocrisies. The Quakers assumed the plain garb *™*" 
of a uniform color in order to be clothed in a daily protest against the 
gayly slashed doublet, the ribbon-knots, rapier, and trunk-hose which, 
as it all went ruffling through the streets of England, seemed to them 
to be an anti-symbol to their own, and to express the folly, dissolute- 
ness, and subservience of the times. Samuel Fothergill wrote to a 


1 No Cross No Crown, Am. ed., pp. 83, 85, 91, 92. 


172 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIII. 


young man ‘* who had laid aside the dress of the Society, and with it 
some of the moral restrictions which it imposed: ‘If thou hadst ap- 
peared like a religious, sober Friend, those companions who have ex- 
ceedingly wounded thee, durst not have attempted to frequent thy 
company. If thou hadst no other inducement to alter thy dress, I 
beseech thee to do it to keep the distinction our principles lead to, 
and to separate thee from fools and fops. At the same time that by 
a prudent distinction in appearance thou scatterest away those that 
are the bane of youth, thou wilt engage the attention of those whose 
company will be profitable and honorable to thee.’ ” 

Plainness of speech — theeing and thouing — was as tenaciously 
their man. Ueld to as the plainness of apparel.’ But Fox’s suit of 
aed leather, which subjected him to so much ridicule, seems to 

have been assumed by him in no spirit of ostentatious 
meanness, but because he found it more convenient on those inces- 
sant journeys which he took from place to place to deliver his mes- 
sage. It was also a protection against the foulness and dampness of 
the numerous cells which he tenanted ; for if there was one hole in 
the jail more loathsome than the rest, the jailer might be depended 
upon to put Fox in it, and not only Fox, but many a brave, pro- 
testing woman, who had been delicately reared, to whom foul air was 
as poisonous as hireling doctrine. 

The Friends did not subject themselves to persecution merely 
Reasons for because they insisted upon speaking in the established 
the Quakers’ Churches. It was not unusual at that time, and the min- 


dissent from 
the Estab- ister would sometimes accord the favor even to women who 


lished 


Chureh. signified a desire to address his congregation after the close 
of service.2. Nor was an interruption of the sermon by some remark 


1 This mode of address seemed to have some peculiar aggravation in it. People hated it 
worse than the doctrine. They would cry, “ Thou me! thou my dog! If thou thouest me, 
II] thou thy teeth down thy throat.” (Penn’s Preface to Fox’s Journal.) And Fox wrote, 
“Oh, the storm, heat, and fury that arose; oh, the blows, punchings, beatings, and impris- 
onments that we underwent, for not putting off our hats to men! Some had their hats 
violently plucked off and thrown away, so that they quite lost them. The bad language 
_ and evil usage we received on this account is hard to be expressed ; besides the danger we 
were sometimes in of losing our lives for this matter.” 

2 “ But have there not been women among the Presbyterians, who have spoke in the pres- 
ence of many, both men and women, of their experiences of the things of God? I sup- 
pose T. M. may have heard of Margaret Mitchelson, who spoke to the admiration of many 
hearers at Edinburgh as concerning her experience, in the time of Henry Rogue, preacher 
there, who is said to have come and heard her himself, and to have given her this testimony 
(being desired to speak himself), that he was to be silent when his Master was silent (mean- 
ing Christ in that Presbyterian woman). ‘There is a relation of her speeches going about 
from hand to hand among professors at this day ; and I myself have heard a Presbyterian 
woman speak in a meeting of Presbyterians, which were a church or convention of men and 
women. Yea, hath not T. M. in such meetings, and consequently in assemblies of churches, 
invited some woman to speak and pray, and declared solemnly (whether he did it merely 


1643.] THE FRIENDS AND THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 1p: 


of dissent unprecedented in those heated times when all men’s minds 
were so occupied with the discussion of religious matters; and for this 
an arrest was seldom made. The Puritan in America could not con- 
sistently prevent that custom of speaking in meeting which he used to 
indulge in the old country. But the trouble lay less in the desire of 
the Quaker to free his conscience in the ‘ steeple-houses ” than in the 
substance of the message. It was also frequently couched in Anglo- 


















































































































































Swarthmore Hall. Residence of George Fox. 


Saxon of terrific emphasis. Ministers could hardly brook the invec- 
tive, particularly when it was directed against the paying py. uakers 
of tithes. George Fox held a meeting of his own at Car- {Yiniishea 
lisle one day, the Abbey haying been granted to him for 
the purpose. After the meeting, a Baptist pastor, “a high notionist, 
and a flashy man, came to me, and asked me, ‘ what must be damned.’ 
I was moved immediately to tell him, ‘that which spoke in him was 
to be damned.’ This stopped his mouth.” 

A vigorous episode to divine service oceurred in a Yorkshire steeple- 
house. The preacher had chosen a most unfortunate text for himself, 


‘ 
in his ordinary customary way of complimenting, that is best known to himself).that he was 
edified thereby 4 And if some of those women formerly in that respect so much applauded 
by T. M. be of those that now open their mouths in the Quakers’ meetings, how comes it 
now to be Popish and heretical, more than in the days of old when T. M. did use to fre- 
quent the chamber conventicles, unless that he now hath forgotten these, because fear hath 
made them out of fashion with him?” — George Keith’s Quakerism no Popery. Excerpt in 
Southey’s Common-Place Book. 


174 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuar. VILL 


‘* Ho, every one that thirsteth, come ye to the waters, and he that hath 
no money, come ye, buy and eat; yea, come, buy wine and milk, with- 
out money and without price.” Fox could not wait to hear the ser- 
mon through. ‘ Come down, thou deceiver! Dost thou bid people 
come freely, and take of the water of life freely, and yet thou takest 
three hundred pounds a year of them? Mayest thou not blush for 
shame, etc.”” The preacher was so confounded at the closeness of this 
message that he left the pulpit, went out, and Fox spoke to the peo- 
ple. Such primitive evangelism touched the pocket too closely to be 
long tolerated. 

There was a meeting at Leicester for a dispute in the church, at- 
tended by all kinds of sectaries, the minister of the parish being in 
the pulpit. When he checked a woman who desired to speak, Fox 
was wrapped up, ‘as in a rapture, in the Lord’s power, and I stepped 
up and asked the priest, ‘ Dost thou call this a church? Or dost thou 
call this mixed multitude a church?’ For the woman asking a ques- 
tion, he ought to have answered it, having given liberty for any to 
speak. But instead of answermg me, he asked me what a church 
vox'eaenm, W2S! I told him, the church was the pillar and ground of 
tion of the truth, made up of living stones, living members, a spiritual 

household, which Christ was the head of ; but he was not the 
head of a mixed multitude, or of an old house made up of lime, stones, 
and wood. This set them all on fire; the priest came down out of 
his pulpit, and others out of their pews, and the dispute there was 
“marred.” That sentence furnishes us at once with the pith and the 
offence of Quakerism. And here is one more paragraph to illustrate 
the interior states and processes of the early Friends. ‘ One morn- 
ing as I was sitting by the fire, a great cloud came over me, and a 
temptation beset me; but I sat still. And it was said, ‘all things 
come by nature ;’ and the elements and stars came over me, so that 
I was in a manner quite clouded with it. But as I sat still, and silent, 
the people of the house perceived nothing; and as I sat still under it, 
and let it alone, a living hope arose in me, and a true voice, which 
said, ‘there 7s a living God who made all things. And immediately 
the cloud and temptation vanished away, and life rose over it all ; my 
heart was glad, and I praised the living God.” 

How pure and sweet is the tone, and so different from that of the 
Ranters of that period with whom the Quakers were unjust- 
ly identified. Of them but short notice need be given. 
Probably the reports of their extravagant and indecent do- 
ings found their way over to Boston, and helped to confirm the minds 
of elders and magistrates against the Quakers when they appeared.! 


The Ranters 
not allied 
with the 
Quakers. 


1“T have a collection of several Ranters’ books in a thick quarto,” says Teslie, “and 


1643.] FOX AND THE RANTERS. 175 


But the Quakers disowned the Ranters. Fox said that he heard of 
persons who were imprisoned on account of their religion. 44. ana the 
Of course he went to visit them. ‘ And as I walked toward Bes. 
the jail, the word of the Lord came to me saying, ‘ My Love was al- 
ways to thee, and thou art in my love.’ And I was ravished with the 
sense of the love of God, and greatly strengthened in my inward man. 
But when I came into the jail, where the prisoners were, a great power 
of darkness struck at me, and I sat still, having my spirit gathered 
into the love of God. At last these prisoners began to rant, and va- 
pour, and blaspheme, at which my soul was greatly grieved. They 
said they were God; but we (the Quakers) could not bear such 
things. After I had reproved them for their blasphemous expressions, 
I went away; for I perceived they were Ranters.” 

Speaking at another time of some noted Ranters, he shows the true 
sobriety of his own spiritual motions. “I was in a fast for about ten 
days, my spirit being greatly exercised on truth’s account; for James 
Milner and Richard Myer went out into imaginations, and a company 
followed them. This James Milner and some of his company, had 
true openings at first, but getting into pride and exaltation of spirit, 
they ran out from truth.” 

And here is his first notice of the notorious James Naylor, who re- 
vived in England some of the worst extravagances of Munzer and 
the German Anabaptists. ‘“ The night we came to Exeter, I spoke 
with James Naylor, for I saw he was out and wrong, and. so was his 
company.’ “ The next day I spoke with James Naylor again; and 
he slighted what I said, and was dark, and much out; yet he would 
have come and kissed me. But I said, ‘since he had turned against 
the power of God, I could not receive his show of kindness.’” Al- 
luding to another set of people who had been cast into jail, he said, 
‘though they were Ranters, great opposers of Friends, and disturbers 
of our meetings, yet in the country where they came, some people 
that did not know them, would be apt to say they were Quakers.” 

Fox’s dealings with the deluded Ranters, and the explicit testimony 
left by him and his closest followers, quite overcome the scandal 
which migrated to America and set the minds of the chief men 
against Quakerism. Ann Hutchinson, whose principles sprang from 


though I am pretty well versed with the Quaker strain, I took all thesesauthors to be Qua- 
kers, and had marked some quotations out of them, to show the agreement of the former 
Quakers with the doctrine which their later authors do hold forth ; till, showing this book to 
a friend who knew some of them and had heard of the rest, he told me they were Ranters, 
and that I could not make use of these quotations against the Quakers.” This was writ- 
ten frankly enough, by a determined and bitter foe of Quakerism. But, after conceding 
the point, he hopes to cancel the concession by contradicting himself ; “but though I can- 
not do it? —7. e., make use of the quotations — “in the sense I intended, yet it may serve 
to better purpose, viz., to show the agreement ’twixt the Ranters and the Quakers.” 


176 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIII. 


the same root as Fox’s, had a fairer hearing. But the clearness of 
Fox’s tone on this vexed subject reminds us of his experience when 
he was in jail at Carlisle under a brutal jailer. ‘“ While he struck 
me, I was made to sing in the Lord’s power; and that made him rage 
the more. Then he fetched a fiddler, and brought him in where I 




















































































































a ie 











iia 
/ \ \tirnwmaay i 
q alee ty al \ 

































































Fox in Prison. 


was, and set him to play, thinking to vex me thereby ; but while he 
played I was moved in the everlasting power of the Lord God to sing ; 
and my voice drowned the noise of the fiddle, and struck and con- 
founded them, and made them give over fiddling and go their way.” 
The Friends were first called Quakers by Justice Bennet of Derby, 
orien op  W_ 1650, because Fox bade the people tremble at the word 
fhe) mapier: of the Lord. The first use of the epithet in the records of 
parliament was made in the Journal of the House of Com- 

mons for 1654. Whenever Fox appeared the ery went abroad, * The 


1656. | THE FIRST FRIENDS IN BOSTON. 177 


9 


man in leather breeches is come ;’ 
ministers. 

One of the most interesting notices which we have of Fox is con- 
nected with his enforced visit to London in 1654 as a prisoner, when 
-he was lodged at Shakespeare’s and Ben Jonson’s old tavern of the 
Mermaid, whence he wrote a paper to Cromwell against the drawing 
of a carnal sword. It was a document of the principle of non-resist- 
ance which has always been cherished by the Friends. Soon after he 
was brought before the Protector at Whitehall, and made a 4. efore 
great impression by his speaking, Cromwell, it is said, being Cte™vel: 
moved to tears, and desiring to know him more intimately. Then 
he was brought into a hall where the gentlemen of the palace were 
gathered for the noonday meal, and was invited to dine with them. 
‘¢T bid them let the Protector know, I would not eat of his bread nor 
drink of his drink. When he heard this, he said, ‘ Now I see there is 
a people risen and come up, that I cannot win either with gifts, 
honors, offices, or places, but all other sects and people I can.’ It 
was told him again, ‘that we had forsaken our own, and were not 
likely to look for such things from him.’”’ 4 

This was the style of the people whose sufferings symbolized the 
same sentiment in New England. Even before they came, 4 sisal of 
New England held them in dread. In May, 1656, the Gen- (V0 
eral Court of Massachusetts appointed a day of humiliation, ®°'°™ 
“to seek the face of God” on behalf of England, ‘abounding with 
errors, especially those of the Ranters and Quakers,’? — whom they 
thus confounded. ‘Then there came two months later to Boston, Mary 
Fisher and Anne Austin, having shipped for that port at Barbadoes. 
This easternmost of the West India islands, first colonized by the Eng- 
lish in 1625, seems to have been a refuge and starting-point for various 
opinions. ‘The Quakers were not molested there. Henry Fell, an 
eininent minister of the Society, writing to Margaret Fell, who after- 
wards married George Fox, mentions the refreshing meetings that 
were held freely over the island, and adds, “ Truly Mary Fisher is a 
precious heart and hath been very serviceable here: for here are many 


and it was a grievous salute to the 


1 Thomas Elwood, the loving friend of John Milton, describes himself as having once 
been “free, debonair and courtly.” But he became in habit and discipline a strict convert 
of Quakerism. He first copied out Fox’s journal for the press. Here is his portrait of 
Fox: “Graceful he was in countenance, manly in personage, grave liz gesture, courteous 
in conversation, free from affectation in speech or carriage: a severe reprover of hard and 
obstinate sinners; a mild and gentle admonisher of such as were tender and sensible of 
their failings; not apt to resent personal wrongs ; easy to forgive injuries, but zealously 
‘earnest where the honor of God, the prosperity of truth, the peace of the church, were con- 
cerned ; very tender, compassionate, and pitiful he was to all that were under any sort of 
affliction; the common butt of all apostates’ envy ; whose good, notwithstanding, he ear- 
nestly sought.” 


WOOL is 12 


178 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VII. 


people convinced of the truth, who meet together in silence, in three 
several places in the island.” 4 

Mary Fisher was born in 1623. We find her convinced of Qua- 
kerism, and addressing a congregation after service at Selby, 
in 1652. For this she underwent imprisonment in York Cas- 
tle for sixteen months. In the autumn of 1653 she, with a female 
companion, preached to the Cambridge students ‘at Sidney College 
gate.’ ‘The mayor interfered, and they were taken to the market- 
cross and soundly whipped, because they despised the sacraments and 
the ministry. Mary Fisher was the first member of the Society who 


Mary Fisher. 


Pinan 





was publicly whipped. She was 
three times imprisoned before 
1655, when she found her way to 
the West Indies. In 1660 she was 
impressed to visit ‘Turkey and have 
an interview with the Sultan Mo- 
hammed IV. She found him at 
Adrianople, and was kindly received 

by him, and was everywhere through the East well treated. Of her 
numerous toilsome journeys by sea and land to bear her testimony we 
need not speak. She was unmarried at the time of her arrival in 
Boston; but Anne Austin was the mother of five children, and well 
advanced in years. 

When it was known that Simon Kempthorn, master, had these two 
Spats pestilent women on board his vessel, Bellingham, the Dep- 
melee uty Governor, Endicott being absent, refused to let them 

land; their baggage was searched and all their books and 
tracts confiscated. And at a council which was held July 11, 1656, 


Mary Fisher before the Sultan. 


1 Bowden’s //istory of Friends in America, i., 37. 


1656. | ACTION OF THE MAGISTRATES. bbyes 


the following order was issued, which deserves to be put upon the his- 
torical record : — 

‘Whereas, there are several laws long since made and published in 
this jurisdiction, bearing testimony against heretics and erroneous 
persons ; yet, notwithstanding, Simon Kempthorn of Charlestown, mas- 
ter of the ship Swallow of Boston, hath brought into this jurisdiction, 
from the island of Barbadoes, two women, who name themselves Anne, 
the wife of one Austin, and Mary Fisher, being of that sort of people 
commonly known by the name of Quakers, who upon examination are 
found to be not only transgressors of the former laws, but to hold very 
dangerous, heretical and blasphemous opinions; and they do also ac- 
knowledge that they came here purposely to propagate their said errors 
and heresies, bringing with them and spreading here sundry books, 
wherein are contained most corrupt, heretical and blasphemous doc- 
trines, contrary to the truth of the gospel here professed among us. 
The Council, therefore, tendering the preservation of the peace and 
truth, enjoyed and professed among the churches of Christ in this coun- 
try, do hereby order: First, that all such corrupt books as shall be found 
upon search to be brought in and spread by the aforesaid persons, be 
forthwith burned and destroyed by the common executioner. Secondly, 
that the said Anne and Mary be kept in close prison, and none ad- 
mitted communication with them without leave from the Governor, 
Deputy Governor, or two magistrates, to prevent the spreading their 
corrupt opinions, until such time as they be delivered aboard some ves- 
sel, to be transported out of the country. Thirdly, the said Simon Kemp- 
thorn is hereby enjoined, speedily and directly, to transport or cause 
to be transported the said persons from hence to Barbadoes, whence 
they came, he defraying all the charges of their imprisonment; and 
for the effectual performance hereof, he is to give security in a bond 
of £100 sterling, and on his refusal to give such security, he is to be 
committed to prison till he do it.”’ 

This is the first legislation of Massachusetts against the first Qua- 
kers who ever reached the colony. The root of heresy was the same 
in all sectaries: it was an assertion of the individual conscience and 
the right of private interpretation. Since the days of Ann Hutch- 
inson of the nimble tongue and distracting wit, the magistrates in- 
stinctively felt that any setting up of private reason was likely to turn 
out so far irrational as to defy their politics as well ds their religion. 
But it was rather hard upon Simon Kempthorn, who innocently gave 
passage to these two formidable women, and had to pay their expenses 
in jail and carry them back again. It was a judicious hint to all 
shipmasters to be more cautious in assorting their cargoes for the 
future. 


180 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VII. 


The two women were transferred to Boston jail, and the window of 
their cell was boarded up to prevent intercourse with the 
inhabitants; for the same reason they were deprived of 
writing materials. Their persons were stripped and exam- 
ined for the supposed signs of witchcraft, but fortunately there was not 
a birth-mark, sear, or mole to be discovered, otherwise they might 
have gone the way of Governor Bellingham’s own sister-in-law. 


Anne Austin 
and Mary 
Fisher im- 
prisoned. 






























































































We know not for 
what reason the 
magistrates forbade 
them to be fur- 
nished with provisions. Not only the 
jailer but the citizens were cautioned not 
to feed them. But Nicholas Upshall, a 
erave and righteous citizen of Boston, a 
strict Puritan, but inclined to dispense 
with the ceremonies of his own church, 
was much attracted by the arrival of these 
women. When the new law was proclaimed by beat of drum before 
Upshars iS door, he uttered a protest, desiring to wash his hands 
peta. Of such a transaction.. The magistrates cited him to appear 
ing them. before them. He warned them to take heed lest they be 
found fighting against God. For a conclusive reply to that they 
fined him £20, imprisoned him four days, ordered him out of the 
































Upshall's Protest. 


1656. ] PERSECUTION BEGUN. 181 


colony in thirty, and fined him £3 additional for each absence from 
worship during that time. His real offence was in giving the jailer 
privily five shillings a week to provide food for the prisoners. He 
was a weakly and delicate old man. Late in the autumn he took wife 
and children and proceeded on his exile, first to Sandwich in the Plym- 
outh colony, whose magistrates, hoping to emulate the zeal of Boston, 
forbade any one from receiving him. But the prescript of nature 
proved stronger than the one that was issued by warrant, and for 
awhile he found shelter and succor. ‘The governor at Plymouth tried 
to get him within his power, and issued a warrant for his appearance 
there. Upshall pleaded ill health ; the inhabitants would not permit 
the constable to take him on the warrant. When, however, the next 
year opened, the Governor’s pressure was so great that the good people 
of Plymouth were forced to send him forth into the wilderness. At 
last he found his way to Newport. While wandering the Indians fed 
and sheltered him: one of them said ‘* Come and live with me and I 
will make you a good warm house.”’ Another chief reflected, “* What 
a God have these English, who deal so with one another about their 
God!” 

The Indians naturally pitied the men who were the victims of a 
system which also encroached upon themselves. Apart from ere 
that, they always appear to have found some temper in the and the In- 
Quaker which enlisted their native sense of justice and ary 
drew forth a feeling of brotherhood. When, for instance, Christopher 
Holder and a companion “felt it required of them” to leave Rhode 
Island for Martha’s Vineyard, the Governor of that island hired an 
Indian to take them away, to be paid for the service by the Friends 
themselves. ‘The Friends not having a clear call to do this, refused 
to go. ‘The Governor insisted that the Indians should remove them. 
The natives declined this office of the constable, and kept the Friends 
for several days during stormy weather, treating them with the ut- 
most hospitality. The Friends offered to pay them, but they refused, 
saying, * You are strangers — we are taught to love strangers.” So 
John Taylor travelled alone among Indians, holding meetings with 
them in the woods, exhorting and teaching, always welcomed with 
kindness, and finding the best in the wigwams at his disposal. And 
John Woolman, also, many years afterward, preaching to Indians in 
Pennsylvania through interpreters, received kindly. treatment and 
hearing ; one of the chief men said, *‘ I love to feel where words come 
froin sf 

After five weeks’ imprisonment Mary Fisher and her companion 
were put on board the Swallow to be returned to Barbadoes, the 


1 Fox’s Journal, ii., 115, 169. Woolman’s Journal, 112. 


182 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VIII. 


jailer confiscating their beds and Bibles for his fees. On the whole 
this was good fortune for the women; for Endicott, who was absent, 
hearing of this comparative lenity, avowed, ‘‘ If I had been there I 
would have had them well whipped.” } 

Hardly was the Swallow out of sight when a vessel from London 
fh ease A Carns into the harbor, with eight Friends aboard: ‘ four 
othe 1 from London and four from Bristol; pretty hearts; the 

blessing of the Lord is with them, and his dread goes before 
them.’? When, as usual, the captain submitted a list of his passengers 
to the Governor, and it was learned that eight of them were Friends, 
officers went on board with a warrant, “to search the boxes, chests, 
and trunks of the Quakers for erroneous books and hellish pamph- 
lets,” and to bring the Quakers before the court. Four of them were 
women. After a long examination upon their belief. in God and the 
Scriptures, they were sent to jail. The examination was renewed 
the next day, the Friends declining to reply, and simply asking for 
the reason of their arrest. Endicott only deigned to say, ‘* Take heed 
ye break not our ecclesiastical laws, for then ye are sure to stretch by 
Their treat. @ halter.’”’ They were sentenced to be returned by isthe 
tend same vessel which brought them, and to be kept in jail till 
it was ready to sail. The jailer received an order to search their 
baggage as often as he saw fit. The master of the vessel was ordered 
to give bond in the sum of £500 to take them to England at his own 
cost! This at first he refused to do, not being conscious of any 
infraction of law; but he thought better of it after a few days in 
prison. After lying in jail for eleven weeks, during which their 
bedding and most of their effects were seized, to discharge the Jailer’s 
fees, they were put thus stripped and unprovided for on board the 
vessel. Some of the inhabitants, touched with pity and indignation, 
redeemed their goods, so that they reached London in comparative 
comfort. 

All these proceedings were so clearly arbitrary and illegal, and the 

discontent of the people was so marked, and even threaten- 


The first ° 3 
general law IN, that the magistrates took measures to procure the sanc- 


kasinNew tion of law for future proceedings. So in July a letter was 
eosin’. addressed to the commissioners of the four Confederate Col- 
onies, who were about to meet at Plymouth, asking that they would 
grant authority for framing a particular law against Quakers and 
heretics. Procuring this, a law was passed at a General Court in 
Boston, October 14, 1656, enacting that any master of any kind of 
craft who should bring Quakers to New England should be fined 

1 Bowden’s History of Friends in America, i., 36. 

2 Caton’s collection of MS., quoted by Bowden. 





1657. | MARY DYER AND ANNE BURDEN. 183 


£100, in default of payment to be imprisoned till the money was 
forthcoming: that he should carry them back, or upon refusing be 
imprisoned till he consent; that any Quaker who might arrive should 
be committed to the house of correction, be severely whipped, kept at 
constant labor, and forbidden from communication and discourse with 
any one; that whoever should import Quaker books, or “ writings 
concerning their devilish opinions,” shall be fined £5 for each book 
or pamphlet ; that whoever should undertake to defend those writings 
and opinions shall be fined for the first offence forty shillings, for the 
second, £4; if they continue in that way they shall be put into 
jail till there be an opportunity to convey them into banishment ; and 
that whoever should revile the persons of magistrates and ministers, 
after the fashion of the Quakers, shall be whipped, or pay £5. 

This law was adopted by the four federate colonies, and Rhode Isl- 
and was urged to do the same; but the Assembly replied that they 
could not undertake to punish any man for declaring his eee 
mind with regard to religion; that no doubt the Quakers and refused 
were very inconvenient, and their doctrines disorganizing ; er a 
but that they seemed to court controversy, and persecution, and that 
the better policy would be to let them alone. ‘* These people,” they 
said, begin to loathe this place for that they are not opposed by the 
civil authority,” —a psychological law which was beyond the compre- 
hension of the Massachusetts Puritans. Roger Williams afterwards 
endeavored to get rid of Quakerism by challenging their Society to a 
public disputation. It lasted several days, and ended to the satisfac- 
tion of both parties, each being convinced of a triumphant refutation. 
Williams wrote “ George Fox digged out of his Burrow,” and Fox 
replied with “ A New-England Firebrand quenched, being an An- 
swer to a lying, slanderous Book by one Roger Williams, confuting 
his blasphemous Assertions.”’ 

But the bit of parchment on which the law was engrossed could not 
keep Quakers out of New England. Early in 1657, Mary 
Dyer and Anne Burden sailed into the Bay. Mary Dyer eee y 
—a woman “of a comely and grave countenance, of a good prea 
family and estate, and a mother of several children” — belonged to 
Rhode Island, but came this time from England. So also did Anne 
Burden, to collect.some debts contracted in Boston to her husband 
now deceased. They had both been disciples of Ann, Hutchinson, and 
banished on that account. Of course they were immediately arrested 
and strictly confined. Anne Burden pleaded lawful business, but only 
received for reply that she was a plain Quaker and must abide the 
law. After three months of suffering she was transferred tc ship- 
board. Some pitying citizens collected a portion of the money due to 


184 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [CHap. VIII. 


her, and invested it in goods that would find a market in Barbadoes, 
hoping that she might be carried thither. The magistrates refused 
this, and sent her to England, advising the reluctant master to get his 
pay out of her goods. He was bold enough to decline; whereupon 
the magistrates distrained her goods to cover her passage money, and 
ordered that the remainder should not be shipped. This act of deli- 
cate consideration robbed the widow of everything but six shillings, 
which a debtor slipped into 
om her hand. Mary Dyer’s hus- 
a band, William Dyer, the sec- 


retary of Rhode Island, came 


















to take his wife home; and 
the magistrates held him in 
a heavy sum not to stop with 
her in any town of the colony, 
and not to allow any person 
to speak with her on the way. 
Nothing but intense bigotry 
could inspire such abject 
dread. 


While Anne 


Burden was 








thus sailing 
back to Eng- 
land, ‘six “of 
the eight 
Friends who 
had been 
banished 
were fully 
impressed 
that their 
duty was to 
return. At 
the same 
time five others agreed to join them. Of these eleven persons four 
were women. What conviction, deep as the human heart, must have 
rested in these persons, who knew to a certainty the reception they 
would meet. No vulgar love of notoriety, or itch to invite persecu- 
tion, sent them bearing their testimony across stormy seas. ‘‘ They 
were,” wrote William Dewsbury to Judge Fell’s wife Margaret, ‘in 
their measure, bold in the power of God: the life did arise in them.” 
The little, uncomfortable vessel sailed from London in April, 1657, 








Departure of Anne Burden. 





1657. ] BANISHED FRIENDS RETURN. 185 


and in consequence of rude weather put into Southampton, whence 
William Robinson also wrote to Margaret Fell: “ Dear Sister, my 
dear love salutes thee in that which thinks not ill, which was before 
words were, in which I stand faithful to him who hath ealled us, 
and doth arm us against the fiery darts of the enemy, even in the 
fear and dread of the Almighty. I know thee and have union with 
thee though absent from thee.” 

Robert Fowler, who built the little vessel and proposed to carry its 
cargo of Quakerism across, has left an interesting account, 
entitled, ‘“* A True Relation of the Voyage undertaken by me the banLeA 
Robert Fowler, with my small vessel called the ‘ Woodhouse’ ; hers, 
but performed by the Lord, like as he did Noah’s Ark, wherein he 
shut up a few righteous persons and landed them safe, even at the hill 
Ararat.”’ His crew, besides himself, consisted of two men and three 
boys. While he waited in Southampton for a fair wind, he says, ‘ the 
ministers of Christ were not idie, but went forth and gathered sticks, 
and kindled a fire, and left it burning.” He was, of course, all 
through the voyage in the mood to attribute his own tact and seaman- 
ship to the Lord. Several escapes were due to divine intervention. 
«The sea was my figure, for if anything got up within, the sea with- 
out rose up against me, and then the floods clapped their hands.” ‘* We 
see the Lord leading our vessel even as it were a man leading a horse 
by the head.” In two months the little vessel landed its passengers 
at New Amsterdam, five of them waiting there, while the rest, taking 
passage again, reached Rhode Island. Of these, Mary Clark felt im- 
pelled to go to Boston. It is singular what keenness on the trail of 
Quakerism the magistrates possessed. She was arrested, and impris- 
oned after a severe whipping, inflicted with a three corded whip, “ laid 
on with fury.” 

We have already mentioned Christopher Holder, who went to Mar- 
tha’s Vineyard. He was one of Fowler’s passengers. The Indians 
put him ashore at Sandwich, much to the confusion and dismay of that 
settlement. Thence he and a companion found their way to Plym- 
outh. A warrant was issued against them ‘‘as extravagant persons 
and vagabonds.”” A man at whose house they held a meeting was 
fined ten shillings, and they were reconveyed to Rhode Island. 

Now Boston became seriously alarmed at the influx of Quakers into 
Rhode Island, which became a kind of port for repairing and iy Sit 
refitting, whence Quakerism could sally out to desolate the Boston at 
land. Commissioners sent a remonstrance to the Governor of Quaker 
of that colony, dated September 12, 1657. It contained a mart 
rague menace in these words: ‘*We apprehend that it will be our 
duty seriously to consider what provision God may call us to make 


186 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIII 


to prevent the aforesaid mischief.” The General Assembly of Rhode 
Island, meeting in January, 1658, returned a prudent reply, but it was 
based upon the statement that ** freedom of different consciences, to be 
protected from enforcements, was the principal ground of our charter ” 
— ‘which freedom we still prize as the greatest happiness that men 
can possess in this world,” and more noble words of like import, em- 

bedded in which was the politic proposition to refer all difh- 
sei'aci il culties that might arise from the presence of Quakers to the 
sioners’ pro. SUpreme authority of England. A letter was also dispatched 
ars to the agent of the colony in England, stating that ‘‘ for the 
present we have no just cause to charge them (Quakers) with the 
breach of the civil peace.” The agent was instructed ‘* to have an eye 
and ear open, in case our adversaries should seek to undermine us in 
our privileges granted to us, and to plead our case in such sort as we 
may not be compelled to exercise any civil power over men’s con- 
sciences, so long as human orders, in point of civility, are not cor- 
rupted and violated, which our neighbors about us do frequently 
practice, whereof many of us have large experience, and do judge 
it to be no less than a point of absolute cruelty.” Sweet and solid 
words, showing that the Rhode Islanders were capable of appreciating 
Friends, and fit to protect and entertain them. 

In the mean time Holder and Copeland felt a call to go to Salem, 
ee is where they arrived in July, 1657. They made converts. 
Copeland go there, though when Holder attempted to speak after service 
cathee sinithe meeting house, he was held violently down by the hair 
and a glove and handkerchief thrust into his mouth. A man, Samuel 
Shattock, whose feelings were shocked into a conviction of the truth of 
(Juakerism, interfered. He was arrested with the two Friends and 
sent to Boston. After the usual subtle and protracted examination, 
the Friends were sentenced to receive thirty lashes each. The execu- 
tioner, with that notorious three-corded and knotted knout which was. 
used: on these religious occasions, ** measured his ground and fetched 
They are his strokes with all his might.” Then with lacerated flesh 
tonandpun. they were sent to jail, without even straw to lie upon, and 
sees kept for three days without food. There they remained nine 
weeks. Shattock was released on bail to answer afterward. Two 
other sympathizers, Lawrence and Cassandra Southwick, were also 
arrested ; Cassandra was kept seven weeks in jail. Another member 
of the party of eleven was discovered in Dedham: he received thirty 
lashes and was sent to prison to join his friends. 

During Holder’s confinement he wrote a Declaration of Faith, and 
also a paper setting forth the unscriptural nature of the persecution 
against Friends. ‘This so enraged the magistrates that, at the instance 


1657.] INCREASED STRINGENCY OF LAWS. 187 


of Endicott, they resolved that all Quakers who were then in prison 
should be soundly thrashed twice a week, to begin with fifteen lashes 
and add three each time! 

But all this starving, this compendious brutality and flourishing of 
whips, availed nothing. Already there were many secret converts. It 
was plain that the first law of 1656 failed to keep foreign Quakers out 
of New England, and threatened to create native ones. Then, with 
curious short-sightedness, the men— whose historical vista was crowded 
with images of the pillory, the branding-iron, the whipping-post, the 
ear-shears, from whose expansive cruelties they had escaped beyond the 
sea — concluded to repeat the experiment which they had proved to be 
a failure by outliving and subduing it. Another law was 4 jew jaw 
passed in August, 1657, in effect as follows: that whoever P** 
shall bring into the jurisdiction, or cause to be brought, any member 
of the ‘cursed sect”? of Quakers, shall forfeit £100, and be put in 
jail till the money is paid: that whoever shall entertain or conceal a 
Quaker, or other blasphemous heretic, shall forfeit forty shillings for 
every hour of such entertainment, and be imprisoned till all the reck- 
oned forfeitures are paid; that every male Quaker who shall presume 
after commitment by the previous law to come into the jurisdiction 
shall have one ear cut off and be kept in jail till a chance occurs to 
get rid him; that for a second offence the other ear shall be cut off, 
and he “kept at the house of correction as aforesaid ;” that every 
woman Quaker, previously committed, who shali appear again, shall 
be severely whipped, and kept in the house of correction till she can 
be sent away ‘“‘at her own charge;” that every Quaker, “he or she,” 
who shall offend for the third time shall have the tongue bored with 
a hot iron and then be kept at hard labor in the house of correction 
until they can be got rid of “at their own charge.” And further- 
more it is ordered, ‘* that all and every Quaker, arising from amongst 
ourselves, shall be dealt with and suffer the like punishment as the 
law provides against foreign Quakers.” ‘“ You are to take with you 
the executioner’? —runs a warrant to the marshal, signed Edward 
Rawson, Secretary, in pursuance of this law — ‘and repair to the 
house of correction, and there see him cut off the right ears of John 
Copeland, Christopher Holder, and John Rous, Quakers.” 

Endicott’s private and illegal luxury of having the imprisoned 
Quakers whipped twice a week so shocked and excited ‘the inhabitants 
that the heretics had to be discharged. The new law was read to 
them, and they were exiled from the colony. 

A growing popular sympathy for the Friends appeared also in 
Plymouth, and drove the magistrates into an imitation of the Boston 
method. A law was passed that no person should entertain a Quaker 


188 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIIL 


under a penalty of five pounds for each offence, or to be whipped 
for it. If he could declare on oath that the person entertained was 
not known by him to be a Quaker, he would be free of the penalty. 
It would be superfluous to mention each individual case of suffering 
oi ae and persecution of members of the Society, and to dwell upon 
at New its features. In fact the cases were too numerous for that. 
ve In New Haven a key was tied in Humphrey Norton’s mouth 
to prevent his speaking ; he was sentenced to be whipped in the stocks, 


























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Norton's Punishment. 


to be branded in the hand with the letter H for heretic, to be fined 
ten pounds, and to be banished. Every detail of this sentence was 
carried out with an alacrity and heartiness that disgusted the bystand- 
ers. Norton had no money, but a Dutch settler paid his fine and 
prison fees. Afterwards Norton and a companion venturing to visit 
Plymouth, the authorities, baffled in their efforts to convict them on 


1658. ] THE DEATH PENALTY IN MASSACHUSETTS. Lay" 


the charge of heresy, laid a trap by demanding of them to take the 
oath of allegiance. ‘This, George Fox would never do; and no Friend 
after him could be induced to recognize thus a carnal authority. Nor- 
ton and Rous were both severely whipped. The barbarous action 
made converts among the spectators. 

And so the ineffectual work of the colonial authorities went on. 
Women were stripped for a whipping; one of them was whipped 
with a lately born babe clinging to her breast; the record of fining, 
starving, imprisoning, banishing, and miscellaneous cruelty becomes 
monotonous. ‘The whole spirit and disposition of the sufferers were 
so prayerful, so forgiving, so lifted apparently beyond the reach of 
pain, yet so resolved to endure unto the end, that a pro- | 
found impression was made upon the people. But the mag- the Friends 
istrates, though secretly alarmed at this, showed no sign Brie 
of relenting, but rather sought to stamp out the rising sympathy by 
redoubled severity. Meetings of Friends sprang up in many towns, 
and notably the largest gatherings were made in places where the 
application of the law had been severest. And all these people refused 
henceforth to attend the regular public worship. 

Something more decisive must be done. ‘The ministers, with John 
Norton at their head, persuaded the magistrates to pass @ whe aeath 
law holding the penalty of death over Quakers once banished, Penh 
The law, however, was only passed by the accident of the *ug par 
absence of a deputy who was ill. He was a deacon, but Ker Mas 
would have voted against it. Hastening to the Assembly '* 
he besought that his vote might still be received. The magistrates, 
however, had procured what they wanted, and were in no humor to 
gratify the deacon. This Massachusetts law was passed October 20, 
1658. It also included a provision for imprisoning sympathizers, pub- 
lishers of Quaker opinions, truants from church assemblies, attendants 
upon Quaker meetings, and also for banishing obstinate recusants upon 
pain of death. 

But what shall we say of the action of the General Court in the 
ease of the two children of Lawrence and Cassandra South- ye case of 
wick? Their parents had been banished under penalty of {ie Povir 
death. The children, who stayed behind in extreme poverty, “ 
could not pay the fine levied on them for non-attendange upon regular 
worship. That fine must somehow be paid; and this was the way that 
Massachusetts men expected to secure their pound of flesh, — namely, 
under this order: ‘*‘Whereas, Daniel Southwick and Provided South- 
wick, son and daughter of Lawrence Southwick, absenting themselves 
from the public ordinances, having been fined by the courts of Salem 
and Ipswich, pretending they have no estates, and resolving not to 


190 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuap. VIII. 


work, the Court, upon perusal of a law which was made upon account 
of debts, in answer to what should be done for the satisfaction of the 
fines, resolves, That the treasurers of the several counties are and shall 
be fully empowered to sell the said persons to any of the English na- 
tion at Virginia or Barbadoes, to answer the said fines.’ This brother 
and sister, 1t was hoped, might bring ten pounds each, and the treas- 
ury incur no loss. But let it be remembered that there was not a 
sea-captain in the port of Boston who would turn slave-dealer to suit 
the General Court. One of them objected that such passengers 
would spoil the ship’s company. Of that the officer assured him he 
need have no fear, for, he said, ‘ They are poor, harmless creatures, 
and will not hurt anybody.” ‘ And will you” —was the sailor’s 
retort — ‘‘ offer to make slaves of such harmless creatures?” So the 
children lingered in their poverty till a more favorable opportunity 
might offer. 

Later an attempt was made to dispose of a mature person in the 

same way, who was fined for non-attendance on public wor- 
eyarer ship, and was too poor to discharge it. Again no vessel could 
a ae be found to transport him to a market. Notwithstanding 
these hints of the popular displeasure, the General Court drafted its 
intention into a law, as follows: ‘ That all children and servants and 
others, that for conscience sake cannot come to their meetings to wor- 
ship, and have not estates in their hands to answer the fines, must be 
sold for slaves to Barbadoes or Virginia, or other remote parts.” 
Thus the record stands. 

But if death be a darker and more piteous fate than slavery we shall 
now see the record darken. About the middle of April, 1659, Wil- 
lam Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson arrived in Boston, under a 
deep feeling of religious duty, to protest against the intolerance of rulers, 
It was a day of public fast, and the two Quakers attended church and 
tried to address the people. They were of course arrested and thrown 
into prison. Two other Quakers, Nicholas Davis and Patience Scott, 
who were in Boston at the same time, were also arrested and put in the 
same prison. Davis came to Boston on business ; but Patience Scott, 
a remarkable child, only eleven years old, had come from Providence 
where her parents lived, thinking that she had a message of the Spirit 
to bear. After an imprisonment of three months, at her examination 
she conducted herself with such discretion, and a wisdom far above 
her years, as quite to baffle the magistrates, who could not help admir- 
ing her. It would not do to banish such a child, so the Court consid- 
ering that“ Satan is put to his shifts to make use of such a child, ” 
ordered her to be sent home. 

In the guileless earnestness of children there was an appeal which 


1659.] QUAKERS IMPRISONED. 191 


even those stern, hard men could not always resist. Mary Wright, 
a child of thirteen or fourteen years, whose sister had been banished 
from Massachusetts, found her way from Long Island to Boston that 
she might warn the magistrates to desist from the persecution of the 
innocent. She appeared before the court and delivered her message. 
“« This saying so struck them at first, that they all sate silent.”! Per- 
haps some of them were thinking when and where it was said — 
‘of such are the Kingdom of Heaven.” But Secretary Rawson was 
quick to discern this unwonted mood. ‘** What!” he cried out, “shall 
we be baffled by such a one as this? Come, let us drink a dram !” 


































































































Mary Dyer, who had 
been turned out of Bos- 
ton in 1657, hearing of 

fee Friends in prison, felt 
Eat Wileneia eon: momen ae divinescall. tov visit 

them. Very soon, by 

a warrant for her arrest, they all met under one roof. Their aa ns 
examination occurred in September, and they were sentenced arrest of 
to banishment under the penalty of death. Robinson re- Iler banish- 
buked the Court in terms so galling to its pride that he was 2a 
gagged with a handkerchief; and when he persisted, the Court, in a 
rage at his astonishing perversity, had him taken out, stripped to the 
waist, and well whipped. 

Davis and Mary Dyer went home. Robinson and Stevenson, under 
an impression of religious duty, went to Salem, where they held meet- 
ings in the woods, which many of the inhabitants attended. Thence 
they went to Portsmouth. While this was going on, Mary Dyer 


1 Sewel’s History of the Quakers. 


192 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuar. VIII. 


could have no peace of her soul unless she returned to Boston to visit a 
Friend in prison. She was recognized and arrested. Soon Robinson 
and Stevenson appeared in Boston ; coming through Salem a party of 
Friends, four of whom were women, joined them, and the sad journey 
was made. One of the women * brought linen to wrap the dead bodies 
of those who were to suffer.” The Salem people understood the tem- 
per of Endicott. They were all arrested; Robinson and Stevenson 
were chained in a separate cell. “There were now,” says Bowden, 
‘no less than seventeen persons in the jails of Boston for professing 
(Juakerism.”’ 

The three banished ones were brought before the General Court. 
Great was the embarrassment of the magistrates, for indeed 
of Robin- they shrunk from inflicting the death penalty. The prison- 
soa ers all said that they returned in obedience to a divine call. 

For that day they were remanded to jail. Next day, how- 
ever, John Norton preached, and gave the magistrates a piece of his 
cruel and unrelenting mind; and putting the cases of the Quakers on 
the ground of the public danger and the damnable injury done to the 
salvation of souls, he so stiffened up the Court that Endicott, still with 
some misgiving which, it was said, was betrayed in his voice and on 
his face, managed to pronounce sentence of death on the three. He 
recovered his tone when the superb tranquillity of Mary Dyer nettled 
him, and he cried, “ Take her away.” ‘“ Yea, joyfully shall I go,” she 
said. 

The 27th of August, the day appointed for the execution, was a 

sermon day in Boston ; and while John Wilson was keeping 

for thelr up the spirits of his hearers to the standard of the gibbet, a 

great crowd of amazed and sympathizing people gathered 

at the prison. Robinson exhorted them from a window till an officer 

came in and thrust all the Quakers down-stairs and locked them into a 

room. A company of soldiers could not prevail upon the crowd to 
disperse. 

Now the procession starts for Boston Common, with a great force 
of soldiers ; the drummers receive instructions to rattle vigorously if 
the Quakers should try to speak, which several times they did. Said 
Mary Dyer Mary Dyer, ‘* This is to me an hour of the greatest joy I 
reprieved. ever had in this world. No ear can hear, no tongue can 
utter, and no heart can understand, the sweet incomes and the re- 
freshings of the Spirit of the Lord which I now feel.” Surely there 
was nothing feigned or fantastic in her feeling. So lofty was the 
strain of her soul that when at the last moment she was reprieved, 
she seemed reluctant to accept the fresh lease of life. 

Robinson was the first to suffer; and even that penalty did not 


1660. ] MARY DYER. 193 


exempt him from insult from Wilson, the minister. ‘ We suffer,” he 
said, “ not as evil doers, but as those who have testified and __ 
manifested the truth.” Wilson interrupted him, ‘ Hold thy andere 
tongue — thou art going to die with a lie in thy mouth.” ler 
Then came Stevenson, who simply said, “ Be it known unto you all, 
this day, that we suffer not as evil doers, but for conscience sake.” 
How strange it is that the tone of these men did not: remind magis- 
trates of the early apostolic days. No— those lay dead and buried 
in their Bibles. 

Mary Dyer stood by and calmly saw these bodies dangle, waiting her 
turn. The rope was adjusted, her clothes tied around her feet, for the 














Mary Dyer led to Execution, 


General Court is decent. At the last moment the cry of her reprieve 
came sounding across the Common, extorted by the pleadings of her 
son; and Wilson will have to wait awhile. The government would 
not incur the expense for coffins; the bodies were stripped and thrown 
into a pit unburied, in spite of the remonstrance of many people. 

Mary Dyer was only reprieved for two days. But at the end of that 
time the magistrates saw that it would be more prudent to banish her 
again, and she returned alone to Rhode Island. 


The usual effect followed of a propagation of Quaker sentiment. 
VOL. II. 13 


194 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. (Cuae. VII. 


Several people were fined, imprisoned, and whipped in consequence. 
en) The other Quakers in the prison were also whipped and dis- 
these meas- Charged. Some of them refused to pay their prison fees, 
phe but there were plenty of aggrieved and compassionate citi- 
zens to undertake that charge. 

Then Mary Dyer returned again to Boston, as it was required of her, 
she said, to finish her sad and heavy experience in that bloody town. 
She came in March, 1660. ‘* Are you the same Mary Dyer that was 
here before?” asked Endicott. ‘*I am the same Mary Dyer,” she 
answered, ** that was here the last General Court.” A letter soon 
followed from her husband, who was not a Quaker, to Governor En- 
dicott. It contained a touching appeal that the life of his wife might 
be preserved. ‘If her zeal be so great as thus to adventure, oh, let 
your pity and favor surmount it, and save her life.” ‘I only say 
this, yourselves have been, and are, or may be, husbands to wives: so 
am I, yea, to one most dearly beloved. Oh, do not deprive me of 
her, but I pray give her me once again, Pity me! I beg it with 
tears, and rest your hnmble suppliant.”’ 

But Endicott asked — ‘* You will own yourself a Quaker, will you 

not?” ‘IT own myself to be reproachfully called so,” was 
reseatencead her answer. Then the Governor pronounced the sentence of 
Tae death against her before the General Court. ‘* This,” said 
she, “is no more than thou saidst before.” ‘* But now it is to be ex- 
ecuted: therefore prepare yourself for nine o’clock to-morrow.” And 
as she spake concerning the motives for her return, Endicott impa- 
tiently ordered her away. So next day, with a strong body of sol- 
diers, for fear of the people, and with drummers before and behind 
to drown the dreadful, accusing voice, she reached Boston Common 
again. ‘There she refused to purchase her life at the expense of not 
performing her present mission from the Lord. She declined the 
prayers of any elder; this was offered gratis to her. Wilson called 
Her execu. Ott to her not to be so deluded by the devil. . ‘‘ Nay, man, 
iD I am not now to repent,” she answered. Some one taunted 
her with having said that she had been in Paradise. ‘* Yea, I have 
been in Paradise several days,” Then came the end. ‘She did 
hang as a flag,” said one of her judges scoffingly, ‘‘ for others to take 
example by.” 

In this year monthly meetings of the Society were set up in many 
places in New England. Quarterly meetings were established a few 
years later. 

William Leddra was a banished Quaker who dared to return in the 
same year. Early in 1661 he was brought before the Court, bound 
with chains to a log which he dragged behind him. His examination 


1661. ] END OF THE PERSECUTION. 195 


swarmed with trivial questions and absurd replies to his responses. 
But the court tried to persuade him to recant his opinions and save his 
life. ‘‘ What! join with such murderers as you are! Then py ccution of 
let every man that meets me say, Lo, this is the man that 1. 
hath forsaken the God of his salvation.” So on a day when a sermon 
was to be delivered he was sentenced to be executed. After the con- 
clusion of it he too found his way to Boston Common, and died there 
as tranquilly as his predecessors. 

This was the last execution in Boston for cause of religious opinion. 
A great many Quakers were still languishing in prison ; sae 
among them was Wenlock Christison, a returned banished eae 
Quaker, and hable to be hanged. He happened to return on 
the day that Leddra was sentenced and entered the Court at the mo- 
ment of pronouncing the sentence. His presence struck dumb the 
magistrates. But he was soon brought to the bar, briefly questioned, 
and sent to prison. On the day when Leddra was hanged, he was 
brought to the bar again, the magistrates hoping to frighten him into 
a recantation. They offered him that or death. He preferred the lat- 
ter, in such a style of speech and sweetness of temper as greatly to con- 
fuse his persecutors, which being noticed by Endicott much disturbed 
him. He was remanded until the next General Court, when a strong 
minority appeared against the death penalty; but Endicott passion- 
ately sentenced him. And he prophesied: “If you have power to 
take my life from me, the which I question, I believe you shall never 
more take Quakers’ lives from them. Note my words.” Sure enough ; 
and they were notable ; for about this time the news of the Restoration 
reached Boston, and there was no Cromwell of any name to pene 
countenance the doings of the Puritan. This, coupled with tion. The 
the growing anger of the people, led to a general jail delivery ghee 
of Quakers, including Christison. A new law was passed, ie: 
substituting for the death penalty banishment on pain of a whipping 
from town to town; and several were so treated. Josiah Southwick 
—an elder brother of the two children who were sentenced to be sold 
as slaves — said, on hearing his sentence, “ Here is my body; if you 
want a further testimony to the truth I profess, take it and tear it in 
pieces ; it is freely given up; and for your sentence I matter not. It 
is no more terrifying to me than if ye had taken a feather and blown 
it in the air.” Then he was whipped through Boston, Roxbury, and 
Dedham, and cast off into the wilderness. 

It seemed advisable to enlighten Charles II. upon the opinions and 
practices of the Quakers, to make it appear that they were of ay aaaress 
such a nature as to justify the General Court in its exercise '°'?* S% 
of the late severities. An address was prepared and sent to the King, 


196 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIII. 


setting forth the necessity of extreme measures against those enemies 
of religion and government. The Friends in London furnished the 
King with a counter-declaration which took up severally the charges 
in the address, and showed how unlikely to be true they were, and 
how contrary to the principles of the Society. A book, entitled “ New 
England Judged, written by a Friend, giving a minute account of the 
persecutions in the colony,” was also put into the hands of the King, 
who was particularly struck by a passage that reported remarks by a 






























































Shattock's Commission. 


and complain to the Parliament; and the next year they will send to 
see how it is; and the third year the government is changed.” 
Whether or not. this was accurately repeated, it had a great effect 
upon the King. ‘ Lo, these are my good subjects of New England, 
but I will put a stop to them.” And when about this time the news 
of the execution of William Leddra reached England, it was plain to 
the Quakers that they might count upon the royal interposition. 

At the personal solicitation of Edward Burrough, a prominent and 


1661.] THE KING’S ORDER. 197 


influential member of the Society, the King put into his hands an 
order “To our trusty and well-beloved John Endicott, Esq., oyartes in. 
and to all and every other the governor or governors of our frhows to 
plantations,” etc., commanding them to forbear to proceed tens: 
any further against their prisoners, but to send them over to England, 
with the charges against them. With excellent policy and fine irony 
the order was entrusted to Samuel Shattock, a Quaker, banished under 
penalty of death; the Society hired a vessel and sent him over with 
dispatch. 

It was a pardonable and not unnatural weakness in Shattock if he 
felt"some satisfaction when he came into the presence of En- 
dicott with his hat on and that order in his pocket. The Rene the 

: : : King’s order 
captain of the vessel, also a Quaker, accompanied him. En- to Enaicott. 
dicott ordered Shattock’s hat to be removed, and was pro- BPE 
ceeding to make the old brutal interrogations preparatory to sending 
him to prison, when Samuel presented his credentials and the order. 
A sight of the Governor's face at that moment might have atoned for 
a good deal of persecution. In his amazement he handed back Shat- 
tock’s hat to him, and took off his own in deference to the presence of 
the King’s authority, then slowly read the papers. He withdrew 
awhile to collect himself, then took Shattock with him to the Deputy 
Governor, Bellingham. After a brief conference with him, Endicott 
simply said, ‘‘ We shall obey his Majesty’s commands.” 

But should the prisoners be sent to England? That would be to 
send loud and swift witnesses against their own doings. How, then, 
should the exigency be met? Simply by not having any prisoners ! 
William Salter, keeper of Boston jail, was at once ordered to release 
and discharge all the Quakers in his custody. 

When soon after John Norton, the minister, and Simon Bradstreet 
were sent as commissioners to England to assure the King of yyccon of 
the loyalty of Massachusetts — which there was good reason }oronan' 
for doubting — the question of the treatment of the Quakers ‘ Ps" 
was one pretty certain to confront and trouble them. They were met 
in London by Friends, among them John Copeland, whose mutilated 
ear was a swift witness against them of the trials and persecutions he 
and his fellows had suffered in Boston. George Fox himself was pres- 
ent at this conference, and questioned the Commissioners so closely 
that they soon became confused. William Robinson’s father, who 
was not a Friend, might, it was suggested, institute an investigation 
as to the death of his son. Some there were who proposed that the 

Jommissioners should be held personally responsible for the persecu- 
tion of Friends in Massachusetts. When the Commissioners returned 
to Boston and they were received with marked ill-favor because their 


198 QUAKERISM IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cuap. VIII. 


mission was less successful than it was hoped it would be, the disap- 
pointment and chagrin was supposed to have caused Norton’s death. 
At any rate he soon died suddenly, and this was of course accepted 
by the Quakers as a judgment. 

But when the magistrates found that the feeling against them was 
abating, and that no warrant would be lkely to issue from 
England, they revived their exercises against the Quakers, so 
far as to have them whipped whenever they could be found 
delivering their message. Men and women were tied to the cart’s 
tail and scourged from town to town; and this happened also in New 
Hampshire, which then belonged to the jurisdiction of the Bay. Three 
women preaching in Dover were driven thus from constable to con- 
stable through several towns, receiving ten lashes in each town. ‘This 
was in December, 1662, and the season was inclement also. Two 
bystanders who expressed commiseration were clapped in the stocks. 
In Cambridge a woman. was thrown into the jail without food, and 
nothing to he upon. <A Friend brought her some milk; he was fined 
five pounds and put into the same jail. The woman was whipped 
through three towns. She returned several times to Boston, and was 
whipped each time. The last occasion happened in 1665, on the day 
when Endicott was buried. She attended the funeral, and making, 
probably, some unpalatable remarks, was imprisoned. She was then 
sixty-five years old. 

The cases of these persecutions are too numerous to mention singly, 
and they all have a revolting sameness. ‘They lasted ten 
years, and did not come to an end until the King, offended 
by the prohibition of Episcopacy and of the reading of the 
Liturgy, issued sharp injunctions. ‘Io Massachusetts he said, * It is 
very scandalous that any person should be debarred the exercise of 
his religion, according to the laws and customs of England, by those 
who were indulged with the liberty of being of what profession or 
religion they pleased.” To Connecticut he sent, “* All persons of civil 
lives might freely enjoy the liberty of their consciences, and the wor- 
ship of God in that way which they think best.” So it came to pass 
that Quakerism conquered a life in New England. 

“We own,” wrote Penn from his cell in Newgate, — “* we own Civil 
Ane Government, or Magistracy, as God’s Ordinance for the pun- 
aaa ishment of Evil-doers and the praise of them that do well; 

and though we cannot comply with those laws that prohibit 
us to worship God according to our Consciences, as believing it to be 
His alone Prerogative to preside in matters of Faith and Worship, 
yet we both own and are ready to yield Obedience to every Ordinance 
of Man relating to Human Affairs and that for Conscience-sake.” 


Severities , 
against the 
Friends re- 
vived. 


Further in- 
structions 
from the 
King. 


1661. ] PENN’S STATEMENT OF DOCTRINE. bes 


Through long years of suffering and tribulation this was the unvary- 
ing rule of the Friends. So even and self-possessed was their temper 
that it was only in rare instances that outrage and hardship provoked 
some ill-balanced disciple to extravagance and fanaticism. ‘To con- 
ceit,” wrote Penn when a prisoner in the Tower of London, “that 
men must form their Faith of things proper to Another World by 
the Prescriptions of mortal Men, or else they can have no right to 
eat, drink, sleep, walk, trade, be at liberty, or live in This, to me 
seems both ridiculous and dangerous.” + Eminent common sense like 
this was united, in them, with a noble courage and a power of en- 
durance which nothing could overcome. They disobeyed human law 
only in obedience, as they believed, to the divine law, taking the con- 
sequences without resistance. Prisons, loss of worldly estate, scourg- 
ings, mutilations, the rage of mobs, ruin and persecution in every form, 
were visited upon them in the blindness of an intolerant age. But it 
was only by the Puritans of Massachusetts that they were hanged. 
1 Select Works of William Penn. 


CHAPTER IX. 


VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND UNDER THE COMMONWEALTH. 


RetTuRN oF Sir Joun Harvey To Vireinta. —His New ADMINISTRATION. — Suc— 
CEEDED BY Wyat.—Srir WiILLIAM BERKELEY APPOINTED GOVERNOR. — THE 
PurRITANS AND ROYALISTS OF VIRGINIA. — LAWS AGAINST THE ForMER. — INDIAN 
INSURRECTION IN 1643. — DEATH OF OPECHANCANOUGH. — GROWTH OF THE COLONY. 
— EMIGRATION OF CAVALIERS TO AMERICA. — SURRENDER OF VIRGINIA TO THE 
PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONERS. — REDUCTION OF MARYLAND. — CHARACTER AND 
CAREER OF WILLIAM CLAYBORNE.— ATTEMPTS OF LORD BALTIMORE TO RETAIN 
MAarYLAND. — GOVERNOR STONE’S PROCEEDINGS. — FIGHT ON THE SEVERN. — THE 
CONTROVERSY ENDED. — RESTORATION OF BERKELEY IN VIRGINIA. —New Laws 
UNDER THE RoyaL GOVERNMENT. — SLAVERY.— THE Topacco TRADE AND THE 
Navic ition Act. — NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN INTERESTS. 




























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Falls of the James. 


WHEN in 1635 the Virginia Assem- 
bly and Council — moved thereto by 
the troubles with Maryland — sent Sir 
John Harvey to England to answer for xetum of 
the part he had taken in those troubles, [ert 
n the king declared that he should go back ‘78™"* 
again to rule over the insolent colonists, if it were only for a day.! 
The threat was made good, and within two years Harvey returned, 
bringing with him as colonial treasurer, Jerome Hawley, one of Cal- 
vert’s first councillors, and Richard Kemp as colonial secretary. 


15 Vol. i.,*p. 504. 

















1642. | HARVEY, WYAT, AND BERKELEY. 201 


Both men were fit coadjutors for Harvey, who showed in his con- 
duct of affairs for the next two years the same overbearing temper 
which before had made him so obnoxious. The records of his new 
administration are meagre, for he permitted no assembly to be called, 
and took all power into his own hands, except so far as he chose to 
share it with the treasurer and secretary. In the differences between 
Maryland and Virginia his sympathies were unchanged. Hawley, he 
permitted, while still treasurer and councillor of Virginia, to sit as a 
member of the Maryland Assembly of 1637-8, — that Assembly which 
tried Thomas Smith for piracy and murder, and condemned him to be 
hanged for acting as second in command to Warren in the fight be- 
tween him and Cornwallis;! and which passed, at the same time, a 
bill of attainder against Clayborne, and pronounced a forfeiture of all 
his property in Maryland. 

Kemp was also the friend of Lord Baltimore, and soon became 
equally unpopular with Harvey and Hawley ; for there was no abate- 
ment of feeling among the Virginia people as to the Maryland con- 
troversy. The official acts, however, which made the secretary dis- 
‘liked, are not so well remembered as that be built the best brick 
mansion-house in the colony, and that it was ‘“ the fairest ever known 
in this country for substance and uniformity.” 

Harvey’s administration continued for about two years only, when 
Sir Francis Wyat succeeded him for the two years follow- _ 

5 . S. A Wyat suc- 
ing. The best known of all the Virginia colonial governors, ceeds Har- 
— whose occupation of that office was the longest, and the ©” 
events of his administration the most important and interesting of 
that period, —Sir William Berkeley, followed Wyat, arriving at 
Jamestown early in 1642. 

His appointment was popu- ) 

lar and his reception enthu- Mean / 

siastic, though there was /U ec 
nothing in his instructions 
to warrant the hope of any 
change for the better in the government of the colony. Indeed, so far 
as the royal orders differed at all from those which had been given 
to preceding governors, they were inimical to the best interests of the 
colony in proposing some new regulations in regard te the trade in 
tobacco. The Governor, however, seems not to have given offence by 
any serious attempt to enforce a royal command, which, a few years 
later, became an imperative law in the far more stringent and inju- 
rious measures of the Navigation Act of the Long Parliament. 

But no shadow of coming trouble darkened the beginning of Berke- 

1 Vol. i., p. 507. 


Signature of Berkeley. 


202 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [CHap. IX. 


ley’s administration. The Assembly was soon convened, and entire 
ete. harmony was assured between the royal governor and the 
Berkeley  COlonial legislature. One of its first acts was to send a protest 
Dirt eabe England against a project to revive the old charter and 
reéstablish the old Company. Against so unpopular a measure Goy- 
ernor, Assembly, and councillors were cordially united. The proposi- 
tion had been urged upon Parliament by George Sandys and others, 
and «a petition in its favor had even been sent forward from Virginia, 
signed, however, by only a few persons. The Assembly remonstrated 
with great earnestness, contrasting the condition of the colony when 
under the rule of the Company, with its condition when delivered 
from that rule. The king gave a prompt and positive assurance that 
there should be no change. 

Charles was at York when he sent this answer. The remonstrance 
to which it was a reply was full of assurances of the loyalty of Vir- 
ginia and of devotion to his own person. He was, at that moment, 
arming for the struggle which was to cost him his throne and his 
head, and this interchange of cordial feeling probably helped to con- 
firm that fidelity to the royal cause which Virginia, alone of all the 
colonies, maintained to the last. 

There was, nevertheless, a growing Puritan, as well as a Royalist 
party in Virginia, and hostility between the two soon made itself man- 
ifest. In New England religious zeal had often determined purely po- 
litical measures ; in Virginia the order was reversed ; political causes 
produced the first decided action ever taken in the colony upon the 
question of religious observance. Up tothe time of Berkeley the laws 
for enforcing conformity to the Church of England were practically a 
dead letter. But the Puritan was now a political as well as a relig- 
ious dissenter. A royalist province, ruled by a governor whose devo- 
tion to the king had the earnestness of a religious faith, was ready to 
resort to any measure for the punishment of disloyal citizens. 

In March, 1643, the Assembly enacted that ‘for the preservation of 

the purity of doctrine and unity of the church,” ... . ‘all 
tanspere- ministers whatsoever, which shall reside in the colony, are 
bee to be conformable to the orders and constitutions of the 
Church of England and the laws therein established ; and not other- 
wise to be admitted to teach or preach, either publicly or privately ; 
and that the governor and council do take care that all non-conform- 
ists, upon notice of them, shall be compelled to depart the colony with 
all convenience.” 

In the preceding year a number of Puritans living in Virginia had 
begged of the Boston elders that ministers might be sent to them from 
New England. In accordance with this request three Massachusetts 


1643. | PERSECUTION OF THE PURITANS. 203 


clergymen had gone down to Jamestown, and had been settled over 
goodly congregations in different parts of the province. This was 
not without objection from the authorities, though they were com- 
mended by the government of Massachusetts to that of the sister 
colony. But it was enough for the preachers that they found “ the 
hearts of the people much inflamed with desire after the ordi- 
nances.”’ 

It was upon these men and their churches that the Assembly’s pro- 
hibition, speedily reinforced by a proclamation from the Governor, fell 
with its first force. Their congregations were broken up; and though 
for a time (according to Winthrop) “ the people resorted to them in 





Innit TT Nyt Th) 7 Til 1 ini litliitl 
\ \ | | | Wail 
| HU | | | \ | WT | 
| iI | \I) VI! 
































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































private houses to hear them,” they 
soon returned to Massachusetts. 
The congregations themselves were 
soon dispersed, some passing the 
Maryland border to become there ere long a cause of serious dissen- 
sions; others taking refuge in New Netherland. It was only the most 
stout: hearted that remained, hoping for Parliamentary successes in 
England to ameliorate their condition. Such successes, indeed, were 
already near, and Marston Moor was soon to lend new courage to 
American as well as to English Puritans. “ 

Hardly a twelvemonth had passed, however, after the passage of 
the Act of March, 1648, when there came upon Virginia 
that sudden and terrible calamity of which Winthrop says, with the 
many, even of Virginia, were forced to give * glory to God ie 
in acknowledging that this evil was sent upon them from God for their 
reviling the gospel and those faithful ministers he had sent among 





Breaking up of a Puritan Meeting. 


204 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


them.” For twenty years the peaceful relations between the English 
and the natives had been, for the most part, unbroken. But the 
great massacre of 1622 was remembered as a fearful era in the history 
of the colony, and the more exposed settlements never forgot to be 
cautious nor ceased to be anxious at the approach of any large body of 
savage guests or traders. Not long before the coming of Sir William 
Berkeley, some Indian outrages upon some of the frontier farms, and 
an increase of theft and treachery among the natives who hung about 
the villages, increased the general apprehension and mistrust. The 
Assembly, at length alarmed, as these signs of coming trouble grew, 
declared in 1645, that “no peace”? should be maintained with the 
Indians, and that they should be treated as enemies. ‘Thus made an 
outlaw, a savage might anywhere be shot by the whites with im- 
punity. 

It was an ill-judged and cruel measure, certain to give fresh inten- 
Insurrection Sity to the longing for vengeance among the Indians, already 
under Ope- alarmed and exasperated by the increasing encroachments 
ee of the white men upon their hunting-grounds. They knew 
that a great war was waging among the English at home; they saw 
that the colonists were divided among themselves ; and their venera- 
ble chief, Opechancanough — over whose head had passed nearly a 
hundred winters — summoned them to rid the land of their hated 
enemies. 

On the 18th of April, 1644,! an attack planned with all the cunning 
that had everywhere distinguished Indian massacres, was made upon 
the outlying settlements, and from three hundred to five hundred of 
the English slaughtered. For some unexplained reason, but prob- 
ably the sudden recollection of the sharp vengeance that would be 
sure to overtake them, the Indians were seized with a panic. The 
massacre ceased when it had barely begun; the savages hurriedly 
retreated to the woods before even an attempt at resistance had been 
made. 

The blow was a terrible one; yet in the condition the colony had 
now reached, it was light as compared with the similar outbreak of 


twenty-two years before. Such a calamity, in a province of more’ 


than thirty years’ standing, well-organized for defence and with rulers 
prepared to act promptly, was a different matter from the annihila- 
tion of a great part of a struggling settlement of scattered planters, 
under the unpopular and inefficient government of a feeble Company. 
Sir William Berkeley turned upon the savages with all the forces of 


1 The date of the massacre is only guessed at by the older historians —some of them 
putting if in one year, and some in another ;— but it is fixed by Winthrop’s Journal, ii. 
165, and Savage’s note, and by Hening’s Statutes for 1645. See also Campbell, 203. 


1644. | OPECHANCANOUGH. 205 


the colony ; and after driving them from one point to another, severely 
punishing all such as could be actually met in battle, he suc- 4. j< taxon 
ceeded, with a troop of mounted men, in capturing Opechan- P™sene- 
canough himself and bringing him in triumph into Jamestown. 

The Indian king was altogether broken and enfeebled by his great 
age. He hardly lived, except in that vigor of will and in that hostil- 
ity to his English foes which could end only with his life. He could 
no longer walk; his captors carried him in a rough litter made of 
branches. Partial paralysis had robbed him of his strength; he could 
not even unclose his eyes to look about him at the people who came 































































































































































































in 


if 


ws —_ 














Death of Opechancanough. 


crowding around his bed. ‘Those who attended him were accustomed, 
when he asked it, to lift up his eyelids so that his rapidly failing sight. 
could show him what was passing; but, with true savage stoicism, he 
seldom made the request, and passed the greater part of his time in 
an apparent stupor. He was imprisoned in the town, and it was said 
that Berkeley intended taking him to England, to show the English a 
man who had been for years the terror of their colony. But he had 
hardly been placed in confinement when one of his guards, perhaps 
irritated by some remembered injury, wantonly shot the 
wretched prisoner through the back,! giving a wound that 
soon proved fatal, and saved the dying savage the misery of a death 
away from his own country. As he lay dying—the tradition runs — 


His death. 


1 Beverley, 57. Burk, ii., 53, note. 


206 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


he asked for the last time that his eyelids should be raised ; and look- 
ing dimly at the crowd about him, said indignantly to the Governor, 
that had it been his fortune to have taken Sir William Berkeley pris- 
oner, ‘he should not meanly have exposed him as a show to his 
people.” 

Opechancanough was the last of the great chiefs who ruled in abso- 
lute and undivided sovereignty over the confederation of Virginian 
tribes which had formerly called Powhatan their king. His successor, 
Necotowance, after two years of unavailing warfare, made formal sub- 
mission to the whites by a treaty in the autumn of 1646. From that 
time Virginia suffered, like other colonies, only from the hostilities of 
scattered tribes, or from the sudden raids of independent bands, never 
from a great organized attack of a whole savage nation, aroused, as 
Opechancanough had aroused them, by the hope of a complete exter- 
mination of the strangers. 

In the early summer of 1644, Sir William Berkeley sailed for Eng- 
land for a year’s visit, and left Richard Kemp as his deputy in charge 
of the province. It was a time when an Englishman of property and 
influence at home —a courtier and a soldier, as well as a member of 
a family which had every interest at stake, — could hardly sit quietly 
in his colonial governorship, and watch from beyond seas the conflict 
for life in which his king and his brothers were fighting. The storm 
of the Civil War was sweeping over his own county of Gloucester- 
shire when Berkeley reached it; and before he returned again to 
Virginia -- to which he seems to have hurried back with the convic- 
tion that he could serve the king better there than in the field, — 
the battle of Naseby had been fought, and the royal cause was lost. 
There was little leisure now in the Parhament for any attention to 
colonial affairs ; in the four years that followed, the American prov- 
ince was left to govern itself in its own way. It could hardly have 
had a better ruler than the vigorous cavalier Governor. 

These four years saw an unusual addition to the population of the 
Growth of COlony — unusual both in numbers and in character. Ata 
‘hecolony. time when emigration to New England had greatly fallen 
away, — the English Puritans seeing a better day in their own land 
and having few of the old motives to leave it, — precisely opposite 
reasons brought to Virginia companies of royalists whose fortunes the 
war had wrecked, or who had with difficulty saved a little competence 
from the impending ruin. They came by hundreds to the one spot 
in the new world in which their king, their traditions, and their 
church were still respected ; and they brought with them their old 
way of life, —the way of court and camp; the careless luxury and the 
careless morality which were abominations to their Roundhead adver- 





1649. | . EMIGRATION OF CAVALIERS. 207 


saries. The death of Charles sent many even of his most persistent 
adherents to America; ‘‘ for,’’ — writes one of them, Colonel Norwood, 
— “if our spirits were somewhat depressed in contemplation of a bar- 
barous restraint upon the person of our king in the Isle of Wight, to 
what horrors and despairs must our minds be reduced at the bloody 
and bitter stroke of his assassination at his palace of Whitehall? ... . 
The sad prospect of affairs in this juncture gave such a damp to all 
the royal party who had resolved to persevere in the principle which 
engaged them in the war, that a very considerable number of nobility, 
clergy, and gentry, so circumstanced, did fly from their native country 
as from a place infected with the plague.” ! 

























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Cape Hatteras. 


This Colonel Norwood left a narrative of his own and his compan- 
ions’ perilous and eventful voyage away from ‘so hot a con- me narra- 
tagion,” that is as vivid and as entertaining as the story BY x Cer 
of the wanderings of a new Ulysses. ‘The cavaliers changed °° 
their clime but not their habits,’ ? wrote a Virginian historian ; and 
one sees how true this was in reading the adventures of this exiled 
royalist, with his jollity in the midst of adversity, and his characteristic 
mixture of bravery, sentiment, and cynicism. How the voyage began 
merrily enough (after the ship had kept them waiting ‘“ until our 
money was almost spent at Deal’’); how they touched at Fayal for 
water, and caroused there for days together over their Madeira and 
‘handsome plenty of fish and fowl ;” how they met with a wonderful 
Portuguese beauty, whom Norwood describes with glowing eloquence, 
and with whom they drank the health of their respective kings “ with 
thundering peals of cannon ;” how finally they sailed away westward 
—their ship barely escaping a water-spout which would have ‘* made 
her do the supersalt ; ” — all this is probably not unlike many another 


! Norwood’s Voyage, in Force’s Hist. Tracts, iii., 10th paper, p. 1. 
2 “Colum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt.”? — Horace. 


208 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX- 


Virginian voyage. But as they neared the American coast their 
troubles began. Escaping by a lucky chance from the Shoals off Hat- 
teras, where they were aground for a little time, they beat to sea 
again, only to be driven far out by ‘* mountainous tow’ring northwest 
seas” and a furious gale, their ship dismasted, their provisions and 
water nearly exhausted. For nearly sixty days they beat about, until, 
after many adventures, they came to anchor off the mouth of a creek 
in an unknown region. 

Here Norwood and a large party going ashore for water, were 
basely abandoned by their comrades. They were in reality upon an 
island on the coast of Virginia, though some distance from the main ; 
and for ten days or more they endured the extreme horrors that 
fall to’ the lot of shipwrecked men and women. The living de- 
voured the bodies of those who had “ the happiness to end their mis- 
erable lives;”’ and ‘terrible storms of hail and snow at northwest” 
beat upon their wretched bodies in the bitter January weather. 
Finally, about the tenth day, Indians came to them from the shore, 
who proved friendly, took them to the main land, and brought them 
to an Indian village where they were feasted royally. All manner of 
strange things happened to them among the savages, no word of 
whose language they could understand ; and they were almost doubt- 
ing whether this friendliness was not a cover for intended treachery, 
when suddenly an English trader from Jamestown appeared among 
them. Norwood, from the beginning the acknowledged leader of the 
party, who had held them together throughout with his unwearied 
courage and readiness in expedients, now hurried southward with a 
guide, to the hospitable settlements along the Chesapeake. He was 
everywhere received with great hospitality as he went from planta- 
tion to plantation, and on arriving at the house of Captain Wormly, 
not far from York River, he found * feasting and carousing,” his old 
friends Sir Thomas Lundsford, Sir Henry Chichely, Sir Philip Honey- 
wood, and several more, all recently come from England, but with 
better luck than he. The next morning, on a good horse, he was on 
his way to Jamestown, to his kinsman Berkeley. 

Apart from the interest of his narrative there is no account of so 
early a date, that gives so clear a picture of the class of men which, at 
this time, went to Virginia. Each substantial manor was filled dur- 
ing these years with guests enjoying the liberal hospitality of a time 
when crops were plenty, and the abundance of fish and game had not 
been diminished.! For a while the little capital of Jamestown was 
lively with these shabby cavaliers, their pockets as empty, their swords 


1 A Virginia law ordered that “ if any inhabitant received any stranger Merchant, or 
border into their houses, and did not condition in Writing with him or them so entertained 


1648. | EMIGRATION OF CAVALIERS. 209 


as ready in a brawl, their hands as averse to labor, and their spirits as 
irrepressible as the most reckless and most worthless of their kind 
at home. Some at length took up plantations for themselves, waiting 
the more prosperous days of the Restoration, while others who were 
altogether as ruined in purse as in reputation became dispersed 
among the ordinary people of the province. . 

All the projects for the emigration of distressed cavaliers to Amer- 
ica during these years of their adversity, were not conceived nye 
upon a scale so modest as. visit to the 
that of Colonel Norwood “”"* 
and his few companions; but the 
more ambitious plans appear to 
have miscarried. In or just be- 
fore the year 1648, that somewhat 
mysterious character, Beauchamp 
Plantagenet (whose name is sup- 











—— 


—s SS 

































































































































































The Cavaliers at Wormly’s house. 


posed to be a pseudonym of Sir Edmund Plowden or Ployden) visited 
Virginia and Maryland to look for a desirable site whereon the “ New 
Albion Company” could plant a colony ; but finding on spot too wet 
and another too dry, one too exposed to savage attack and another 
to diseases, he went further north to continue his search. 

Widely different was the scheme of the English poet, Sir William 
on what tearms he received them, it should be sapposed an invitation, an no satisfaction 
should be allowed or recorded in any Court of Justice.” — Leah and Rachel, in Force’s 
Hist. Tracts, iii., 14th paper, p. 15. 

VOL. II. it 


210 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


Davenant, for leading a colony to the one province which seemed to 
aN him faithful to the king and cause for which he had suffered 
Bia and been exiled. This was a true poet's scheme — to take 
out from France a little company of French artisans, vine- 
growers, and silk makers, and to plant a new Arcadia, where there 
should be no more noise of wars and overthrow of thrones, but peace, 
and pleasant toil, and pastoral simplicity. He had, no doubt, thoughts 
of a pure and patriarchal government, made up (to take a line from 
one of his own old poems) from ‘the assembled souls of all that men 
held wise.’ + The exiled royal family and the French government 
aided him in carrying out his plan; his company was brought together, 
and the expedition sailed for America with high hope of success. But 
a short distance off the coast the vessel was discovered by the English 
fleet, captured, and taken to an English port. Davenant, well known 
as @ prominent and staunch royalist, would, it is said, have been con- 
demned to death by the Puritan rulers, had it not been for the. in- 
tercession of Milton, who pleaded successfully for the lesser poet’s life. 
Virginians were by no means calm spectators of the bitter strife 
among their countrymen at home, but the great body of the older 
settlers, whose chief interests were in Virginia, did not let political 
excitements interfere with the steady progress of the colony. Trade 
was comparatively unrestricted, for there was laxity in enforcing regu- 
Jations while the rights of conflicting parties were in question. More 
than thirty vessels annually brought out English goods and took back 
sargoes of native products. Men did not cease to smoke Virginian 
tobacco because they were passing through a great political convul- 
sion; and that continued to be the great staple of the colony, though 
the price had sunk to threepence the pound. As the planters increased 
in wealth they added to their plantations, and attached themselves to 
their homes by building spacious mansions, and surrounding them with 
all the appliances of generous and luxurious living at their command. 
There was no lack of skilled labor, for among the fifteen thousand 
English ? who made up the population of the colony in 1648, there 
were workmen in every branch, and new experiments were making 
Condition of LM all directions —in smelting iron, in hemp and flax eul- 
the colony. ture, in vine-raising, in the making of indigo, and the manu- 
facture of brick. There are few years in the early colonial history 
of Virginia more marked by general activity and prosperity than 
those four during which England was convulsed with civil war, and 
the province was left practically to its own devices. 
The Long Parliament turned, at length, when some signs of tran- 


1 Davenant’s Gondibert, book ii., Canto v. 
2 A Perfect Description of Virginia, ete., in Force, ii. 





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THE SURRENDER OF JAMESTOWN. 


1652. ] THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONERS. 211 


quillity at home permitted, to the subjection of those distant colonies 
which hitherto had remained faithful to the royal cause. Barba- 
does, Bermuda, and Antigua had refused to recognize the govern- 
ment of the Commonwealth ; the Assembly of Virginia had openly 
denounced the execution of the king, and enacted a law, making it 
treason to asperse his memory or question the lawful succession of 
his son. ‘The neighboring province of Maryland was looked upon 
with suspicion, though Lord Baltimore had spared no effort to gain 
the favor of the party in power. In October, 1650, Parliament had 
decreed the prohibition of trade with the uncompliant colonies, and 
appointed commissioners to bring them to obedience. 

Sir George Ayscue was sent to the islands with a formidable fleet ; 
soon after, in September 1651, Captain Robert Dennis was 
ordered to sail with a smaller squadron to the Chesapeake. 
The expedition carried a regiment of soldiers and a hundred 
and fifty prisoners from the battle of Worcester, who were to be sold 
as servants in Virginia. Dennis found Ayscue at Barbadoes, and with 
his regiment, assisted by the prisoners, enabled him to take the island 
where for two months his landing had been bravely resisted. 

When the fleet arrived in the James River, early in March 1652, it 
was under the command of Captain Edward Curtis, also a gender ot 
commissioner, for Dennis in his ship the John had been Pokey: 
lost at sea, and with him Stage, the third commissioner. Jamestown 
was at once summoned to surrender. Berkeley, it is said, sought to 
arouse his fellow-officials, but this is improbable, as such resistance 
would have been useless, though perhaps the sturdy cavalier vented 
his feelings in some last defiant speech to his more vacillating council. 
At all events, the colony’s submission was not long delayed, and on 
the twelfth of March the Governor signed articles of capitulation, and 
handed over the affairs of the province to the Parliamentary Commis- 
sioners. 

The terms of the surrender were liberal, including an act of amnesty 
and oblivion for past offences ; liberty to the Governor and Council to 
refrain for a year, if they desired to do so, from swearing allegiance to 
the Commonwealth ; a confirmation of the right of assembly, and a 
promise that no’taxes should be imposed upon the province without its 
consent; and a provision that all land grants, deeds, debts, and rights 
in private property, should be unimpaired by the change of govern- 
ment. With a liberality rare in Puritan dealings with religious mat- 
ters, it was also set forth in the capitulation that ‘the use of the book 
of common prayer” should be permitted for one year ensuing, pro- 
vided that such parts as related to ‘ Kingshipp”’ and the royal gov- 
ernment should not be used in public. ‘To Berkeley and his officers 


Parliament- 
ary commis- 
sioners sent 
to Virginia. 


212 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


great courtesy was shown; liberty was granted them to sell their 
estates and remove from the colony whither they pleased within a 
year; meanwhile their property was exempted from. examination or 
seizure, and protection and ‘equal justice ’’ were promised to them 
under the new government. 

Besides the commissioners who sailed from England in the fleet — 
Dennis, Stagg, and Curtis (or Courteis) were two others — Rich- 
ard Bennett, a Virginia Puritan 
whom persecution, it is said, had 
driven to England, and William 
Clayborne, already distinguished 
in the history of the colony. 
Curtis probably soon returned in 
his ship to England, and the 
power and responsibility there- 
fore devolved upon Bennett and 
Clayborne, who established a pro- 
visional government with Ben- 
nett at its head. That both men 
were highly esteemed by all the 
colonists seems evident in the 
ready acquiescence with which 
their rule was accepted. 

No Virginian was more desery- 
ing of such esteem, or more fit to 

Siphoted Portrait cf Whitin eClar bare: be entrustea by Parliament at 

this time with the conduct of 

affairs, than Clayborne. If his career had hitherto been turbulent, it 
was so in the maintenance of the rights of the colony ; if he had been 
unfortunate, it was because of the injustice of the king. His 

Willan family, of the county of Westmoreland,! was an ancient and 
Clayborne: influential one, and was zealous, perhaps distinguished in 
the north of England, in upholding the Protestant faith. It is neither 
improbable nor impossible that there should have been enmity be- 
tween such a family and that of the Calverts, of the neighboring 
county of York, so devoted to the church of Rome. Clayborne cer- 
tainly opposed the settlement of a colony of Catholics on Chesapeake 
Bay, before any question arose ‘as to the possession of Kent Island. 
The desire to secure this small portion of his grant seems hardly an ad- 
equate motive for the hostility which Baltimore showed to Clayborne. 





1 He was the second son of Sir Edmund — not Edward as Neill says in his English Col- 
onization of America — Cleiburne (or Clayborne) of Cleiburne Hall. The portrait is that of 
William or his son — it is not quite certain which. 


1652. | WILLIAM CLAYBORNE. 213 


They may have simply hated each other with that fervor then thought 
so becoming to all good Christians travelling different roads to 
Heaven; but there is, besides, the suspicion of a tenderer influence 
in the conduct of Calvert. He had failed in his suit for the hand of 
Agnes, the lovely daughter of the rich and powerful Sir Richard Low- 
ther of Lowther, where Thomas Clayborne, William’s elder brother, 
was successful. 

At any rate Clayborne’s ancient grievance was well grounded. 
Kent Island was within the boundaries of the patent of the Virginia 
company ; he, who was the secretary of the colony, and its surveyor 
general, had taken possession of this island and established there a 
trading-post by virtue of a royal commission for trade and discovery, 
and a similar permit from the Company. There was not only priority 
of date in his favor, but he could enforce that plea — afterward used 
so successfully by the Dutch and the Pennsylvanians in relation to 
the region on Delaware Bay —that the grant to Lord Baltimore, 
whatever might be its nominal boundaries, limited him to the pos- 
session only of lands hitherto uncultivated — hactenus inculta. In the 
course of that long and bitter controversy the Governor and council of 
Virginia had declared in 1654 that they were in duty bound to main- 
tain their right to the Isle of Kent, and a royal order had decided 
in Clayborne’s favor and against Lord Baltimore. Whatever may 
have been his motives, the influence of Baltimore at court was strong 
enough to procure a reversal of this decision in spite of Clayborne’s 
complaint that the royal order was disregarded, and his offer to pay a 
large rental for the lands which were his by right of discovery and 
- occupation.! 

It was not in Clayborne’s nature to be a lukewarm partisan, even 
if he had not had the remembrance of such wrongs, extending over a 
period of nearly twenty years, to in- 


fluence him. But he was a Parlia- §; 
ment man both from religious and Whit CTC Jit J 


political convictions, and not that Signature of William Clayborne. 

he might gain his personal ends. That he did not permit his private 
griefs to shape his public acts is clear from the moderation of his con- 
duct now that Maryland was, in a measure, in his power. It was for- 
tunate for both colonies that the conduct of affairs was entrusted to 
two such men as he and Bennett, for the latter, as Governor of Vir- 
ginia, seems never, for his part, to have remembered that under Sir 
William Berkeley he had been compelled to escape persecution by 


flight. 


1 MS. notes upon Clayborne, collated in England by Mr. C. J. Hubbard of Portsmouth, 
N. H.— English State Papers. 


214 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


The commission from Parliament empowered them to reduce * all 
the plantations within the Bay of Chesapeake,” and there is nothing in 
all the negotiations to which the subsequent troubles gaye rise to 
suggest that this commission was not meant to embrace Maryland. 
The commissioners assumed that it did, and after the submission of 
Jamestown they sailed on board the Guinea for Saint Mary’s, the 
capital of Maryland, and demanded of Governor Stone (the successor 
of that Thomas Green whom Leonard Calvert had appointed on his 
death-bed ),! an oath of conformity to the laws of the Commonwealth. 
If this were given, they declared, they would not interfere in any way 
with the government of the Lord Proprietary or disturb his officers. 
This, at first, Stone refused, and the Commissioners deposed him and 
his council, and appointed a provisional council in their place. But 
on a subsequent visit of the Commissioners the Maryland governor 
reviewed his former decision, and was restored to office on condition 
that he should issue his writs and other official papers “in the name 
of the keepers of the liberties of England by authority of Parliament,” 
while he was still “to reserve and save to himself” his oath to Lord 
Baltimore as proprietor of the jpanriate till ‘* the pleasure of the state 
of England be further known.” 

It would have been impossible for the Chen to be more 
moderate and considerate, and to have obeyed at the same time, in 
any degree, the instructions, as they understood them, of Parliament. 
Indeed, the advantage was on Stone’s side, so far at least as to gain 
time, for he held in reservation the right of Lord Baltimore. ‘The 
expedient, as might have been foreseen, led in due season to inevit- 
able trouble. 

Before those troubles came, however, one act of tardy justice was 
done. At the first sitting of the court after the return of Stone to 
his office of governor, a commission was appointed — consisting en- 
tirely of residents of Maryland with the exception of Governor Ben- 
nett of Virginia — to conclude a treaty of peace with the tribe of 
Susquehanocks. Its first article conveyed to the English the country 
from the Patuxent to the Susquehanna, on the west side of Chesa- 
peake Bay, and from the Choptank to the Elke on the east side, 
with the islands, rivers, creeks, etc., etc., ‘‘and whatsoever else to 
the same belonging, excepting the Isle of Kent and Palmer’s Island 
which belong to Captain Clayborne.” The acknowledgment may 
have been an act of political expediency, but it was none the less 
one of simple justice. 

There were grievances and differences enough still remaining. Lord 
Baltimore, when tidings of events in Maryland reached him, appeared 

1 Vol. i., p. 514. 


1652. ] LORD BALTIMORE PROTESTS. 215 


by petition, in August, 1652, before the Long Parliament, setting 
forth his claims to the colony and asking for redress!) From | oo. 
that body he obtained little consideration, though he urged inre ie 
on his own behalf that while Virginia had adhered faithfully 

to the king, Maryland, like New England, had not declared against 
the Parliament. Humble as this submission was from one who had 
been so devoted a friend to the late king, it availed nothing; for 
nearly eighteen months later (January, 1654) the Governor and As- 
sembly of Virginia are advised by the Council of State that the Lord 
Protector, to whom, with succes- 
sive parliaments, the government 
of the Commonwealth was now 
intrusted, had taken upon himself 
the settlement of the differetices 
between Lord Baltimore and the 
Virginians.? 

It may be that the hope of re- 
dress either from Parhament or 
Cromwell, induced Lord Balti- 
more to submit, for a while, to 
the compromise which Stone had 
made with the Parliamentary 
Comunissioners. As late as No- 
vember, 1653, the Governor of 
Maryland gives as the reason for 
not holding a general court that 
it was requisite that ‘‘some direc- 
tions out of England touching 
the government here,” should be 
received before there could be anything fur a general court to do;° 
and, he says, there had been no arrival of English ships. 

Instructions from the proprietary were on the way. Satisfied, 
no doubt, that however much he might abase himself he gyesh in- 
could gain nothing of the Long Parliament, nor of Cromwell Hayes) 
himself, when he had dispersed that body and assembled its Pt" 
successor, Baltimore wrote to Stone, reproaching him for submitting 
to the Commissioners, accusing him of cowardice, ordering him to re- 
store the proprietary government, to issue all public papers in the 
name of the lord proprietor, and to demand the oath of fidelity to him 
from the land-holders of the province. In January, 1654, Stone 
issued a decree in accordance with these instructions. 





Oliver Cromwell. 


1 Sainsbury’s Calendar of State Papers, p. 338. 
2 Sainsbury’s Calendar, p. 412. 3 Bozman’s History of Maryland. 


216 3 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


The unhappy Governor found it hard to serve two masters. Not 
many weeks after he had thus reversed the order of affairs in obedi- 
ence to Baltimore, tidings arrived of the dispersion by Cromwell of his 
second Parliament. Thereupon Stone issued, early in May, another 
proclamation acknowledging Cromwell as ‘the lord protector of the 
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions 
thereunto belonging,” and declaring the government of Maryland 
under the lord proprietary to be therefore ‘subordinate unto and de- 
pendent upon” that commonwealth. In commemoration of this sol- 
emn event he proclaimed a general pardon for all offences committed 
in the province with certain exceptions. But these exceptions he 
declared, before the month had expired, were — beside murder, trea- 
son, and unsatisfied forfeitures — “ rebellion, conspiracy, combination, 
or endeavour used at any time heretofore by any person against the 
lord proprietary’s right and dominion over this province.” 

Such a declaration could only have been meant to be a defiance of 
Bennett and Clayborne, the Parliamentary Commissioners. That 
there should be no doubt, however, on this point, Stone issued, a 
few weeks later, another proclamation relating to affairs in Calvert 
County, — where, by Lord Baltimore’s express order, he had removed 
the Puritan sheriff from office, — in which he charged the Commission- 
ers with leading the people into “faction, sedition, and rebellion ” 
against the lord proprietor. 

Bennett and Clayborne, however, were not men to be frightened 
by proclamations. They in their turn issued a manifesto, and by 
authority of commands which, they declared, they had ‘lately re- 
ceived ” from Cromwell, brushed away with little ceremony all that 
Stone had lately done on behalf of the proprietary government, re- 
moved the Catholic officers, and appointed a board of commissioners 
to govern Maryland in the name of the Protector! Stone yielded 
without resistance, though not without some “ opprobrious and uncivil 
language,” and resigned his office. 

Under the new Commissioners there followed some months of undis- 
puted Puritan rule, and of that peace which Puritans so often secured 
by tolerating no religious faith but their own. Lord Baltimore again 
protested, however, when the tidings reached England, against this 
infringement of his rights, again reproached Stone with faithlessness 
and cowardice, and sent an agent to the colony to make this protest 
and these reproaches the more emphatic. Stone, yielding as usual to 
the influence last brought to bear upon him, resolved upon another 
revolution. 

In January, 1655, he issued military commissions and rallied his 

1 Neill’s Terra Marie, p. 121. 


1655. | GOVERNOR STONE’S PROCEEDINGS. 217 


forces. The Commissioners had removed the archives from St. Mary’s 
to their new capital, the house of a Mr. Preston on the Pa- yoian 
tuxent. Stone’s first object was to recover and bring them ree ers 
back. At Preston’s house there was deposited a consid- °°" 
erable quantity of arms and ammunition, which Stone also seized. It 
is said! that he is- 
‘sued at the same 
time a proclamation 
to persuade the peo- 
ple of Patuxent and 
of Providence — 
mow Annapolis — 
that in restoring the 
proprietary govern- 
ment he had no un- 
friendly purpose 
toward them, who 
were Puritans. He, 
nevertheless, search- 
‘ed other houses than 
Mr. Preston’s for 
arms and ammuni- 
tion, and when the 
Commissioners sent 
messengers to ask 
the meaning of his 
them into prison. 

His force in March had reached 
the number of about two hundred 
men, and then he abandoned all pre- 
tence of a peaceful return to power. 
He resolved to compel the Puritans of Anne Arundel County by arms 
to submit to his government, and to that end embarked his men on 
board twelve boats to go up Chesapeake Bay to the Severn opposite 
Kent Island. It was in this neighborhood that the Puritan settle- 
ments had chiefly been made, as those of the Catholics were about 
St. Mary’s. - 

The fleet of boats was met on its way up the Bay by messengers 
who protested against this hostile approach, and declared, if gy peaition 
no terms of settlement could be agreed upon, that those who "?™°**: 
sent them were ready to “die like men rather than live like slaves.” 
Stone seized these men and their boat, but a part of them escaped 
































acts he threw | 








Stone at Preston’s House. 


1 Bozman. 


218 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


and returned to report the character of the expedition. Somewhere 
on the Bay he chased and fired into a New England vessel.) At 
Herring Creek he captured one of the Commissioners and detained 
him as a prisoner. From this point or near it he sent forward one 
Dr. Barber and a 
Mr. Coursey, to de- 
mand the surrender 
of the Puritans and 
to publish a procla- 
mation to the peo- 
ple of Anne Arun- 
del County, declar- 
ing that he came 
with no hostile in- 
tent, but that he 
sought to reclaim 
them by fair means 
only.2 Nevertheless 
the fleet proceeded, 
and on the 24th of 
March, twelve days 
after its departure 
from St. Mary’s, 
anchored at the 
mouth of the Sey- 
ern. 

In the Severn lay . 
a large merchant- 
ship, the Golden Lion, and on her mainmast, William Durand, the 

Puritan secretary of the Colony, had affixed an official order 
The battle ne | 
on the requiring her commander in the name of the Protector to 
Tae aid in the defence of the people against the approach of 
Stone. A shot from the ship met the advancing fleet as they came 
into. the outer harbor, and another fell among the boats as Stone or- 
dered his men to land on Horn Point, a part of the present city of 
Annapolis, between the Severn and a creek which is the southern 
boundary of the peninsula. Stone took his vessels further up the 





































































































































































































































































































Posting the Notice on the ‘‘ Golden Lion.’’ 


1 Papers relating to Maryland in Thurloe’s State Papers, vol. v. 

2 Barber’s letter to Cromwell in Bozman. Neill’s Terra Marie and English Colonization 
in America. MeSherry’s [History of Maryland. There are incongruities in the different 
narratives which it is difficult to reconcile. It is said that Barber was promised the goy- 
ernorship, if Stone did not obey the orders of Baltimore, while on the other hand he is 
represented as being a friend of Cromwell, as having been attached to his family, and 
serving in the Parliament army. Apparently his sympathies were with Stone. 


1655.] BATTLE ON THE SEVERN. 219: 


ereek, and landing his men marched inland, probably out of reach of 
the guns of the Golden Lion, whose captain, Heamans, returned a de- 
fiant answer to Stone’s remonstrance. 

The invading party were elate and confident, making their landing 
“with drums and shoutings,”’ calling out for the ‘¢ Round-head dogs 
and rogues, ’ threatening them with ** whole bagfuls of chewed Bullets 
rolled in powder,” and crying ** The Devil take him that spares any.” ! 
But Stone had blundered. In the course of the night the Golden 
Lion, with several smaller vessels, had sailed up the creek, and when 
day broke they opened fire across the point upon Stone’s force and 
compelled them to march still further up the peninsula. 

But when they had put themselves out of the reach of this attack 
in the rear, they suddenly found themselves confronted by a hundred 
and twenty men, who had marched out from Providence to intercept 
their advance. Retreat was useless, even if it were possible in the face 
of the fire from the ships, for one John Cutts, in a small New England 
vessel, had takén possession of all their boats and the provision and 
ammunition left on board.2 The enemy confronting them on land 
was under the command of Captain Fuller, the head of the board of 
Puritan commissioners. He ordered his men, it is said, not to strike 
the first blow.? But the first blow had been struck already when 
Captain Heamans of the Golden Lion had fired upon Stone’s men 
and killed one of them. ‘There seemed nothing else to do but fight 
or surrender. Should they lay down their arms before a force they 
outnumbered? At least they were not cowards. 

With the cry of “ Hey, for St. Mary’s!” they rushed on the enemy. 
The Puritans met blow for blow, and ery for ery, shouting “ In the 
name of God fall on! God is our strength!” The battle was furi- 
-ous while it lasted, but it did not last long. The Puritans were 
always good fighters ; religious zeal was stronger than numbers. They 
were inspired with a belief in “the glorious presence of the Lord of 
hosts, manifested in and towards his poor oppressed people.” * Against 
men so inspirited the Catholics “could not endure, but gave back.” 
Fifty were slain and wounded; four or five only escaped by flight ; 
the rest were taken prisoners, and the whole field “* was strewed with 
Papist beads.” On the other side two only were killed in the fight, 
and two died afterwards from their wounds. * 

This success was followed up with more vigor than mercy. A 

1 Virginia and Maryland in Force’s Tracts, vol. ii. 

2 Leah and Rachel. Force’s Tracts, vol. iii. 

8 Babylon’s Fall in America, the fullest narrative of these occurrences. It was written 
by Leonard Strong, who was one of Fuller’s associates on the Board of Commissioners, 


and meant to tell the best story possible for his own side. 
Se lbid: 


220 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


court-martial was speedily summoned, and four of the leaders, one of 
them a councillor, were sentenced to death, and so also was Stone.! 
The four were executed, but Stone’s life was spared at the inter- 
cession of some who had fought against him. ‘The lives of the rest of 
his councillors were saved by the petitions of the women and some 
other friends.” 

The battle was fought, the Catholics were deposed, and Puritan 
government firmly established in Maryland, before a letter was re- 







































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The Battle at the Mouth of the Severn. 


ceived from Cromwell, which, had it come sooner, might have pre- 
vented these events. The Protector, moved by the entreaties and 
letter of representations of Lord Baltimore, had written in January 
Cromwell to Governor Bennett of Virginia, forbidding any intercourse 
Bennett. with the affairs of Maryland till all questions in regard to 
the boundaries between Virginia and Maryland had been settled in 
England. “We... . will and require you,” said the latter, “ to 
forbear disturbing the Lord Baltimore, or his officers, or people in 


1 Leah and Rachel. 
2 Letter of Mrs. Stone to Lord Baltimore in Neill’s Terra Marie, p. 124. 


1655. | MARYLAND AFFAIRS. 221 


Maryland, and to permit all things to remain as they were before any 
disturbance or alteration made by you, or by any other upon pretence 
of authority from you.” } 

Though the question of boundaries was the point specially referred 
to, it might be doubted whether the Commissioners had not been igno- 
rantly acting against the wishes of the Protector. It was, no doubt, 
to justify himself, and to explain the condition of affairs to the Pro- 
tector, that Governor Bennett went to England, soon after the fight 
on the Severn, as agent for Virginia with Captain Mathews. The 
exigency was quite serious enough for a personal explanation. Eng- 
lish subjects had been killed in battle ; officers appointed under Lord 
Baltimore’s patent had been ignominiously hanged ; the proprietary 
government of Maryland had been completely subverted ; and all the 
while a letter from the Lord Protector was on its way which perhaps 
was intended to forbid any interference whatever in the affairs of that 
colony. The turbulence of the times, indeed, might make such things 
seem comparatively of little moment; but disobedience to the orders 
of one who had never brooked opposition to his will might well excite 
the gravest apprehensions. It was for this reason, no doubt, that the 
Council of Virginia made haste, after the departure of Bennett, to 
disavow all responsibility for what had been done in Maryland. 

Bennett, nevertheless, was so far successful in his mission that 
Cromwell wrote in September another letter, explaiing that of the 
previous January. It was intended only, he said, “to prevent and 
forbid any force or violence to be offered by either of the plantations 
of Virginia or Maryland from one to the other, upon the differences 
concerning their bounds,” but did not mean to intimate that a stop 
should be ** put to the proceedings of those commissioners who were 
authorized to settle the civil government of Maryland.” That the 
Commissioners had not exceeded the power entrusted to them to re- 
duce “all the plantations within the Bay of Chesapeake” to obedi- 
ence to the Commonwealth of England seems conclusively settled by 
this letter. 

But the civil government of Maryland was not settled, notwith- 
standing the success of one party and the defeat of the other, for 
a doubt still prevailed for a time as to the right of either. While 
Bennett and Mathews were pleading their case before fhe Protector, 
Baltimore sent out to Josias Fendall a commission as his deputy gov- 
ernor. Fendall had been in the fight on the Severn, under Stone, 
and the commission found him just released from prison, even if he 
was not still within the walls of a jail. He made good use of his lib- 


1 This letter, which Bozman thought was lost, has been recovered, and is published by 
Campbell. 


22 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


erty, however, when he gained it, and attempted, with more or less 
success, to establish the authority of the proprietor, with the assist- 
ance of Philip Calvert, an illegitimate son, it is said, of the first Lord 
Baltimore, as secretary. On the other hand, Captain Fuller, on the 
part of the Commissioners, asserted their jurisdiction, called a meeting 
ofthe General Assembly, enacted laws, and assumed the control of the 


affairs of the colony in the name of the Protector. The Puritans on> 


the Severn and the Patuxent recognized and obeyed one government ; 
the Catholics about St. Mary’s recognized and obeyed the other. 
Meanwhile the questions at issue were under consideration and 
debate in England. Cromwell referred them’ to the Council of State, 
and the Council of State handed them over to the Commissioners of 
Trade. It was two years before any conclusion was reached ; but in 
Ed Seat November, 1657, an agreement was entered into, in Eng- 
of disputes land, between Lord Baltimore and the agents, Bennett and 
Mek arena Mathews. ‘This, in March following, was first modified and 
then ratified in Maryland by Fendall on the one side, and 
Fuller and his council on the other, and the leading men among both 
Catholics and Puritans, as the representatives of the people at large. 
It was provided that all past offences be condoned ; that there never 
should be, with the assent of Lord Baltimore, any interference with 
the liberty of conscience; that from those then resident in the colony 
no oath of fidelity to his lordship should be required, but simply a 


promise of submission to his authority, which was again paramount | 


as Lord Proprietor; that land warrants should be granted, and acts 
of past assemblies held to be legal, without regard to the differences 
and disturbances of recent years. 

When Bennett resigned the office of Governor of Virginia, in 1655, 
ayaa to take that of agent in England, Edward Digges, who was 
Riche also a member of the Parliamentary party, was chosen by 
emor of Vir- the Assembly to take his place. He remained in office, how- 
bia ever, only a year, when he also went to England as agent, 
where his influence proved to be potent in bringing about the final 
Sneecedea Settlement of affairs in Maryland. Mathews succeeded him 


by Mathews. ag governor, and continued in that office, it is supposed, till 


his death, in 1659, though he seems to have been in England in 1657, 


when his signature appears to the agreement between Lord Balti- 
more and the Virginia agents. 

For an interval of several years the colony has no history except in 
Legislative the quiet enactment of laws which show, in their aim at 
oe regulating the ordinary conduct of the citizens, that no great 
affairs of state engaged their attention. ‘Thus the keeping of the 
Sabbath was enjoined by law ; a penalty was pronounced upon those 


el 


1660. ] RESTORATION OF BERKELEY. 223 


who invented or spread untruthful reports ; attorneys at law were 
expelled from the courts and prohibited from taking fees ; the weight 
and dimensions of a hogshead of tobacco were limited by statute, and 
an export duty upon that staple levied when in foreign bottoms or 
shipped to foreign ports ; the food, the clothing, and the good treat- 
ment of servants were cared for; servitude as a legal penalty was 
abolished ; the right of suffrage was secured to all who paid taxes ; 
the Indians were protected in the possession of their lands, and the 
kidnapping of their children was prohibited.t’ Such legislation marked 
a period of tranquillity and progress. 

Puritanism, which had never made any very deep impression in 
Virginia, gradually lost its influence and control after CU Giese 
death of Cromwell. A cause that was declining in its strong- Pev"@es™ 
hold at home, could hardly gain in the colony where it had little 
strength of its own. During the year in which England was pre- 
paring itself for the restoration of the King by putting aside the new 
Protector, Richard Cromwell, the assembling ‘and dispersion of the 
old House of Commons and the election of a new one, and the march 
of Monk from Edinburgh to London, Virginia was without a goy- 
ernor. From the death of Mathews, in the spring of 1659, till the 
spring of 1660, the people awaited events at home. 

In March the General Assembly, after declaring that as the state 
in England had no acknowledged head, and that the gov- 
ernment of the colony vested in itself, elected Sir William ee 
Berkeley governor, afterward confirmed by a commission Shea 
from the King. Though this was in some sense a triumph of his 
party, the address of the old royalist was cautious and conciliatory. 
“I do, therefore,” he said, ‘‘in the presence of God and you, make 
this safe protestation for us all,—that if any supreme settled power 
appears, I will immediately lay down my commission, but will live 
most submissively obedient to any power God shall set over me, as 
the experience of eight years has shewed I have done.”’ He candidly 
confessed that he had unwillingly surrendered to the Parliament, — 
“God pardon me!” he said, as he recalled it, —and that he ‘* would 
not voluntarily have made choice” of those who had been set over him 
‘‘for his supremes;” but he wished to make “this truth apparent,’ 
that he had lived like a good citizen ‘under all these mutable gov- 
ernments of divers natures and constitutions.” That he would not 
have held office under the Commonwealth, and would not now if it 
continued, was the tenor of his speech; but he left his hearers to 
infer the unexpressed hope, which doubtless a considerable majority 
of them shared, that the house of his *“*ever honored master ’’ would 


1 Henine’s Statutes, passim. 
oD 5) 


224 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [Cuap. IX. 


soon regain the throne. Two months later this wish was fulfilled, 
and the news of the restoration of the King was welcomed generally in 
Virginia with as much joy as it was received by the Governor himself. 

When the new commission was sent by Charles II. to Sir William 
Address to © Berkeley, the faithful cavalier in reply sent a delighted letter, 
Charles TT. saying that he had only held office during the interregnum, 
as one who had leaped ‘over the fold to save your Majesty’s flock,. 
when your Majesty’s enemies of that fold had barred up the lawful 
entrance into it and enclosed the wolves of schism and rebellion.” 
The Assembly also voted an address to Charles; and referred in bitter 
terms to the Commonwealth that had governed them so well, as ‘* that. 





Berkeley's Address to the Assembly. 


execrable power that so bloodily massacred the late King Charles the. 
First of ever blessed and glorious memory ’’ — a memory that should 
now be kept alive in the colony, as they decreed, by an annual fast 
upon the thirtieth of January, the anniversary of his execution. Per- 
haps the Puritans of the Assembly were reconciled to these proceed-. 
ings by the personal consideration that was otherwise accorded them. 
Bennett, the late Puritan Governor, was first named in the Council of 
State, and Clayborne, who had been secretary under Bennett, Digges,, 
and Mathews, was continued in that office by Berkeley. 





<2) 


1661.] REVISION OF THE LAWS. 225 


L 


A considerable change in the character of the government of the 
colony was, however, soon made apparent. The new As- _ 
sembly of 1661, which was almost exclusively royalist, em- He newehy, 
powered the Governor and Council to levy taxes for three ea ae 
years, dispensing, thereby, with the necessity of calling the House 
together oftener, except in case of some unusual emergency. At the 
same session the right of prorogation was granted, and as a conse- 
quence there was for the next fifteen years no popular election. 
Hitherto, the representatives had been paid by the counties that 
elected them; but the Assembly, which had provided for its own per- 
manence, fixed also the rate of remuneration of its members at about 
two hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco a day, or about nine dollars. 
The salary of the Governor, which was in the same tobacco currency, 
was not less exorbitant according to the money value of the time, and 
was equal to the whole annual expenditure of the colony of Connecti- 
cut! The virtual monopoly of the trade with the Indians was also 
given him by prohibiting any traffic in furs except under his commis- 
sion. The colonial laws generally, were from time to time revised, 
and on the third revision in 1662, under the direction of Francis Mor- 
rison and Henry Randolph, it was ordered that all those which 
‘might keep in memory our forced deviation from his Majesty’s obe- ' 
dience ” should be erased from the statutes. The laws relating to 
the Indians, however, aimed more than any laws had hitherto done 
to secure their well-being. Encroachment upon, or even purchase of 
their lands was forbidden. None were to be sold as slaves, though 
they could be indented as servants for a limited period, as the English 
themselves were ; and while they were generally to be responsible to 
the law, they were to be under its protection.? 

Legislation upon the slavery of the blacks had no such humane 
purpose. The common law of England, that the children of 
mixed parentage should follow the condition of the father, (ena 
was reversed and the maxim of the Roman law adopted, that yee 
the children should be bond or free according to the condition of the 
mother — pars sequitur ventrem. All of mixed blood, therefore, — 
and the hybrid race began to be manifest from the first introduction 
of African women — were born slaves for life. If there were any ex- 
ception, it was in the case of the offspring of free white women and 
slave fathers, and that may seem in our time too improbable to be 
noticed. But it should be considered that the antipathy to the Afri- 
can,—no deeper naturally than that which always exists between 
different races —has been intensified by two centuries of servitude. 
It exercised but little influence two hundred years ago, when whites 


1 Bancroft. 2 Hening’s Statutes, 
VOL. II. 15 


226 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [CHap. IX. 


as well as blacks were slaves in Virginia, and where the larger propor- 
tion of these white slaves were from the lowest dregs of English 
society, —from the gutters, the Jails, and the brothels, — and were 
hardly more than half civilized. That the women of this large class 
of the population should intermarry with negroes was not merely pos- 
sible ; it was common enough to become in Maryland the subject of 
legislation. It was provided in that colony, in 1663, that any free- 
born English woman who should marry a slave should serve his mas- 
ter during the life of her husband, and that all her issue should be 
‘‘slaves as their fathers were.” ! 

The spirit, if not the letter of the law, however, in regard to black 
mothers, was undoubtedly the same then in the two colonies as it was 
in later times in all the slave-holding portion of the country. Ser- 
vitude was the penalty for any admixture of African blood on the 
mother’s side. Literally the sins of the fathers were heavily visited 
upon the children, while it soon ceased to be a question whether there 
could be any serious immorality in a relation which legislators were 
careful, without condemning, to turn into a source of so much worldly 
wealth. 

By the revised code it was provided that the Church of England 
be the established church of the colony. But there was at the same 
time some pretence of toleration. It was declared that no man was 
to be “molested or disquieted in the exercise of his religion, so he 
be content with a quiet and peaceable enjoying it;”’ yet the oaths 
Religious OL Obedience and supremacy — those parts of which relating 
intolerance. to the establishment the Puritans could not conscientiously 
take — were exacted, and the non-conformist was not permitted to 
teach even in private.? In 1662 a fine of two thousand pounds of 
tobacco was imposed upon all ‘*schismatical persons”? who, “ out of 
their averseness to the orthodox established religion, or out of the new- 
fangled conceits of their own heretical inventions,’ refused to have 
their children baptized; and those attending meetings of Separatists 
were heavily fined for the first and second offence, and banished on 
its repetition a third time. Such penalties had long been enforced 
against the Friends, whose presence in Virginia had been no more 
tolerable to the Puritans than it was now to the Established Church. 
Many of these persecuted people were driven into North Carolina, for 
the laws were enforced against them with much more severity than 
against any other class of dissenters. 

Much uneasiness and alarm was aroused when the news arrived 











1 A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery in the Several States in the United States. By 
George M. Stroud, 1827. 
2 Anderson’s History of the Colonial Church. 


1661.] THE NAVIGATION ACT. 227 


that the first Parliament of the restored king had made the Navi- 
gation Act more than ever obnoxious to the interests of the oy. naviza- 
colonies, and that it was to be rigidly enforced. This was “4° 

a grievance about which Royalist and Puritan were of one mind. Sir 
William Berkeley went to England in May, 1661, to represent how 
seriously the prosperity of the colony was hindered by the enforce- 
ment of such a law against its trade. He remained in England more 
than a year, Francis Morrison acting as governor in his absence ;_ but 
his mission, so far as the Navigation Act was concerned, was fruit- 
less, though he was more fortunate in the advancement of his own 
interests, for he obtained a grant for himself and others of that part 
of Virginia territory afterward known as North Carolina. 








































































































=——S 
SS 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Tobacco Ships in the James. 


The interests of the colony, nevertheless, were stronger than acts 
of Parliament, for its prosperity depended largely upon free , |. 
trade in the one great staple, tobacco. Even without inter- cultivation 
ference from Parliament, there was enough to contend with, 
for the supply of that staple usually exceeded the demand. To reg- 
ulate its production—to force by penalties the raising of more corn 
and less tobacco —was from the beginning of these settlements the 
constant aim of legislation in Virginia and Maryland ; but the attempt 
to set aside the natural law of political economy by statute was as 
futile here as the attempt to prevent the trade to foreign ports when 
the tobacco was ready for shipment. Equally futile was it to expect 


228 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [CuHap. IX. 


to create by legislative act towns into which the people should gather. 
The people were planters, and, with their servants and aleve were 
scattered on the great plantations along the banks of the James and 
other rivers. ‘The planters with these large grants of land were com- 
paratively few; the slaves and servants many. ‘To live in towns and 
to be supported by diversified industry was impossible to such a peo- 
ple, for slaves can be devoted only to unskilled labor. To raise to- 
bacco, therefore, to be shipped directly from the river-bank — usually 
the water-front of the plantation—was the chief employment and 
support of the colonial planters, and it was equally difficult to limit 
production by local laws or to confine the foreign trade to an English 
channel. 

The last especially, it was found impossible to do, so long as the 
Dutch Colony of New Netherland offered every facility for 
a contraband commerce which English law could not reach, 
and in which both English and Dic vessels could so easily 
engage. The grant to the Duke of York of the territory of the Dutch 
was not merely a royal gift to the brother of the King. It was 
meant to add to the revenues of the King himself, by making it pos- 
sible to enforce the Navigation Act, and to control the tobacco trade 
of Virginia. That the Dutch province on the Hudson should belong 
to the English was sure in the end, whatever might be the ulterior 
purposes of Charles, to be a benefit to New England. To the people 
of Virginia, it was of no territorial advantage, but a direct interfer- 
ence with their freedom of trade and an immediate injury to their 
prosperity. It was the inevitable antagonism of free and slave labor. 

The severity of the laws in the early years of the restored royal 
ane government, and perhaps, the evident intent of the colonial 
Reeve Assembly to grasp at irresponsible power, caused much dis- 
Cromwellian content among the people. In 1663, after the return of 
nes Berkeley ‘eran England, a plot was discovered to overthrow 
the government. But as it seems to have been confined to some of 
Geeimeall: s soldiers who had been sent out and sold as servants — a 
disposition of prisoners to which both parties resorted —it had its 
origin, probably, in a general political and religious discontent, rather 
Rea in any special complaint of particular laws. It was suppressed, 
however, without much difficulty, though it was thought to be serious 
enough to warrant the execution by Haeate of four of the ring-lead- 
ers, and for setting apart the 15th of ontan ben the day fixed fic the 
insurrection, as a day of annual thanksgiving. 


Northern 
and South- 
ern inoter- 
ests. 


> 

















Governor's Island and the Battery. 


ChnbeU aed Uy Oe 
THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. 


New AMSTERDAM INVADED BY INDIANS. — DESTRUCTION OF PAVONIA. — MASSACRE 
AND DEVASTATION ELSEWHERE. — JUDICIOUS POLICY OF THE DIrEcTOR. — CONTRAST 
IN FRENCH AND DutcH TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES. — ‘THE Resuttr. — THE Esopus 
War. — STUYVESANT’S DETERMINATION TO ESTABLISH RELIGIOUS UNIFORMITY. — 
PERSECUTION OF THE LUTHERANS AND QUAKERS. — INDIFFERENCE OF THE DuTCH 
TO RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSY. — STUYVESANT REBUKED BY THE AMSTERDAM CHAM- 
BER. — CruEL PUNISHMENT OF A QUAKER. — BANISHMENT OF JOHN BOWNE AND 
HIS TRIUMPHANT RETURN FROM HOLLAND.—GROWTH OF NEW NETHERLAND. 





A MORE prudent ruler than Stuyvesant would have hesitated to take 
between six or seven hundred men from New Amsterdam, even for so 
important a purpose as the reduction of New Sweden. However confi- 
dent he might feel that the New Englanders would be faithful to the 
terms of the recent treaty of peace, he would have known how little 
reliance could be placed upon any promise of friendship from the In- 
dians. It needed only the smallest pretext at any time to arouse the 
savages, eager for plunder and thirsty for blood, to carry desolation and 
death into the villages and farms of the whites; and the more certain 
they were that their victims would be defenceless, the shriller would 
be their war-ery and the louder their boasts of their own prowess and 
bravery. When Stuyvesant sailed for the South River with so large 


250 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([CuHap. X. 


a proportion of the fighting men of New Netherland, it does not seem 
to have occurred to him how imminent a danger he left behind. 

While he was busy before Fort Christina, New Amsterdam was 
New am. aroused one September morning to find its streets swarming 
met by With nearly two thousand naked warriors, gathered of several 
ingens. tribes from farup the North River, from the extremity of 
Long Island, and from the mainland of Connecticut. All day they 
roamed through the town, breaking into houses on the pretence of 
seeking for northern Indians, and hinting at redress for the death of a 
squaw whom Van Dyck, the late Attorney-general, had shot at his 
farm on Staten Island, for stealing fruit from his garden. Persuasion 
was wiser than resistance against so large a body, many of whom were 
well armed, and the frightened burghers with their wives and chil- 
dren submitted for hours to insolence and outrage they did not dare, 
or thought it more prudent not to resist. 

The invaders agreed at last to leave the town at sunset, to paddle 
over to Nutten (Governor's) Island, and there await the result of a 
conference to be held between their chiefs and the magistrates. . But 
a conflict could only be delayed, not avoided, even if the savages 
meant anything more by their promise than to gain time for the ad- 
vantage of confusion in a night attack. Either the Indians grew 
bolder or the Dutch less prudent, for a fight was begun by one side or 
the other, and there was an end then of all tall of peaceful negotia- 
tion. 

Van Dyck was brought down with an arrow in the breast ; Captain 
Van der Grist was cloven to the ground with an axe. Shouts of alarm 
and cries of murder rung through the streets, and the timid and the 
feeble ran to put themselves under the protection of the stronger and 
bolder, or to hide themselves in some place of safety. The military, 
who had been prudently ordered to the fort to be ready for an emergency, 
marched to the rescue of the citizens. An organized attack was too 
much for the savages ; they were driven to their canoes, but their de- 
fence was so desperate that they left three dead warriors upon the 
beach. In the assault, two of the Dutch were killed and three others 
wounded. Mobs are dispersed now with results quite as serious ; it 
was a respectable Indian fight in the seventeenth century that counted 
even less than half a dozen dead. 

The fleet of canoes pulled out into the stream. They did not go to 
Nutten Island, and were lost to sight in the darkness, though over 
the water came out of the night their yells of vengeance and de- 
fiance. The people of New Amsterdam, relieved from the terrible 
fear of an immediate massacre, watched anxiously along the shore, 
straining their eyes and ears to catch any sign of the purpose of the 
enemy. ‘They had not long to wait. 


1655. ] MASSACRE AND DEVASTATION. 231 


Over Pavonia and Hoboken sprung a sudden light. Along the 
beach of Manhattan Island the pitying people gathered, 5, .onia ac- 
dreading what next the night might bring forth, watching **7¢4. 
the forked flames as they shot into the reddening sky, listening help- 
lessly for the mingled shrieks of agony and despair, the whoop of 
savage hate and fury, the crackling of the fire as it leaped from 
house to house, the moans and cries of terror from maddened beasts. 
Pavonia in a little while was a heap of burning coals and ashes; not 
a house was spared; save in a single family not a man was left alive ; 
the cattle were all dead, the crops destroyed; with a rare mercy only 
the women and children were spared and carried off as prisoners. 










































































Destruction of Pavonia. 


It would be easy to see from the shores of Staten Island, over whose 
beautiful hills were scattered many pleasant boweries, the burning 
village of Pavonia. But the cause of the fire may not goias upon 
have been known. When its work was done, the savages, Sen tr 
drunk with success and blood, sprung to their canoes and “e"he 
paddled across the Bay straight for the Island. In the ftrm-houses on 
the peaceful hill-sides slept ninety people, men, women, and children. 
The paddles of between sixty and seventy canoes broke the silence of 
the night; the alarm was given in time for many to escape; others 
were too late or lost their lives in a vain attempt at defence. Twenty- 
three were killed, and the morning sun rose upon the new silence 
of death and desolation, upon ruined homes, on desolate hearth- 


232 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. X. 


stones, on dead cattle lying among the trampled grain, where the 
night before smiled peace, and plenty, and content. 

‘or three days bands of exultant savages harried the villages and 
farms about the Bay and along the river. At Gravesend lived a 
Lady Moody,—an English lady whom religious intolerance had 
driven out of Massachusetts more than a dozen years before, and to 
whom Kieft had made a grant of lands for the bravery of her follow- 
ers in defending themselves against the Indians in the war of that 
period. Her house was now again attacked, though discrimination 
usually was made in favor of the English, for it was the Swannekins 
— the Dutch — who in the other Englsh towns were threatened with 
massacre; a new settlement at Esopus, on the North River, was so 
sore beset that its people abandoned all their possessions and fled to 
New Amsterdam to escape from death; on all Manhattan Island no 
farm was safe, and their owners sought refuge in the town; conster- 
nation and ruin spread with this savage outbreak over all New Neth- 
erland ; many plantations with their buildings, crops, and cattle were 
destroyed; three hundred of the people were reduced to want; one 
huudred were killed; one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners. 

A summons was sent to Stuyvesant to hasten back from the South 
River to the defence of New Netherland. Prompt and energetic in 
action, though often unwise and rash in judgment, he was always 
realy to meet an emergency. His very presence inspired confidence 
in the panic-stricken people. All who had not already sought refuge 
in the town he ordered to leave their farms till peace could be restored. 
The citizens were enrolled in a military organization ; new defences 
were added to the fortifications of New Amsterdam ; military detach- 
ments were sent out to meet and drive off the Indians wherever they 
appeared most formidable, and effectual measures were taken to meet 
the additional expense incurred by all these measures. 

But when some of the more rash and hot-headed of the colonists 
urged that war be declared against the tribes who had brought such 
calamities upon the colony, the Director counselled moderation. He 
advised that friendly relations be cultivated with the savages, while 
the settlers should keep nearer together in villages, with a block-house, 
cap ble of defence, to fly to in the event of an attack. It was better, 
he thought, to subdue the Indians if possible, by kindly treat- 
ment, rather than exasperate them by declaring a war of ex- 
termination, which the Dutch were not strong enough to bring toa 
successful issue. So judicious was the course he pursued that in a few 
months the unfriendly tribes again made promises of lasting peace, 
and the prisoners trken in the recent raids were all released, though 
heavy ransoms were paid for them in gunpowder and lead. 





The savages 
pacified. 





1655. ] THE FRENCH AND DUTCH AND THE INDIANS. 233 


At Rensselaerswyck they did not wait for the suggestion of this 
policy from Stuyvesant, and escaped, therefore, the calamity which 
fell upon other parts of New Netherland. When the tidings of the 
atrocities committed by the Indians in the neighborhood of New 
Amsterdam reached the Patroon, his people looked at once to their 
own safety. By timely gifts and promises they induced the Mohawks 
to renew the old treaty of amity and peace which for many years had 
been advantageous to the whole province of New Netherland and 
profitable especially to themselves. It may have been because theirs 
was the frontier settlement that the people of Van Rensselaer’s 
manor had always aimed to maintain friendly relations with the 
powerful tribes who occupied that vast region on the west as yet 
almost unknown to the white men. But whether the policy was one 
of choice or of necessity, they determined to keep on good terms with 
the savages for the sake of trade, and the result justified at least their 
worldly wisdom. 

Where the Dutch had succeeded in gaining and in keeping the 
good-will of the Indians, the French, with a far higher pur- Be 
pose to the same end, had signally failed. For years the and the 
missionaries of the French, sometimes singly, sometimes in eater 
companionship, had sought the Iroquois in their remotest villages in 
friendly contest for their friendship with the Dutch. ‘The desire to 
bring these benighted heathen within the pale of the church took 
precedence of any political or commercial aim with the government 
of Canada. It was not that trade and territorial acquisitions were 
esteemed by them as of little value; that treaties were not made to 
secure both; that well-appointed expeditions were not sent out to 
gain a foot-hold within the territory of the present State of New York ; 
but that it was above all and before all made almost a reason of state 
that the cross should mark every advancing step of the white man, 
and that the subjugation of the savages should be the triumph of 
the Church. 

But the trader was received as the missionary of peace and good 
will where the servant of religion provoked only strife. The Five 
Nations, whose domain was south of the St. Lawrence, extending from 
the Hudson to Lake Erie, and whose most powerful tribe was the Mo- 
hawk,! were in almost perpetual hostility with the Freneh of Canada 
through all the years that New Netherland was a Dutch province. 
More than one of the gentle and devoted Jesuits died deaths of tor- 
ture or privation in return for their zeal for the salvation of the souls 
of their unrelenting enemies. In the little box in which Father 
Jogues carried the simple furniture for an altar in the wilderness 


1 Gallatin’s Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, Coll. Am. Ant. Soc., vol. ii. 


234 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap X. 


the savages believed the “ black gown” concealed an Evil Spirit. 
pet To save themselves from the dire disasters that would come 
| oe with its release, they tore the flesh from his arms in strips be- 
fore they could be merciful enough to end his torments with 
death! But they were slow to detect the devil in the brandy, the 
gunpowder, and the lead which 
the Dutch trader brought, and 
they welcomed him as a friend. 
The trader and his wares the 
Indians understood; the crucifix 
and the missal appealed only to 
their superstitions and their 
fears. At times the enthusiastic 
missionaries were persuaded that 
the light of the gospel had pene- 
trated into the dark recesses of 
those savage souls. No such 
plous aspiration disturbed the 
minds of the dealers in peltries. 
The Dutch were careful to cul- 
tivate the friendship of the 
Mohawks, to be kind to them 
in the way of strong waters and 





DV othe LEMP a ob th "4 


ee Ne etait diy Tere Va fire-arms, and the colony on 
their borders on the upper Hud- 
pie a aia soh increased in wealth and 


re strength. But the handful of 


Frenchmen who at length, in 

pre wed cotansiaieco) gradhe sdaanen 1655, clustered about the bark 

chapel of the Fathers Chaumo- 

not and Dablon, near the Salt Springs of Onondaga, were glad in less 

than three years to escape with their lives, leaving all their posses- 

sions behind them, while the Indians, who had come to massacre 
them, lay in a drunken sleep.? 


1 Father Jogues was treacherously murdered, in 1646, by the Mohawks in the Mohawk 
Valley, called thenceforth in the annals of the Jesuits “The Mission of the Martyrs.” 
An interesting sketch of the singularly devoted and romantic life of this Father is given by 
J. G. Shea in his edition of the Novum Belgium, written by Jogues, in 1644. He was the 
first European, probably, to explore Lake George, which he named Saint Sacrament in 
commemoration of the festival of Corpus Christi, the day on which he reached it. The 
Indian name was Andiatarocte. 

2 Le Moyne, a Jesuit Father, discovered the Salt Springs of Onondaga in 1654, and on a 
visit to New Amsterdam four years later told the Dominie Megapolensis of a spring at the 
source of a little lake which the Indians did not dare to drink, because, they said, there 
was a devil at the bottom of it. The Father tasted it and found it as salt as the water of 





1658. ] THE ESOPUS WAR. 235 


The conflict between Stuyvesant and the authorities at Rensselaer- 
wyck had little intermission till in the 
latter years of his administration the su- 
premacy of the company was acknowl- 
edged in the payment of a fixed subsidy 
in wheat by the Patroons. But the Di- 
rector always had reason to be grateful 
to them for their steady adherence to that 
policy which preserved friendly relations 
with the Five Nations. In 1658 trouble 
again broke out with the river Indians, 
which might have been far more disas- 
frencmiadenot ,the Mohawks remained yc eee i 
neutral. (from La Hontan). 

The Director had persuaded the people of Esopus, when they re- 
turned to their farms, after the massacre of three years be- 1, Heke 
fore, to find mutual protection in a compact village sur- “*™ 
rounded with defences. The confidence that very precaution gave 
may, perhaps, have made them careless of provoking the hostility of 
the savages. A band of these, who had been engaged to assist in the 
harvest, were fired upon by the villagers, for no greater offence than 
being noisy and offensive in a drunken revel for which the Dutch 
themselves had supplied the means. Retaliation followed, and the 
whites, as usual, suffered in the devastation of their farms and in loss 
of life. 

This Esopus war, as it was called, continued intermittently till 1664, 
and might have been ruinous to the settlements along the banks of 
the Hudson had not the Mohawks been persuaded to continue faithful 
to the peaceful and friendly relations which had been so long main- 
tained. Even without the aid of that tribe the Esopus Indians were 
a formidable enemy. In the course of the war some of those who had 
been taken prisoners by the Dutch were sent to the plantations of 
Curagoa as slaves. The wrong was one not to be forgotten nor for- 
given. In June, 1663, the village of Wiltwyck or Wildwyck — as 
Esopus was then named —was almost totally destroyed. Although 
the ostensible cause of this particular attack was the building of a 
new Ronduit, a little fort, at the neighboring village, —thence known 
ever since as Rondout, —in every blow that fell from the tomahawks 
of the savages was the memory of the slaves, their brothers, across 
the sea. 

It was at high noon, while Stuyvesant was conferring, in the open 








the sea. The Dominie repeated this in a letter to the Classis in Amsterdam, but adding 
‘whether this be true or whether it be a Jesuit lie, I do not determine.” — O’ Callaghan. 


236 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. 


[CHap. X. 


fields outside the town, with the chiefs who had agr eed to meet him 


on pretence of making a treaty, that the 
warriors, scattering Beale es through the 
village apparently in friendly mood, sud- 
denly fell upon the unsuspecting people. 
The houses were plundered and set on fire ; 
some were killed, and some were seized and 
carried off as prisoners ; men at work in the 
fields, hurrying in at the sight of the burn- 
ing houses, to protect their wives and chil- 
dren, were shot down from within their own 
doorways. When, after a fierce and desper- 
ate fight, the savages were driven off, they 
left behind them a heap of ruins in which 
were the charred bodies of twenty-one of 
the murdered villagers, but they carried 
away more than twice that number of women 
and children as prisoners. It was, however, 
the last event of the war; the Indians were 
vigorously pursued and punished; and in 
the course of the next few months a treaty 
was concluded, the last ever made between 
the Dutch and the Indians. 
3ut notwithstanding these Indian wars 
and massacres, from which no colony was 
altogether free, New Netherland 
Noenone slowly grew and prospered. At 
Ten New Amsterdam Stuyvesant yield- 
ed, when longer resistance was useless, to 
fresh innovations upon the prerogatives of 
the Director-general, though none of them 
took much from his power, or added much 
to the power of the people. Whatever gain 
there was to popular government came not 
through any such well-defined purpose as ex- 
isted in New England, of deriving the right 
of governing from the will of the governed ; 
ed only cna the privileges belonging to cit- 
izenship in the fatherland should be pre- 
served in the new home. So far as popular 
freedom existed in Holland it was to be 
maintained in the New Netherland; but 
wherever a limit or a barrier had been set 









New Amsterdam in the middle of the Seventeenth Century (from Vischer's Map in Asher's New Netherland 


@ 


1654. | PERSECUTION OF LUTHERANS. 237 


up at home it was also to be set up in the colony. The burgher goy- 
ernment, which was wrested from the unwilling hands of the com- 
pany, was limited subsequently, by a division of burghers into Great 
and Small, giving certain exclusive privileges to those who were rich 
enough to buy admission into the first rank, and denying those priv- 
ileges to the poor. It was the system of Amsterdam, and was there- 
fore adopted by the colonists, though peculiarly burdensome to the 
people of a new country; it was not long, however, before it was 
modified by an experience of its inevitable evils. 

But whatever concessions Stuyvesant made to the popular will and 
to the rights of the people he made upon compulsion, not . 
convincement. It was his most firm conviction that the of te Di 
powers that be are ordained of God. He governed in that tae 
belief, and his temper was not one to mitigate the severity of a rule 
that appealed to such authority. Naturally he was as intolerant of 
any approach to religious freedom as he was jealous of any encroach- 
ment upon the authority and privileges of the company whose vice- 
gerent he was. As a rigid and zealous Calvinist he was impatient and 
scornful of any other doctrinal belief, or any other form of ecclesiasti- 
cal government. No Boston Puritan could be more positive than he 
that there was but one road to the Heavenly Kingdom, though he was 
equally sure that the road the Puritan had chosen was the wrong one. 

For the Lutherans—the Dutch non-conformists of New Nether 
land, —the Director had little mercy. Aided by the Dom- 
inies Megapolensis and Drisius, he determined upon their pote Lana 

: ° : . therans. 

suppression so soon as they asserted their difference of faith. 

The right they asked for, of public worship among themselves, he 
denied, not only because such worship was not in accordance with 
that sounder belief and better rule which belonged, to the Reformed 
Church, but also because if the door were once opened to one set of 
schismatics it would be hard to close it upon others. The Independ- 
ents of the English towns would be only too glad to avail themselves 
of a new pretext for insubordination. In religious as in civil affairs 
there should be, the Director determined, uniformity and obedience 
to the established order. 

The duty of this uniformity and obedience he enforced upon the 
Lutherans, so soon as they were numerous enough to attract attention, 
by proclamations. He refused to grant them a meeting-house of their 
own in New Amsterdam. When the more zealous among them pre- 
ferred the dictates of their own consciences to the commands of the 
Director, he punished them by fines and imprisonments. When they 
sent to Holland for a minister of their own persuasion, he was soon 
made to see that a proper discharge of his duties was impossible, and 
he was driven out of the colony. 


238 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. X. 


This policy, however, was the policy of Stuyvesant himself, and his 
Disapprovar @llies, the New Amsterdam clergymen, rather than of the 
of the Am- West India Company. In this, as on so many other occa- 
Chamber. sions, the Director-general ran before he was sent. The 
Amsterdam Directors were governed by that spirit which had made 
Holland an asylum for all, of whatever faith and whatever country, 
who were sufferers and exiles for their religious convictions. Stuyvye- 


sant was rebuked by his superiors for his want of charity as well as for _ 


his want of judgment. There might be, they thought, a “needless 
preciseness ” as to the formulary of baptism, which was the essential 
point of difference between the Calvinists and the Lutherans, and 
the Directors hinted that the Company would feel constrained to per- 
mit the Lutherans to have a church of their own, if the harsh measures 
toward them should be continued. 

That zeal for religion which so absorbed the New Englanders had 
far less power over the Dutch. Stuyvesant and his clerical advisers 
were earnest enough and strong enough to prevent the Lutherans 
from having a place of their own for public worship, so long as New 
Netherland was a Dutch colony. But the fervor of the Director and 
the clergymen seems to have had as little support in popular sympa- 
thy as it had from the Company’s Directors in Holland. The people 
at large were not much disposed to the rigid method of enforcing uni- 
formity of belief and religious observance in which Stuyvesant was 
inclined to follow the example of the New England Puritans. This 
difference between them and their New England neighbors was one of 
race rather than the result of a more humane disposition or a wider 
intelligence ; but to that difference it was due, no doubt, that there 
were fewer heretics: among them. A. novel doctrine loses much of 
its attractiveness if no penalty is attached to entertaining it, and the 
preacher of that doctrine is sure to avoid a people among whom he 
cannot command even attention enough to be controverted. 

The outward observances of religious duty could hardly have been 
ha taiey of paramount interest among a people who did not build on 
ference to all Long Island, for the first thirty years of its occupation, 
ious doc- a single church, or settle among them a single minister of 

their own faith. For that long period they were content to 
depend, for such spiritual comfort and instruction as they required, 
upon occasional visits to New Amsterdam, or occasional services in the 
rural districts from her clergymen. Whether such a state of things 
showed contentment or indifference, in either case it was plain that 
this was stony ground for the sowing of the seed of new doctrine. It 
was not so much, probably, that the Director feared the people might 
be led away from a faith they professed so coldly, as from a sincere 


1657. | PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS. 239 


disapproval of what he believed to be error, that he visited heretics 
with punishment. ) 

The prohibition of public worship, meant at first for the Lutherans 
only, was extended to others. At Flushing, among the English, in 
1656, were a few Anabaptists. A poor shoemaker, from Rhode Island, 
one William Wickendam, felt himself called upon to expound the 
Word, and to give new baptism to his disciples in the river. William 
Hallett, the sheriff, permitted his house to be used for the conventicles 
of these people, where Wickendam preached and administered the 
sacraments. Stuyvesant commanded that the ordinance be enforced 
against them, and 
both the sheriff and 
the shoemaker were - 
fined and banished, 
though Wicken- 
dam, because of his 
poverty, was per- 
mitted to go with- 
out payment of the 
fine. 

The next year a 
ship arrived at New 
Amsterdam, having 
on, board several of 
the ‘*eursed sect of 
heretics ’’ — as they 
were called in the 
Massachusetts stat- 
ute — of Quakers. Some of this 
company had been banished from 
Boston the year before, and were now 
on their way to Rhode Island, ‘+ where ; 
all kinds of scum dwell,” wrote the | 
femmes Vers polensis and Wrists, gues Women, preaching in New, Amsterdam. 
“for it is nothing else than a sink of New England.”* Among them 
were two women, whose names, ‘ after the flesh,” as they te 
said, were Dorothy Waugh and Mary Witherhead. Both in New 
were of that number who, the autumn before, had been first 
imprisoned in Boston, and then compelled to reémbark for Barba- 
does ; both, no doubt, had listened with stern approval to Mary 
Prince, as from the window of the Boston jail she bore her testimony 
against Governor Endicott, as he passed by in the street, erying unto 


1 Letter to the Classis in Holland, cited by Brodhead. 























































































































240 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. X. 


him, ‘* Woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor”! When they landed 
at New Amsterdam they emulated the example of that zealous 
woman. ‘They asked neither for a place of public worship nor for per- 
mission to preach, but going from street to street, through the town, 
they announced the new doctrine, and declaimed against the steeple- 
houses, the hireling priesthood, and their pernicious teachings. To 
many of the gaping, and probably amused crowd of Dutchmen who 
followed them, they spoke in an unknown tongue, and upon questions 
which gave them little concern, even if they could have understood 
the preachers. But the preaching nevertheless was a defiance of au- 
thority and law which the Dutch Director was as little disposed as any 
Puritan governor to brook. ‘The women were seized, and thrown into 
separate prisons — “ miry dungeons” they are called — infested with 
vermin. After eight days’ endurance of this punishment, their hands 
were tied behind them, and they were sent back to their ship to finish 
their voyage to Rhode Island.? 

With another of the company, Robert Hodgson (or Hodshone), it 

fared still worse. He proposed to remain in New Nether- 
Persecution 
of Robert land, and was welcomed at Heemstede by a few of his own 
way of thinking, with whom he soon held a meeting. He 
was arrested and word sent to Stuyvesant, who ordered him to be 
brought to New Amsterdam. His knife and his Bible, the latter with 
him the more dangerous weapon, were taken away from him. ‘Tied 
to the tail of a cart in which rode two young women, one with a baby 
at her breast, offenders lke himself, and under a guard of soldiers, 
he was driven, pinioned, in the night-time and through the woods, 
‘whereby he was much torn and abused,” to the city. On his arrival 
the gentle Friend was led by a rope, ike some dangerous criminal, to 
the prison, * a filthy place full of vermin.” 

What was done with the young women does not appear, but not 
being preachers they were probably dismissed without further punish- 
ment. Hodshone’s principal accuser seems to have been Captain 
Willett, again apparently an influential adviser of Stuyvesant, though 
three years before he was appointed to the command, with Standish, 
of the Plymouth troops in the proposed invasion of New Netherland. 
He *“ had much incensed the governor.” against the prisoner, it 1s said, 
though it is easy to conceive that Stuyvesant’s rage would need no 
prompting in an encounter with one of that sect who feared no wrath 
but the divine wrath, and respected no authority but the authority of 


1 Hutechinson’s History of Massachusetts. 

2 Notwithstanding her sentence of banishment from Massachusetts, Dorothy Waugh 
went back to Boston, where she and Sarah Gibbons were imprisoned and whipped for 
speaking in the meeting-house after the lecture. 


1657. | PERSECUTION OF ROBERT HODSHONE. 241 


God. <A prisoner who would not even remove his hat in the presence 
of the court would seem to such a judge as the Director as hardly de- 
serving of other consideration than that hat and head should come off 
together. 

The forms of law were of little moment with an offender of this kind. 
No defence was permitted him, and his sentence was read to him only 
in Dutch. Its meaning, however, was not long left in doubt; he was to 
pay a fine of six hundred guilders ; 
for two years his home was to be a 
loathsome dungeon; his days were 
to be passed at hard labor, with a 
negro, chained to a wheelbarrow. 
When he pleaded that he ‘was never 
brought up to nor used to such 
work,’ a negro beat him with a 
tarred four-inch rope till, as the nar- 
rative says, ‘“ Robert fell down.” 






































































































































































Hodshone 





** retired to the Lord.’’ 


‘Thus he was kept all that day in the 
heat of the sun, chained to the wheel- 
barrow, his body being much bruised 
and swelled with the blows, and he, 
kept without food, grew very faint and 
sat upon the ground with his mind re- 
tired to the Lord, and resigned to his 
will, whereby he found himself supported.” 

So “retired to the Lord,” so resigned and so supported, he endured 
such punishment for three days, — the dungeon at night, the barrow 
and its chains, the negro and his tarred rope, by day. Again he 
was taken before the Director, less able than ever to work, as little 
disposed as ever to submission. ‘* What law have I broken?” he 


VOI Ts 16 


242 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. X. 


demanded. He should work, he was told, or be whipped every day. » 
Again he was chained to the barrow and threatened with even worse 
punishment if he dared to speak to any one. But the threats did not 
move him; * he did not forbear to speak to some that came to him, 
so as he thought meet and convenient.” The worse punishment fol- 
lowed. Hung up by the hands, his feet tied to a log, his bare back 
was torn with rods till he became almost insensible to torture. <A 
country-woman was permitted to enter his prison to wash and dress 
his wounds and nurse him back to life; others intereeded with the 
authorities on his behalf, for many even among the Dutch were moved 
with pity. Some would gladly have paid his fine, but he refused 














Friends’ Meeting-house in Flushing. 


mercy on such terms, lest it should be construed into an acknowledg- 
ment on his part of conscious wrong. | 

When sentence was first pronounced upon him it was displeasing to 
many of the Dutch, as “did appear by the shaking of their heads.” 
More scandalous and inhuman it seemed to many of them when, after 
the cruel and repeated punishment of one whose sole offence was obe- 
dience to his own conscience, he was again led out, still chained to 
his barrow, to labor upon the public highway. Some openly expressed 
their sympathy, at least for his sufferings if not for the cause for which 
he suffered. Among those who exerted themselves on his behalf was 
the widow Anna Bayard, a sister of the Director. She was full of 
compassion, perhaps of indignation, and at her prayers and expostula- 





1661.] PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS. 243 


tions her stern brother relented. Hodshone was released at length, 
and the fine remitted, but he was banished from the colony.1 

To the interference of the good Mrs. Bayard the Friends owed more, 
probably, than the release of a single one of their number 
from the severe treatment of the Director. No others of of Madam” 
that sect were subjected to such cruel persecution as had ie 
been visited upon Hodshone, though meetings were held, and the ob- 
noxious doctrines preached, at Jamaica, Flushing, Heemstede, and 
Brooklyn, from the first appearance of Friends in New Netherland. 
Neither imprisonment, fines, nor an act forbidding all persons to en- 
tertain a Quaker for a single night under a penalty of fifty pounds, 
could abate the zeal or enforce the silence of these people. If no 
house was open to them, they assembled in the woods for worship after 
their manner. They were willing to endure whatever should be in- 
flicted upon them, for conscience’ sake; but happily after the release 
of Hodshone, they seemed no more obnoxious to the Director than other 
dissenters. In 1663, even the comparatively mild persecution of 
enforcing the law against those who most persistently defied it ceased. 

One John Bowne, of Flushing, had in that year become a convert 
to the doctrines of Friends and had opened his house for 

Banishment 
their meetings. There was, perhaps, something more than of John 
usually exasperating in the quiet and patient firmness with ee: 
which the sturdy English farmer endured three months’ imprison- 
ment, and refused to pay a fine, for the council ordered that he should 
be sent out of the province by the first ship ready for sea. He went 
as a prisoner to Holland, Stuyvesant writing to the Directors in Am- 
sterdam that if others did not take warning by his banishment they 
would be even more severely dealt with. 

Bowne defended himself before the Amsterdam chamber with 
complete success. So far from approving what Stuyvesant proposed 
to do, the Directors rebuked him for his previous course. Though they 
preferred that there should be neither Quakers nor any other dis- 
senters in the colony, they doubted the wisdom of attempting to sup- 
press them by vigorous measures. It was poor policy, they thought, 
in a commercial colony to repel men by persecution for opinion’s sake. 
“Let every one,” they said, ‘remain free as long as he 1s modest, 
moderate, his political conduct irreproachable, and as long.as he does 
not offend others or oppose the government.” This ‘maxim of mod- 
eration ”’ had been the rule of the magistrates of Amsterdam. “ Tread 
thus in their steps,” they exhorted the Director, “and we doubt not 
you will be blessed.” Stuyvesant had the grace to accept this wise 


1 Sewall’s History of the Quakers: An Abstract of the Sufferings tt the People called 
Quakers for the Testimony of a Good Conscience. London, 1733. 


244 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuav. X. 


and humane counsel. The Friends were not again molested. Bowne 
returned to New Amsterdam, and, when they met, the Director 
“seemed ashamed of what he had done.” ? 

But these religious persecutions had little to do with the material 
progress of New Netherland. They neither helped nor hindered it, 
and they were rather individual than national —less the outgrowth 
of the character of the people than indications only that Stuyvesant 
was as earnest and passionate on the religious as on other sides of his 
nature. If the ordinary Dutchman cared little what his neighbors 
might think or do about the affairs of the life to come, it was because 
he was not prone to trouble himself very much about affairs of any 
























































Bowne’s House. 


kind. His temperament led him to live, so long as he lived in this 
world at all, a quiet, not over-anxious nor over-active life, and to ac- 
cept without question and without much thought the teachings of es- 
tablished authority. If he was more tolerant than his English neigh- 
bor of differences of opinion on sacred as well as civil subjects, more 
merciful in punishment when punishment seemed to be called for, it was 
not so much that he was more just, but that he was less susceptible. 
It came to pass therefore, that his own province of New Netherland 
was indebted for whatever progress it made very much to the Eng- 
lish, whose restless energy, much more than any diplomatic policy, 
urged them to “ keep crowding the Dutch.” - 


1 Alb. Rec., cited by O'Callaghan and Brodhead. 





1661. ] GROWTH OF NEW NETHERLAND. 245 


It was not till 1661 that any serious efforts were made to extend 
the border settlement at Fort Orange. In that year the Gradual 
“Great Flat” stretching from the fort to the Mohawk tre dalony: 
country was conveyed to Arendt Van Curler, one of the earliest set- 
tlers of Rensselaerswyck, and the commissary and secretary of the 
first Patroon. But it was three years later before the first settle- 
ment was made upon the tract at Schaenhechstede, now Schenectady. 

In the same year of this purchase by Van Curler, Melyn finally 
parted with his manor of Staten Island, the whole of which became 
the property of the West India Company. A new village —still 
called New Dorp —soon sprung up a few miles south of the Narrows ; 
grants of land were made in other parts of the island to some of the 
French Waldenses who were among the earlier emigrants, and to Hugue- 
nots from Rochelle, whose descendants have clung tenaciously from 
generation to generation to the soil which their fathers first culti- 
vated. In 1656, Jamaica—a corruption of the Indian name, Jimeco 
— was settled by Englishmen, though the Dutch name was given it 
of Rust-dorp, or Quiet Village. Westchester was reluctantly recog- 
nized as Oost-dorp, or East village, for this also was settled by English- 
men, between whom and Stuyvesant there was frequent conflict. One 
Thomas Pell was the first English purchaser of land within the bound- 
aries of the present Westchester County; the tract he bought of the 
Indians included the spot where Ann Hutchinson and her family 
sought a last refuge from Puritan persecution and became the victims 
of an indiscriminate savage ferocity. New Haerlem was large enough 
in 1660 to be entitled to a village government. The next year two 
new towns, New Utrecht and Boswyck — now Bushwick — were in- 
corporated on Long Island, on the south side of the bay ; and on the 
other side, the first municipality in the present State of New Jersey 
was established at Bergen. Gradually the number of farms was 
enlarged, and agriculture became a more important element in the in- 
dustry of the province. Among a people with whom beer was a neces. 
sary of life breweries were never wanting ; but to those other manufac- 
tures had from time to time been added, especially of brick and 
delft. In 1660 New Amsterdam contained three hundred and fifty 
houses, which was an increase of two hundred in four years, 

It was about this period that the trade in African slaves began to 
assume some activity. A free trade in slaves was among the privileges 
which the colonists had long thought the Company should grant them, 
for only with such laborers was it deemed possible that agriculture 
could flourish. A promise of aid of this sort had more than once been 
given, but the number of negroes in the province, till after the middle 
of the seventeenth century, was probably small. In 1648, an attempt 





246 THE LATTER YEARS OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. X. 


was made to encourage an exchange of colonial products with Brazil for 
slaves, apparently with small result. In 1652, permission was granted 
for direct importation from the African coast ; but two ships only 
seem to have availed themselves of this privilege. It was not, indeed, 
till two years later that the trade became established, and the slaves 
after that date were brought chiefly, if not entirely, from Curacoa, — 
the principal Dutch depot for this traffic in the West Indies. The im- 
portations to New Netherland were chiefly in the mterest of the Com- 
pany, though some share in them was granted to the municipality of 
New Amsterdam. Those brought on account of the Company were 
sold on arrival at public auction for beaver-currency, or its equivalent 
in provisions, with the proviso that they should not be exported from 
the colony. Stuyvesant was among the few who had the privilege — ° 
limited, perhaps, to official persons — of importing slaves for his own 
use. Director Beck of Curacoa, writes him in August, 1659, that he 
had purchased for him two boys and a girl, who, according to the bill 
of lading, were shipped on the Spera Mundi, “ all dry and well con- 
ditioned, and marked with the annexed mark.” In February of the 
next year Beck writes again that he hopes soon to send him some 
‘‘lusty fellows.” Four or five years later, ships counted their living 
freight by hundreds. Though the Dutch were the first to bring the 
African slave to this continent,! and the trade was thus successfully 
established in their colony,” slavery was earlier made an important 
element of their social system by the English in Virginia. 

1 See vol. i., p. 302. 

2 Voyages of the Slavers St. John and Arms of Amsterdam, 1659, 1663 ; together with addi- 


tional Papers illustrative of the Slave Trade under the Dutch. Translated from the Original 
Manuscripts. By KE. B. O'Callaghan. 





CHAPTER XI. 
THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. 


ENCROACHMENTS OF THE ENGLISH.— THE Soutrn RivER CoLtony. — Lorp Batti- 
MORE’S CLAIM, AND CONTROVERSY WITH MaryLanp.— A NEw PATENT GRANTED 
To ConneEcTICUT. — DISSATISFACTION OF New Haven. — OTHER ENGLISH Towns 
ACCEPT THE PROTECTION OF CONNECTICUT. — CONFEDERACY OF Long ISLAND 
TOwNS UNDER JOHN Scotr. — His ArrEMPTS TO COERCE THE Dutcu.— New NeEtu- 
LAND AND PART OF NEW ENGLAND GRANTED TO THE DUKE OF YorK.— THE 
Nicotits Commisston. — New NETHERLAND INVADED. — ITS SURRENDER. — NICOLLS 
PROCLAIMED GOVERNOR. — CHANGE OF NAMES. — NEw AMSTEL TAKEN BY THE ING- 
LISH. 


THESE later years of Dutch rule in America were anxious years 
to Stuyvesant. Notwithstanding the growing prosperity of |. a. 
his own province he watched with jealous eyes the encroach- ments of the 
ments and increasing influence and power of the English,  ~ 
even if he had not actual prevision of their ultimate supremacy over 
all New Netherland. Massachusetts, who claimed that her patent ex- 
tended indefinitely westward, proposed to settle a colony on the 
upper waters of the Hudson, and claimed the right of navigation 
upon that river to reach her alleged possessions. The right was de- 
nied on the ground of priority of discovery, but the claim was none 
the less a source of anxiety to the Director. By the treaty of Hart- 
ford a large proportion of Long Island was ceded to the English, and 


both there and in Westchester they were pressing hard upon the 
Dutch, with no very strict observance of boundary lines. ‘ Place no 


confidence,” wrote the Director to the Amsterdam Chamber in 1660, 
‘‘in the weakness of the English government and its indisposition to 
interfere in affairs here. New England does not care much about 
its troubles, and does not want its aid. Her people are fully convinced 
that their power overbalances ours tenfold; and it is to be appre- 
hended that they may make further attempts, at this opportunity, 
without fearing or caring for home interference.” Nor was there 
much in the relations of the mother countries to lead him to hope 
that in colonial affairs the interests of his colony would be protected. 
Holland was not left long in doubt as to how much reliance there 


248 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. XI. 


might be upon the acts of the restored king, Charles II., for the ful- 
filment of the promises of an exiled prince. 

On the South River the Director was beset by never-ceasing per- 

. plexity and anxiety, relieved by no perspective of general 
the South prosperity. No increase of population, no extension of ag- 
as riculture, no growth of manufacturing industry cheered the 
company and encouraged to fresh exertions on behalf of that colony. 
The absence of all healthful energy and enterprise in that portion of 
New Netherland was due to conditions under which all such energy 
and enterprise were well-nigh impossible. A wilderness lay between 
it and the capital of the colony, and none of the advantages which 
might come from nearness to the seat of power could influence its 
affairs. It was only the province of a province, governed or misgoy- 
erned by the deputy of a deputy, claimed now by one nation, now by 
another, a bone of contention gnawed by each in turn. Half of the 
community had almost always been in the wretched position of a 
subjugated people. The strength and vitality without which the 
work of the pioneer must be an irremediable failure were paralyzed 
by contention, dependence, and uncertainty. 

Not the least of the difficulties which Stuyvesant had to meet in 
the management of the affairs of this portion of his government was 
that which confronted him everywhere in fending off the English. 
The enterprising New Englanders pitied, no doubt, the distresses and 
hardships which beset the people on the South River, so far as they 
came from natural causes. But they were not unmindful, neverthe- 
less, of the good chances for trade which those distresses opened to 
them. Beeckman, whom the Director-general had appointed as gov- 
ernor of the company’s colony, purchased of the Indians the territory 
south of the Boomtjes (Bombay) Hook to Cape Henlopen, and estab- 
lished at Horekill a trading-post, putting in it a small garrison, near 
the spot where De Vries and Godyn had planted their colony of 
Swaanendael a quarter of a century before. This gave to the Dutch 
a valid claim to the whole river from the capes to the Schuylkill; but 
the New Englanders gave no heed to the few Dutch soldiers who 
guarded, or attempted to guard, the passage of the Delaware, and de- 
fied the laws which prohibited their trading along its banks. Where 
ships of all nations now ride safely at anchor off the quaint little 
village of Lewes, under the lee of the Delaware breakwater, awaiting 
orders for the great staples of American commerce, or seeking a 
refuge from the storms outside the capes of Henlopen and May, more 
than two centuries ago the little vessels of New England lingered 
for wind and tide with their cargoes of peltries gathered along the 
shores of the Delaware, and laughed at the handful of Dutch soldiers 











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1659. } CONTROVERSY WITH MARYLAND. 249 


on the Horekill, who were powerless to resent this infringement on 
the territorial and commercial rights of the West India Company. 

Trouble from another direction was even more threatening. The 
rendition of the fugitives to Virginia and Maryland was de- goniest with 
manded by Stuyvesant as Director-general, and a contro- M*yl#n4. 
versy was provoked which came near producing a quite unlooked-for 
result. These people who had fled, not only from legal obligations, 
which they considered unjust and oppressive, but from trials and 
afflictions which were the natural consequences of their settlement in 
a new country, must, nevertheless, have represented that country 
as one worth possessing. The English from the southward began 
quietly and gradually to encroach upon the Dutch boundaries, and in 
reply to Stuyvesant’s demand that the fugitives should be compelled 
to return to the jurisdiction from which they had fled, Lord Balti- 
more renewed his claim, that the whole South River region was in- 
cluded within his patent, the northern boundary of which was the 
fortieth parallel. 

A delegation from Maryland, at the head of which was Colonel 
Nathaniel Utie, appeared at New Amstel, with a summons from Govy- 
ernor Fendall for the surrender of the province. The official gentle- 
men had reason enough to be alarmed at such a summons, for there 
were not more than twenty-five soldiers at their command in the 
whole province, and two thirds of these were stationed at Horekill ; 
but possibly the people had little share in these apprehensions. Worn 
out with sickness and sullen with discontent, they were in a state of 
mind to listen to Utie, whose instructions were to ‘insinuate unto the 
people there seated” that they should have ‘good conditions,” and 
‘‘have protection in their lives, liberties, and estates.” ! Alrichs, in 
his letter to Stuyvesant, on the arrival of the Maryland delegation, 
says ‘the citizens are few in number, and unwilling to fight, because, 
as they say, the city has not kept its conditions, but curtailed them,” ? 
and he reports Utie as saying: ‘“* We [that is the Dutch] ought to 
take hold of this opportunity, as our men had chiefly deserted us, and 
they who are yet remaining will be of little or no aid; therefore it is 
our intention to take hold of this occasion, as we will not let it pass 
by, convinced as we are of your weakness.” 

There was no hope in resistance, and the Dutch wisely resorted to 
protracted negotiation, which they carried on with great skill. Al- 
richs and Beeckman replied courteously — much to Stuyvesant’s dis- 
gust when he heard of it — but firmly to the Maryland envoys, repre- 
senting that the right of the Dutch to the South River was founded 


1 Proceedings of Council of Maryland; in Hazard’s Annals, p. 257. 
2 Albany Records, cited by Hazard. 


250 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. XI. 


on priority of discovery and occupation; that such ‘ procedures and 
treatment by Christians and Protestant brethren ‘ appeared” un- 
expected and strange ;” that they were contrary to the peace and 
harmony existing between the republic of England and the States 
General ; that such a question should be submitted to their respective 
rulers ; and, finally, that they ought to have three weeks to communi- 
cate with the Director-general at New Amsterdam. Utie acceded to 
the latter proposition and returned to Maryland to await the event. 

Stuyvesant’s anger when he received the tidings from Alrichs and 
Beeckman was more than usually intemperate. ‘I did see,” he says, 
‘with no less regret than surprise . .. . the frivolous conclusion of 
Nathaniel Utie, and your not less frivolous answer, and further pro- 
ceedings with him on such a frivolous fabricated instructions ... . 
much more so yet, that you permitted the aforesaid Utie to sow his: 
seditious and mutinous seed among the community, . . . . who rather 
deserved to have been apprehended as a spy and conducted hither, 
than to have obtained an audience upon such a frivolous fabricated in- 
struction without a commission.” There was no limit to the absurdi- 
ties into which his ungovernable temper would not hurry the Direc- 
tor. He must have known that Utie’s instructions were from Gover- 
nor Fendall of Maryland; that the mission was undertaken by order 
of Lord Baltimore himself; that there was ample power behind it, — 
five hundred men, it was soon reported, being ready to move upon the 
Dutch; and, on the other side, he well knew that the whole force on 
which Alrichs and Beeckman had to rely consisted of five and twenty 
men, two thirds of whom were at a distance of seventy miles, and that 
the colony generally, if they did not welcome a change of government, 
would look upon it with the coolest indifference. But Stuyvesant’s 
anger was not merely absurd; it became outrageous when, to punish 
the governors of the South River for conduct which under the cireum- 
stances was altogether judicious, he insulted them by sending his 
secretary, Cornelius Van Ruyven, and Captain Martin Kregier, to 
take charge of affairs. 

But, as usual, however unreasonable Stuyvesant was in temper, he 
was rational in action. On the same day that he so berated his sub- 
ordinates who received Utie, he wrote to the governor of Maryland, 
and appointed two commissioners, Augustine Heermans and Resolved | 
Waldron, as bearers of the letter, and with power to enter into nego- 
tiation upon the subject of Utie’s mission. He was not so blinded by 
anger as not to see that the only course open to him was precisely that 
for adopting which he so blamed Alrichs and Beeckman. They knew 
that if the claim presented on behalf of Lord Baltimore could be 
defeated at all, it could only be by an appeal, not to arms, but to 





1660. | CONTROVERSY WITH MARYLAND. 251 


reason and argument. Stuyvesant knew they were right, and, while 
he humiliated them with reproaches he justified their conduct by re- 
sorting, as they had done, to pretexts for delay and offers of nego- 
tiation. Though he made a show of armed defence by sending sixty 
soldiers to the South River with Captain Kregier, his real reliance 
was upon his ambassadors, Heermans and Waldron, who were to push 
on to Maryland, armed only with his letter of remonstrance. 
The negotiation with the governor and council of: that province was 
conducted, on the part of the Dutch commissioners, with a 
a 4 " i Arguments 
good deal of ability and tact. The invasion of the rights of of the com- 
the Company, they contended, was contrary to the law of =~ 
nations and to treaties existing between England and the States Gen- 
eral; that the colony of the city of Amsterdam, which Maryland spe- 
cially claimed had intruded upon Lord Baltimore’s patent, was a colony 










































































The Maryland and New Netherland Ambassadors. 


within the jurisdiction of New Netherland, and that the West India 
Company had planted the colony in the South River region from 
thirteen to fifteen years before any grant of lands along that coast was 
made to Lord Baltimore; and while they professed a strong desire to 
live in peace and amity with their neighbors, they firmly avowed the 
determination to submit to no wrong. 

In the course of the discussion the Baltimore patent was shown to 
the commissioners, who at once detected and fastened upon that 
clause which limited the grant to lands “ hactenus inculta”’ (hitherto 


252 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. XI. 


uncultivated), and inhabited only by the Indians. On this point the 
Dutch commissioners immediately presented a supplementary declara- 
tion, confining themselves to the single argument that the South 
River region was distinctly excluded from Lord Baltimore’s patent by 
its own terms, inasmuch as when the grant was made that country no 
longer belonged to the Indians, but had been bought of them by the 
Dutch, who were in possession of it, and had been for years, at the 
date of Lord Baltimore’s patent. 

To this presentation of the case there seems to have been no 
answer. It was unanswerable, indeed, as between the contending 
parties, if the assumption of the Dutch was admitted, —that early and 
long oecupation carried with it the title to the country. But one 
party chose to ignore, and the other did not know or unaccountably 
forgot, that if by possession something more than mere military tenure 
was meant, there was still a third nationality whose right was better 
than any that could be given by royal patent or company’s charter. 

It perhaps occurred to the Dutch commissioners that the English 
might make use of the fact that the Swedes had so long maintained 
jurisdiction over the South River as an argument against the claim of 
the West India Company; for they allude in their first declaration to 
the Swedes as ** Dutch Swedes,”’ who in common with the Duteh had 
settled in several places on that river, and when Governor Fendall of 
Maryland asked what was meant by “ Dutch Swedes, ” the commis- 
sioners answered that ‘* they had been partners and associates residing 
for a time under jurisdiction of the Company, or rather connived at, 
but who became more insolent, so as at length, in a traitorous man- 
ner, they surprised Fort New Amstel, before called Fort Casimir, by 
which director-general and council in New Netherland were com- 
pelled to cleanse that neighborhood of such a vile gang.” 

This ingenious misrepresentation of the order of events of more 
than twenty years on the South River seems to have been accepted as 
true by the English. Either they did not know or did not choose to 
assert that the “ vile gang ”’ was still the larger though now a subject 
portion of the people of the province, and that during the long ad- 
ministration of John Printz at least, so far from being *connived at ” 
as associates and partners under the jurisdiction of the Company, they 
were the masters of the Dutch, whose presence they had hardly toler-_ 
ated. The commissioners were as careful to present all the argument 
in their own favor as they were to anticipate any possible rejoinder 
on the other side. While they thus ignored the Swedes, whose juris- 
diction could be used as a strong point against them, they reminded 
the English of that Sir Edmund Plowden who called himself earl 
palatine of New Albion, and claimed that New Albion was granted 





1660.] CONTROVERSY. WITH MARYLAND. 253 


to him by James IT., and extended from the North River to Virginia. 
The title of Lord Baltimore to the Delaware was, they said, no better 
than this of Plowden, who ‘‘in former time would make us believe he 
hath unto, when it afterward did prove and was found out, he only 
subreptiff and obreptiff hath something obtained to that purpose which 
was invalid.” It was a shrewd reminder to the Maryland people that 
their own rights were not undisputed, and that among rival claimants 
possession was the better title.1 

The difficulties of the ques- 
tion, and the able presentation 
of it by Stuyvesant’s ambas- 
sadors, quite confounded the 
Maryland magistrates. The 
subject was referred to Lord 
Baltimore, then in England, 
for further consideration. ‘The 
consideration was not want- 
ing, but no adjustment of the 
conflicting claims was ever 
reached. In 1660 we hear of 
Captain James Neal, the attor- 
ney of Baltimore, demanding 
of the College of XIX at Am- 
sterdam the cession of New 7 “idl wD a a G 
Amstel, and of the reply of  ~ | wh 
the college that ‘they will use 
all the means God and nature 
have given to protect the in- 
habitants.” ‘wo years later 
Beeckman writes to Stuyvesant 
that he hears of the arrival of 
the son of Lord Baltimore in Maryland, and that “nothing further is 
mentioned there of any intentions upon this district.” 

Apprehension of trouble from that quarter, nevertheless, increased 
in the Amsterdam Chamber. In less than a year from the time of 
Beeckman’s hopeful letter, the Company transferred all their posses- 












































Swedish Soldier of the Seventeenth Century. 


1 The Plowden patent has been the cause of a good deal of controversy. The truth 
about it seems to be that Sir Edmund Plowden asked for a grant from King Charles of 
the country from Virginia to the North River, to be called New Albion, but the request 
was refused by the king, and a worthless patent was obtained from the viceroy of Ireland, 
who had no authority to give it. A Description of the Province of New Albion, etc., etc., etc., 
by Beauchamp Plantagenct (a supposed assumed name for Plowden). Hazard’s Annals. 
Note by Henry C. Murphy in his translation of the Vertoogh, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
Second Series, vol. ii. 


254 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. XI. 


sion on the South River to the city of Amsterdam; and the reason 
transtorot QiVeh 18 that the colony may be protected, without expense 
Se ea the Company, against encroachments from the English on 

the south. For, from the English on that side, the Directors 
declare, as little favor is to be expected as from the English on the 
north, and that these “are continuing in their usurpations.” It was 
the shadow of the coming event. In less than a year thereafter New 
Amsterdam became New York, and New Amstel, Newcastle, and the 
Dutch, except for a brief subsequent interval, ceased to contend with 
England for colonial power in North America. 

But these later years:‘of Dutch possession on the South River were 
eee not otherwise years of prosperity or of peace. Alrichs died 
the Dutch while the controversy was going on between Stuyvesant’s 
the Dela’ Commissioners and the magistrates of Maryland, and was 
he succeeded by D’Hinoyossa. The administration of this new 
governor of the Colony of the City was marked by little else than 
quarrels with Beeckman and intrigues against him. ‘ He feels him- 
self again pretty high,” Beeckman writes of his rival, ‘‘and is strut- 
ting forward in full pride. He is boasting that he will recover all the 
effects of the deceased Alrichs, and sings already another tune.” This 
was when D’Hinoyossa was appointed Director, and the antagonism it 
shows between the two men had from that moment no abatement. 
A struggle for supremacy in the colony left little time to look after its | 
real interests; industry was crippled by constant fear of Indian hos- 
tilities ; idleness and the want of a good example in the rulers led to 
general immorality and lawlessness.! 

D’Hinoyossa, probably, as well as fear of the English, had some- 
thing to do with the transfer of the South River to the city of Amster- 
dam. The governor had sometime before gone secretly to Holland, 
and when he returned it was as sole governor where hitherto he had 
held only a divided command. But his triumph over Beeckman was 
short-lived. : 

At the north events were hurrying on the inevitable conclusion. 
Anew pat. After the restoration of Charles II., John Winthrop the 
pnt grantet younger was sent by the general court of Hartford as the 
onl agent of that colony to England, with instructions to procure 
anew charter from the king, whom Connecticut had hastened to ac- — 
knowledge. Mr. Winthrop was successful. The boundaries of the 


1 There could have been little respect for either law or justice where the wife of the 
Swedish priest eloped with a young man, and when the priest broke into the young man’s 
room in search of the woman, was compelled by the authorities, because he took an inven- 
tory “of a few old stockings,” to assume all the debts which his wife’s paramour had left 
behind him. The priest sought consolation by marrying himself immediately to another 
woman, though this was pronounced illegal till he had obtained a divorce. 





1662.] DISSATISFACTION OF NEW HAVEN. 200 


original patent, conveyed by the Earl of Warwick to Lord Say 
and Seal and others, which the colony had afterward purchased of 
Fenwick, were confirmed in April, 1662, by new letters patent with 
enlarged privileges. It gave to the patentees one hundred and twenty 
miles from the Narragansett River along the coast ‘* toward the south- 
west, west and by south,” and from that line westward in its full 
breadth to the Pacific, or, as it was then called, the South Sea, with 
all the islands along the included coasts of both oceans.? 

New Haven and other English towns along the Sound and on Long 
Island, which had hitherto been independent, were thus “Aire 
brought under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. Some of cae 
them submitted cheerfully ; those, especially, near the bound- 
ary line of New Netherland gladly welcomed the protection of such a 
union. But these were the weaker towns. New Haven, strong and 
self-reliant, protested with vehemence against this disregard of her 
rights by purchase and settlement. Her legislature called the act 
“the great sin of Connecticut,” as one “contrary to righteousness, 
amity, and peace.” The magistrates of that colony were accused of bad 
faith in the measures they took to procure the new patent ; of treach- 
ery in the course they pursued in arousing discontent and animosity 
among the people, that New Haven might be disorganized and become 
the prey of Connecticut. Whether the charges were true or not, 
the assertion of jurisdiction was the source of perpetual trouble for 
the two years that the controversy lasted ; it was so easy to evade 
the payment of taxes within the boundaries of New Haven by the 
plea that allegiance was due to the new government only. 

Consanguinity and common interests were sure to heal such polit- 
ical dissensions among the English in the end. It was quite other- 
wise with the Dutch. The new patent covered not only Long Island 
but all Northern New Netherland. Stuyvesant saw and compre- 
hended the situation. Years before he had conceded the line of the 
Hartford treaty to these encroaching English. Even within that line 


1 At the time of Winthrop’s presentation of the petition of Connecticut for a new 
charter, Lord Say and Seal held the privy seal, and the Earl of Manchester, another warm 
friend of the colony, was chamberlain of the royal household. Both, says Trumbull (/7is- 
tory of Connecticut) were instrumental in forwarding Winthrop’s purpose. It_is also said 
that Winthrop presented to the king an extraordinary ring, given by Charles I. to Win- 
throp’s grandfather, which the king was glad to recover. There is another tradition that 
the king, Charles IL., gave his miniature to Winthrop. The miniature, however, — now 
in the possession of Miss Elizabeth W. Winthrop, a descendant of the governor, — is 
undoubtedly the portrait, not of Charles, but of the Chevalier St. George, the “Old Pre- 
tender,” who was not born till twenty-six years after this visit of Winthrop to England. 
Such traditions are to be received with caution. That about the ring may have as little 
foundation as the story of the portrait. Adam Winthrop, John’s grandfather, was a plain 
country gentleman, unconnected with the court, who died before Charles I. became king. 


256 . THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. XI. 


there were English towns which he could only with the greatest 
umbarracs. Cifficulty hold in subjection to Dutch rule. That difficulty 
ment of now was immensely increased by the assertion of English 
Stuyvesant. title to the whole of Long Island and the North River 
region by a new patent from the English king. ‘The Dutch could 
hardly fail to see the end 
that was coming. 

The right of those 
towns on Long Island, 
hitherto independent by 
virtue of the Hartford 
treaty of 1650, to accept 
the protection of Connec- 
ticut, could not be ques- 
tioned, however much 
their strength might be 
increased and that of the 
Dutch lessened by a union 
with that colony. But 
Stuyvesant was not the 
man to submit without a. 
struggle to the assertion 
which Connecticut has- 
tened to make of such a 
right, under the new pa- 
tent, as belonging also 
to other English towns 





































The English Agitators re-naming the Towns. 


within the boundaries of New Netherland. For two years he carried 
on a hopeless struggle, cheered sometimes by temporary success, but. 
on the whole gradually and certainly losing ground. A visit to Bos- 
ton and a conference with the commissioners of the united New Eng- 
land colonies availed him nothing; he was defeated by that old policy 








1663.] JOHN SCOTT. 201 


of delay with which the New Englanders had always met the Dutch 
in any attempt at negotiation. He sent commissioners to Hartford 
only to be baffled by a similar result. 

Meanwhile, within the limits of his own province the English were 
steadily aggressive. One Captain John Talcott was sent ae 
from Connecticut, in the autumn of 1663, to Westchester geen Sop 
to encourage the people in their hostility to Dutch rule, erand un | 
He bettered his instructions by fostering discontent in all eee 
the English towns on the west end of Long Island. Two 
months later Anthony Waters and John Coe, at the head of a con- 
siderable force, marched from town to town, changed the names of 
several of them, calling Flushing Newark, Newtown or Middelburgh 
Hastings, Jamaica Crafford, and Oyster Bay Folestone ; deposed the 
magistrates and appointed new ones; and proclaiming Charles II. 
king, declared these places to be part of his dominions. The Director 
was glad now to accept the compromise which his commissioners had 
rejected in Hartford only a few weeks before, — that there should be 
mutual forbearance, the Dutch and English towns to be free respect- 
ively from interference from either government. 

It was a virtual surrender on the part of Stuyvesant, but he had no 
alternative. The treasury was empty; help from the Company there 
was none till it was too late; an assembly of the people could devise 
no remedy with which to arrest the encroachments of the English. 
And it was while the Director was thus made almost desperate with 
troubles from without, destroying the integrity and threatening the 
existence of his colony, that he was called upon to defend the settle- 
ments on the North River from the renewed attacks of the Esopus 
Indians. 

In the earlier differences between New Netherland and the New 
England colonies, one John Scott had been conspicuous on rye 
Long Island in efforts to unite his countrymen of the Eng- revoltof 
lish towns against the Dutch, and had been punished by im- 
prisonment. He claimed to have purchased of the Indians large 
tracts of country, and returning to England at the restoration he pe- 
titioned the king to bestow upon him the government of the whole of 
Long Island. He was not without a valid claim to the royal favor, 
for he had served in the army under Charles the First, and his father 
had spent his fortune, and at last laid down his life, in the cause of 
that unhappy king. The Committee of Foreign Plantations, to whom 
his petition was referred, gave him a commission to return to America, 
arming him with large powers, but in conjunction with George Bax- 
ter, another well-known opponent of the Dutch, and Samuel Maver- 


ick of Boston. 
AWN, ine ily 


258 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. XI. 


The commissioners were instructed not merely to examine into 
English titles upon Long Island; they were ordered to look into the 
question of the “intrusion” of the Dutch; their power, commerce, 
government; their disregard of English law, especially of the Navi- 
gation Act, that early protective policy which proposed to shut out 
all foreigners from trade with the English colonies ; and finally of the 
means whereby this people could be brought most readily to submis- 
sion, or failing that, to expulsion. As Scott bore royal letters of com-_ 
mendation to the colonial governors, such instructions if carried out 
would be almost tantamount to a declaration of war. 

On his arrival, Scott was joined in a commission, with Talcott and 
others from Connecticut, to annex all Long Island to that province. 
To accept such an office seems hardly compatible with the instructions 
from the Committee of Plantations; but as he needed force to back 
his pretensions, he -was ready, perhaps, to accept aid from any quarter. 

Circumstances favored him. The towns on the western side of the 
caevene Island, within the boundaries of New Netherland, had be- 
of English COMe, by the agreement between Stuyvesant and the mag- 

| istrates at Hartford, free from allegiance either to Connecticut 
or the Dutch. But the people were divided among themselves. They 
were glad to be no longer counted as Dutch colonies; but the Baptists, 
Quakers, and other dissenters among them, dreaded coming under the 
Puritan rule of New England. ‘+ Wee ware put,” they wrote to Scott, 
‘“uppon proclaiming the King by Capt. John Youngs, who came with 
a trumpet to Heemstede, and sounded in our ears that Conecticot 
would do great things for us.” But the promise had been redeemed 
by nothing but “if so bees and doubtinghs.” On the other hand the 
Dutch authorities threatened, some actually abused them, and they 
appealed, therefore, to Scott to come to their aid. 

He came, and came with the unexpected announcement that the king 
had granted all Long Island to his brother the Duke of York. It was 
welcome news to the English, and harmonized all differences. Heem- 
stede, Gravesend, Flushing, Newtown, and Jamaica, at once united for 
their mutual protection, choosing John Scott as their president, until 
the Duke of York or the king should establish a permanent government. 
At the head of a force of a hundred and fifty men, President Scott 
took the field to reduce the Dutch towns to obedience to the English 
king. At Breukelen he addressed the people, telling them they were 
no longer Dutch subjects. He was asked to wait upon the Director- 
general. ‘Let Stuyvesant come here with a hundred men,” he an- 
swered ; “ I shall wait for him and run a sword through his body.” ! 
Perhaps he meant it, for turning round he gave a blow to a lad — 


1 O’Callaghan’s New Netherland. 








1664.] JOHN SCOTT. 259 


knocked off his hat, probably — for refusing to uncover to the English 
flag. ‘* He had better strike men, not boys,” shouted one of the 
crowd. The remark, however just, was ill-timed, and four of Scott's 
men immediately fell upon the new offender and put him to flight. 
The “usurper,” as he was soon called, marched from town to town, 
everywhere proclaiming Charles II. as the rightful sovereign of New 
Netherland, and creating disorder wherever he went. 









: Wh 
= AAA And \ 






(ly 


— 









It was disorder only, how- 
ever, and not revolution. 
Scott and his troopers har- 
assed the Dutch through the 
winter — 1664 — threaten- 
| | ing to take New Amsterdam 
pare Sa ae in the spring. Stuyvesant 
called a meeting of delegates, for such a threat was more serious than 
any lawlessness in the outlying villages. The Stadt-Huys and the 
fort of the capital in possession of the English, a Director-general and 
his council overawed or imprisoned in the name of Charles II., would 
be actual revolution. The emergency was met with promptness and 
energy. Money was raised and measures taken for defence, though 
there was hot dispute whether the city was bound to do more than 
take care of itself, leaving the rest of the province to the protection 
of the Company. Scott’s career, at any rate, was checked.“ A con- 
ference was held between him and the Director, and affairs, it was 
agreed, should be restored to the old order: the English towns to 
remain under such government as they should deem fit, the Dutch 
to be unmolested for a twelve-month, while the question of juris- 
diction and boundaries should be referred to the home governments. 
For a brief period it seemed to the Dutch that better days were 
coming. In the spring the war with the Esopus Indians was brought 





NW ning 
nin 


Bd MY 


260 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. XI. 


to a successful end, and Stuyvesant made with them that treaty of 
peace and amity which proved to be his last. “The commissioners, who 
had been sent the autumn before to Holland, returned with assur- 
ances of protection from the States-General, and letters to the Eng- 
lish towns enjoining them to return to their allegiance to the Dutch. 
But it was a deceitful lull in the storm. The magistrates at Hart- 
. ford imprisoned Scott, but 1t was for asserting his own au- 
sions FH! thority and disregarding theirs, not for high crimes and 
mao misdemeanors in the peaceful province of an unoffending 
neighbor. The letters of their High Mightinesses of the States-Gen- 
eral to their English subjects 







Ve . . 
ff Ve 3 were disregarded, — in some 
AY SKN ) 2 
ye Sy instances were not even 
Wye Si 


SS opened. The copies that 
Pa SOs were sent to Hartford were 
AINA, pronounced to be forgeries, 

NAS as a convenient way of pay- 
ing no heed to them. Win- 
throp openly visited the 
English towns to induce 
them to submit to the rule 
of Connecticut, and in an 
interview with Stuyvesant 
and the burghers of New 
Amsterdam firmly main- 
tained that under the new 
charter all Long Island be- 
longed to her. By virtue 

Portrait of the Duke of York, afterwards James II. of that charter, Pell bought 
of the Indians all the country lying between Westchester and the 
North River, including Spuyten-Duyvil Creek, which the Dutch had 
purchased fifteen years before. 

The overwhelming calamity was already certain. In March the 
ae ye king granted to his brother, the Duke of York and Albany, 
ritory to the a large portion of the province of Maine, and the country 
York by the from the west side of the Connecticut River to the east side 

of Delaware Bay. This grant included Martha’s Vineyard, 
Nantucket, all Long Island, and the whole of the territory of New 
Netherland. The next month a fleet of four ships, with a force of 
three or four hundred men, under the command of Colonel Richard 
Nicolls, as the lieutenant-governor of the Duke, sailed for New Eng- 
land. With Nicolls were joined as commissioners, Sir Robert Carr, 
Sir George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, with extraordinary 











) 
| 





1664.] THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE DUKE OF YORK. 261 


powers for settling all difficulties in the New England colonies, as 
well as to take possession of the Dutch province and reduce its in- 
habitants to obedience. 

A rumor of the coming of this fleet, and its purpose, reached New 
Amsterdam in July. Captain Willett was the first to hear it, and 
he hastened to inform Stuyvesant, who proposed at once the most 
energetic measures for defence. The fortifications were to be re- 
paired and enlarged; money was to be raised, ammunition to be 
brought from New Amstel, provisions to be stored, and the city put 
in a condition to withstand a siege. But before those preparations 
could be made, dispatches came from the Company's directors in Hol- 
land. It was, they said, to reduce the New England colonies to obe- 
dience and uniformity in state and church, that the fleet was sent ; 
New Netherland had nothing to fear. Willett, who had done so 
much to arouse alarm, now did all he could to quell it. Stuyvesant, 
with restored tranquillity, left the city for Fort Orange, on some offi- 
cial business. 

The Directors of the Company were so far right, that the commis- 
sioners had aimost plenary powers bestowed upon them 1n purpose of 
regard to all the affairs of the New England colonies. The [iy 
English government had no doubt taken care that this *°""** 
should be well known in Amsterdam. But Nicolls and his associates 
were also enjoined to reduce New Netherland; and though this was 
not known in Amsterdam, the commissioners, on their arrival in Bos- 
ton, were anxious to have 
it understood that this part ch ‘ 
of their mission was of pri- Qre Li Un> Prec. ot ly 
mary importance. The con- Se rer Mes 


quest of New Netherland 


would be the easier, if the Dutch were kept carefully ignorant of such 
a purpose. When New England was gratified by that conquest, it 
would be time to develop the ulterior purposes in regard to those col- 
onies. This astute policy was entirely successful so far as New 
Netherland was concerned. She was not in the least prepared to 
meet the impending calamity. The dispatches from Amsterdam 


allayed all fears and put aside all precautionary measures. . 


On the arrival of the commissioners in Boston, late in July, they 
made known their designs against New Netherland to the govern- 
ments of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and asked for their codpera- 
tion. Connecticut was ready to render at once every aid inher 
power ; but the Governor of Massachusetts, who probably knew that 
the commissioners had a private letter of royal instructions as well as 


the public letter which they presented, was less disposed to lend 


262 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cnap. XI. 


assistance.! Her people had never, like those of the other New Eng- 
land colonies, been eager for the conquest of the Dutch province, and 
if the Governor knew the character of the private instructions to the 
commissioners he knew that Massachusetts had more to dread than to 
hope from their visit. 


There was a delay of nearly a month after the arrival of the fleet. 


An English ®t Boston before the expedition sailed for New Amsterdam. 


fleet in the 
bay of New 


Amsterdam. delayed the catastrophe, might in that interval have been 
made had not the assurances of the Company’s Directors removed 
all sense of danger. The flag-ship was sailing up the bay before 
Stuyvesant, who had been recalled by a hasty message, could reach 
the city from Fort Orange; he had been at home only three days 
before the whole squadron was at anchor in Nyack Bay, just below 
the Narrows on the Long Island side. The block-house on the 
opposite shore of Staten Island was at once seized by the English ; 
the harbor was effectually blockaded ; the people of the neighborhood 
were forbidden to carry supplies to New Amsterdam ; and proclama- 
tion was widely made that none should be molested who submitted 
quietly and acknowledged allegiance to the king of England. 
Stuyvesant met the emergency with his usual energy. Every third 
Stuyvesant» an was ordered out to work upon the defences of the city ;. 
resistance to. additional guns were mounted; a requisition was made upon 


the sum- 


monsfor = Hort Orange for help, and all the soldiers were called in 


surrender. 


from the outlying posts. But the requisition on Fort Orange 


was disregarded: the farmers on Long Island refused to come in 
to the defence of the city, on the plea that their own homes were in 


danger. The Director was left with only about a hundred soldiers. 


and the panic-stricken citizens of New Amsterdam to rely upon. 
From the outset it was evident that there could be no effectual re- 
sistance. 


Nevertheless, on Friday, the 29th of August, a deputation was sent: 


to Nicolls, demanding his purpose, and by what authority he made 
this invasion. ‘The next day came a formal summons for the sur- 
render of the town and all the forts belonging to it, with a proclama- 


tion promising protection of life and property to all who would sub-. 


mit ‘to his majesty’s government, as his good subjects ought to do.” 

It was with great reluctance that Stuyvesant consented that this 
answer of the English commander should be made public. It would 
‘discourage the people,” he said; but the principal burghers and 
other magistrates, and the officers of the guard had already met, and 
had shown themselves to be utterly destitute of any manly courage. 


1 Palfrey’s History of New England, vol. ii., p. 583. 


Some preparation for a resistance that would, at least, have 








1664. ] THE ENGLISH BEFORE NEW AMSTERDAM. 263 


The most spirited resolution to which they could bring themselves was, 
that they would make some pretence of defence, in the hope that the 
enemy would think it worth while to propose more favorable condi- 
tions. But protection to life and property were already offered by the 
proclamation ; what could be expected, if this were known, from a 
populace ready to surrender even without that promise? The Director 

































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































(LEE 
TALES 


SEs gs. 
fe. 
IIa 














ZG 
GEPLL, 

















Stuyvesant and the English Letter. a 


was compelled to yield to the public clamor and give up the dis- 
patches, but he must not, he said, be held “ answerable for the calam- 
itous consequences.”’ 

This conclusion had been reached on Monday, when Governor Win- 
throp — who had joined the fleet with a reinforcement of Connecticut 
volunteers — came up the bay under a flag of truce and presented 


264 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. [Cuap. XI. 


another letter from Nicolls. Stuyvesant read it in the presence of 
conflict be. the council and the burgomasters. ‘The terms it offered 
reen the q_ were still more favorable. Trade with Holland in Dutch 
the people. vessels would not be interfered with; emigrants from the 
mother-country could come and settle in New Netherland as hitherto ; 
the colony would be under English jurisdiction, instead of that of 
the Company, but otherwise the condition of the Dutch colonists 
would hardly be interfered with. Those who favored surrender were 
all the more anxious that the people should see this second letter ; 
Stuyvesant all the more dreaded the effect it would have upon them. 
The debate was hot and furious, till Stuyvesant in a rage ended it 
by tearing the letter in pieces and scattering the fragments upon the 
floor, — ** dilacerated ” it, exclaimed the indignant and baflled burgo- 
masters. 

Hitherto there had been some show of labor upon the fortifications, 
but now they were ‘abandoned, and an exasperated mob surged about 
the Stadt-Huys. They demanded to see the Governor; to offer re- 
sistance to such a force as ns ue them would be, they said, ‘ as 
idle as to gape before an oven.” When Stuyvesant appeared he was 
greeted with shouts of “ The letter! the letter!’ Reproaches and 
curses were showered upon him and the Company. Defeated and 
helpless he returned to the council chamber; the fragments of the 
“ dilacerated ” document were gathered up and put together, and a 
copy delivered to the burgomasters to do with it what they would. 

The question of surrender was, nevertheless, still in the hands of 
the Director. He sent to Nicolls a long answer, defiant, didactic, and 
argumentative. He defended the rights of the Dutch to the country 
by discovery, settlement, and possession; he protested against this 
infringement of the treaty between England and the States-General ; 
he urged the agreement between himself and Scott which was to 
stand good for a twelvemonth: he feared no threats, and he trusted 
in God, who could as well preserve with a small force as with a great 
army. 

Nicolls, nevertheless, though he may have been quite as pious as the 
Preparations rector, had great Pater: on superiority of force. A com- 
for the a, pany of regular cavalry and the Connecticut militia were al- 
ag ready encamped on Long Island just below Breukelen ; these 
he ordered should be reinforced with all the troops of two of the ships, 
in readiness for an attack by land and in the rear, while the two other 
frigates were to sail up in front and bring their broadsides to bear upon 
the town. 

Standing on the walls of the fort, by the side of a gun, the gunner 
ready with his lighted match, Stuyvesant watched the ships as they 





1664. | THE FALL OF NEW AMSTERDAM. 260 


came up the harbor, and then swung to their anchors in the channel 
between Nutten (Governor's) Island and the fort. Had he ordered 
the gunner to fire, the ships would at once have bombarded the city. 
He gaye no such order. Perhaps his own prudence restrained him, 
for though a violent man, his good judgment — as we have sometimes 
seen — often controlled his anger; perhaps he was restrained by the 
Dominies Megapolensis, father and son, who begged him not to be the 
first to shed human blood in such a contest. At any rate he gave no 
order, and no shot was fired. The city was quietly put under the 
guns of the two ships, and Stuyvesant left the fort with a hundred of 
the garrison to be prepared to resist a landing. The Directors of the 
West India Company afterward reproached him that he permitted 
himself to be influenced by the two clergymen and “ other chicken- 
hearted persons,” and allowed himself ** to be led in from the bulwarks 
between two preachers ”’ while the hostile frigates passed the fort and 
the mouths of twenty pieces of cannon. But he did, no doubt, the 
best he could; he alone could not serve the twenty guns; and not 
another man, save he, in fort or city, seems to have thought of resist- 
ance. 

Again he wrote to Nicolls, and again declared he should stand an 
assault, but sending at the same time a deputation of magistrates to 
come, if possible, to some agreement with the English commander. 
Nicolls would listen to no proposal but that of surrender; he should 
come, he said, the next day with ships and soldiers, and he would be 
a bold man who came on board unless the white flag was hung out 
from the fort. 

When this answer was known the utmost panic spread through the 
town. ‘The Director was beset with weeping women and 
children ; in the City Hall a tumultuous assembly met, and a 
remonstrance was adopted, signed by all the principal citi- 
zens — among them Stuyvesant’s son — begging that the terms offered 
by the Enghsh might be at once accepted. ‘The fort, they said, could 
not stand a three days’ siege; the offer of the enemy was generous ; 
their conduct had been forbearing ; unless now there should be an im- 
mediate surrender they could foresee nothing but ‘ misery, sorrow, 
conflagration, the dishonor of women, murder of children in their cra- 
dles, the absolute ruin and destruction of about fifteen hundred inno- 
cent souls.” Still Stuyvesant declared ‘he had rather be carried a 
corpse to his grave’ than yield. 

The situation was, in truth, desperate. The town on the north 
was defended only by an embankment three feet high, surmounted by 
a fence of rotten palisades; this was overlooked by the hills outside 
within gunshot range commanding all the houses; and on both sides 


Stuyvesant 
beset by 
popular tu- 
mult. 


266 THE SURRENDER OF NEW NETHERLAND. ([Cuap. XI. 


the town was open to the rivers. The fort itself a council of war de- 
clared was untenable; there was not powder enough to last a day ; 
there was no store of provisions for a lengthened siege. Moreover 
and worse than all, the garrison was mutinous. ‘* Now we hope,” they 
cried, ‘to pepper those devilish traders who have so long salted us ; 
we know where booty is to be found, and where the young women live 
who wear gold chains !” 

Nicolls came as he said he would, yielding nothing of his conditions, 
except that he promised the fort and city should be restored ‘‘ in case 
the difference of the limits of this province be agreed upon betwixt his 
majesty of England and the high and mighty States-General,’’— a 
promise most safe to make. ‘The terms of surrender, which were mer- 
eiful to the Dutch — the protection of life and property, a guaranty 
of religious hberty, freedom of trade, of emigration, of the public 
debt, of the laws of inheritance and contracts, and of a representative 
government — were agreed upon on Saturday by a board of commis- 
sioners. On Monday the articles were ratified by the Director- 
general. 

And on Monday morning, the 8th of September, 1664, there 

marched out of Fort Amsterdam on the Beaver Street side, at 

der of New. the head of the poltroons who knew where the young women 

_me™Tived who wore gold chains, the stern old wooden-legged sol- 

dier who would rather have been carried out a corpse to his grave. 

As they went on board ship in the East River for Holland, six columns. 

of English soldiers filed through the streets of the city ; English sol- 

diers mounted guard at the Stadt Huys and at the city gates, while 

over the fort floated the English flag which a corporal’s guard had 

hoisted as Stuyvesant passed out from beneath the shadow of the 

walls he would have so gladly defended. The obedient burgomas- 

ters proclaimed Nicolls as Goy- 

ernor; Fort Amsterdam was 

2 \agye named Fort James; New Am- 

ed? 4% ot sterdam was changed to New 

Signature of Sir George Cartwright. eu role ag a Eo 

Orange surrendered without 

resistance to Sir George Cartwright, and the name of Albany, the 
duke’s second title, was given to it. 

New Amstel was still to be reduced, and in the course of the month 
Sir Robert Carr sailed with three ships and a body of troops for the 
Delaware. This display of force only was necessary. On Sunday, the 
New Amete. frst day of October, Fort Casimir surrendered, and though 
ante there was no resistance and almost no parley, there was less 
consideration shown to the Dutch than there had been in New Am- 































































































































































































































































































WH. 


































































































AMSTERDAM. 


OF NEW 


THE SURRENDER 


fi 








1664. ] SURRENDER OF NEW AMSTEL. 267 


sterdam. Arms and amunition, live stock, stores, provisions, and 
their crops were taken from the people. Some were permitted to 
return to Holland; others were seized as prisoners of war and sold 
into bondage in Virginia. D’Hinoyossa, the Governor, was sent back 
to Holland, but his estate — consisting in part, if not wholly, of one 
hundred and fifty acres of meadow-land on the Delaware near the 
fort, and of an island called 


Swarton Natton of about 
three hundred acres at the 
mouth of Christina Creek — CN: ( ing 


was confiscated to the use of 
Carr. Beeckman and others 
went back to New York, 
where he is afterward heard of as an alderman of the city. Many, 
both Dutch and Swedes, remained in the colony, and the Swedes, 
especially in and about Newcastle and Wilmington, long preserved 
their national characteristics in language, habits, and religion, though 
faithful in their allegiance to the English, as they had been peaceful 
citizens before when finally brought under the rule of the Dutch. 


Signature of Sir Robert Carr. 















































Seal of New Amsterdam. af 


CH ALBUM ete 
THE: CAROLINAS. 
THE CAROLINA PATENTS OF 1663 AND 1665. — THE PATENTEES. — EARLIER GRANTS 


AND PROJECTED SETTLEMENTS. — First SETTLERS ON ALBEMARLE Sounpb. — NEw 
EnGLAND MEN AT THE MoutnH oF Care FeEarR River. — THE CoLony UNDER YEA- 


MANS. — ORGANIZATION OF THE ALBEMARLE CoLony.— Lockr’s “ FUNDAMENTAL 
CONSTITUTIONS.’ — INDEPENDENT LEGISLATION AT ALBEMARLE. — GOVERNORS AND 
PROGRESS OF THE CAPE FEAR SETTLEMENT. — JOSEPH WEST. — DISSENSIONS IN 


THE NoRTH UNDER CARTERET AND MILLER. — THE PasQuoTANK INSURRECTION. — 
GOVERNOR SOTHEL. 


By the capture of New Netherland, that “ New English Nation ” 
which Raleigh had hoped to see, stretched for the first time in an un- 
broken line along the Atlantic coast, from James River, in Virginia, 
to Nova Scotia. And nearly half a century had passed away, after 
Raleigh was led to the scaffold, before a permanent colony was 
planted in the more southern region, where his first attempts had so 
unhappily failed. 

Only the year before the King bestowed upon the Duke of York 
eee that munificent gift of a province which not only was not 
of Carolina. his to give, but did not even belong to England, either by 

right of possession or by right of discovery, the same gen- 
erous monarch granted to some other gentlemen about the court a 
patent of a wide tract of country south of Virginia. The grant ex- 
tended from about the thirtieth to the thirty-sixth parallel of latitude, 
—or from the St. John’s River, in Florida, to nearly the present 
southern boundary of Virginia, —and from the Atlantic to that vague 
South Sea, still thought to be within reach of a moderate journey. 
One of its early governors wrote of this region that “it was indeed the 
very Center of the habitable Part of the Northern Hemisphere . 
lying parallel with the Land of Canaan... . not being pestered 
with the violent Heats of the more Southern colonies, or the extream 
and violent Colds of the more Northern Settlements.”?! And another 
of its earliest historians says that from its latitude and situation Caro- 
lina must needs be ‘‘a delicious country, being placed in that girdle 





1 Description of that Fertile and Pleasant Province of Carolina, etc., etc. By John Arch- 
dale. [London, 1707.] | In Carroll’s S. C. Hist. Coll., vol. ii. 





a 


1665. | THE PATENTS AND PATENTEES. 269 


of the world which affords wine, oil, fruit, grain, and silk, with other 
rich commodities, besides a sweet air, moderate climate, and fertile 
soil... . blessings that spin out the thread of life to its utmost 
extent, and crown our days with the sweets of health and plenty.” ! 
There is something of that love of hyperbole which belongs to the 
writers of that period in these descriptions, — something of an evi- 
dent desire to attract emigration by means not unknown in later 
times. Much may be pardoned to these influences, even as we pardon 
the want of strict scientific accuracy in the author of the history we 
quote from, who, in the list of ‘** Insects” of Carolina, gives the first 
place to alligators and rattlesnakes. 

The first charter was dated (old style) the 24th of March, 1663 ; 
two years later : 
this was amended haves: ie 

1665 
by a second, — 
June 30, 1665, — which ex- 
tended the boundaries a 
degree southward, and a 
half degree further north. 

The patentees on whom 
the king thus bestowed a 
Sy) aaa COM territory including aye paten- 
\\ 2 WA) | NN C4) X\ all of the present ‘** 
eS ET a A States of North and South 

My) \ Carolina and Georgia, with 

BN " its indefinite Western 
| boundary of the South Sea, 
were Clarendon, then Lord 
PirGhanmeellorMonk the 

Duke of Albemarle, the 
leader in the Restoration; the Earl of Craven; Lord Berkeley ; Lord 
Ashley (later the Earl of Shaftesbury) Sir George Carteret ; Sir John 
Colleton ; and Sir William Berkeley, of Virginia, Lord Berkeley’s 
younger brother. Shaftesbury was the leader in this enterprise, and 
he was chiefly responsible for all that the proprietors did, or left un- 
done. Home affairs occupied his associates; but they never entirely 
diverted him from the affairs of the colony. Almost every docu- 
ment connected with it shows traces of his influence, and he hoped 
to find in it an opportunity for carrying out those political ideas 
which were otherwise impracticable in his time. 






1 The History of Carolina, containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that 
Country, ete., etc. By John Lawson, Gent., Surveyor General of North Carolina. [Lon- 
don, 1714.| 


270 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


The territory thus defined as Carolina had not been altogether neg- 
havior lected while colonies were planted in other places. As early 
evtiectet 28 1630, the attorney-general of England under Charles I, 
settlements. Sir Robert Heath, had secured a grant of almost the same 
region, under the name of the Province of Carolana, on condition that 
he should ‘‘in a reasonable time” colonize it,! ** and Christianize the 
native Indians.” But neither he, nor Lord Maltravers (afterwards the 
Earl of Arundel), to whom Heath transferred his title, succeeded in 
making any permanent settlements. This claim, and another by the 
heirs of Sir Richard Granfield, were revived when the grant of 1663 
was made to Clarendon and his associates, but the patents were re- 
called, on the ground that their terms had never been fulfilled.? 

Companies of adventurers had, at different times, scattered them- 
selves along the coast and on the banks of rivers not far distant from 
the parent colony of Virginia. Some of these were in pursuit of In- 
dian trade ; others were restless spirits to whom even the lax disci- 
pline of Jamestown and its neighborhood was irksome; and some, 
perhaps, were of those whose religious beliefs exposed them to annoy- 
ance, if not persecution, in a region where the Established Church 
was formally maintained. As early as 1609 there were outlying plan- 
tations about the Nansemond River, and doubtless many unrecorded 
expeditions, if not settlements, were made in the territory to the south 
of this district, in the twenty years following, before the grant was 
made to Heath. In the winter of 1621—2 John Pory, sometime Secre- 
tary of Virginia, a great traveller, and the friend of Hakluyt,? ex- 
plored as far as the Chowan, where he found “a very fruitful and 
pleasant country, yielding two harvests in a year, and much silk 
grass.” 4 

In 1643, the Virginia Assembly, without regard to Heath’s patent, 
made trading grants to a company which purposed to traffic along the 
Roanoke ; though perhaps their design included only the upper part 
of the stream, which was outside the patent, for they described it as 
the river lying southwest of the Appomattox.® Later attempts and 
erants of the same kind are also obscurely mentioned ; but there is 
no record of their results, and it seems probable that nothing more 


1 See vol. i., p. 487, note. 

2 Letter of the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley, in Chalmers’ Annals. 

3 Pory visited Plymouth in 1622, and Bradford says of him, “ Himselfe after his returne 
(to England) did this poore plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck.” 
He was a scholar, and a man of a good deal of influence among the early adventurers, but 
became at last a penniless and rather disreputable vagabond. See a sketch of him in 
Neill’s /Tistory of The Virginia Company. 

4 Smith’s History of Virginia, 

5 Hening’s Virginia Statutes, i., 552. 





gained through all of them until 1653. In July of that 


1653. ] EARLY GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 271 


than a fair knowledge of the upper part of North Carolina was 
Settlements 
year, Roger Green, a clergyman, and a party from the Nan- of Greenana 
° Durant. 

semond region, penetrated to Albemarle Sound, and a grant 
of land was made by Virginia to Green himself of a thousand acres. 
Similar grants were promised to all who would 
plant upon that coast and the neighboring 
rivers.! 

Others scattered themselves, about the same 
time, along the northern side of the Sound. 
Among the earliest — probably indeed the very 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































A Carolina Settlement. 


first — was one George Durant, a Quaker ; 
and “ Durant’s Neck,” about midway be- 
tween the Chowan and the sea, commem- 
orates his name as one of the founders of 
the State. That this was sometime before 
1662 is shown by the records of the Court of Chancery of North Car- 
olina. 

A suit was tried in 1697 between the heirs of George Durant and 
the heir of one Edward Catchmaid, for possession of the prpabie 
lands first occupied by Durant. Catchmaid, who was en- (orn. 
trusted by Durant to procure for him a grant of these lands,,"°"°" 
from Governor Berkeley of Virginia, treacherously took out the patent 
in hisown name. The deed of restitution which he was compelled to 
make, and which was produced in evidence on the trial, bore the 
date of March, 1662 (new style, 1663). Catchmaid must  there- 
fore have been in the country for some time previous to that date ; 
and the record further shows that when he came it was by Durant’s 


1 Hening’s Virginia Statutes, i., 380. 


bo 


12 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 
invitation, who was then in the occupation of lands, having ‘* come in 
with the first seaters,” and ‘did for the space of two years bestow 
much labor and cost in finding out the said country.”! By “first 
seaters ’’ were evidently meant the first in the province of Carolina, — 
not merely the first in that particular neighborhood ; and it is to. 
them, probably, that Lawson refers when he says: ** A second settle- 
ment [second, that is, after Raleigh’s time] of this country was made 
about fifty years ago, in that part we now call Albemarl County, and 
chiefly in Chuwon precinct, by several substantial planters from Vir- 
ginia and other plantations.”’ Lawson’s visit was in 1700. 

There were probably few bays or rivers along the coast, from the 
Eh, Bay of Fundy to Florida, unexplored by the New England- 
tions and = eT, where there was any promise of profitable trade with 
by New ding- the Indians. ‘The colonist followed the trader wherever un- 

claimed lands were open to occupation. These energetic 
pioneers explored the sounds and rivers south of Virginia in pursuit 
of Indian traffic, contrasted the salubrity of the climate and the 
fertility of the soil with that region of rocks where they had made 
their homes, and where winter reigns for more than half the year. 
In 1660 or 1661, a company of these men purchased of the natives 
and settled upon a tract of land at the mouth of Cape Fear River. 
Their first purpose was apparently the raising of stock, as the coun- 
try seemed peculiarly fitted to grazing, and they brought a number 
of neat cattle and swine to be allowed to feed at large under the care 
of herdsmen. But they aimed at something more than this nomadic 
occupation, and a company was formed, in which a number of adven- 
turers in London were enlisted, to found a permanent colony. Dis- 
couraged, however, either by the want of immediate success, or for 
want of time to carry out their plans, or for some less creditable rea- 
son, the settlement was soon abandoned. 

On this point there is sufficient evidence. In 1663, some persons 
ae from Barbadoes were on the coast in, search of a suitable 
muentiot the place for the planting of a colony. They visited the spot 
land settlee Where the New Englanders had been, and their report is 
Pi that they found ‘a writing left in a post at the point of 
Cape Fear river by those New England men that left cattle with the 
Indians there, the contents whereof tended not only to the dispar- 
agement of the land about the said river, but also to the great dis- 
couragement of all such as should hereafter come into those parts to 


settle.”? So, also, the London associates of this New England Com- 
pany declared, at a meeting held in August, 1663, “ that at the pres- 


1 Hawks’s History of North Carolina, vol. ii., p. 182. 
2 Lawson’s LZistory of Carolina. 





: 
. 
f 
; 


ee ee ee ee ee ee ee 


i, ee ae ee 


1663. ] THE NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENT. 278 


ent the undertaking of the plantation of the said Charles River heth 
under some obloquy, that hath given a check to it; some that were 
sent from New England thither, in order to the carrying on the said 
settlement, being come back again without so much as sitting down 
upon it; and for the better justification of themselves in their return, 
have spread a reproach both upon the harbour and upon the soil of 
the river itself.” 4 

Was there sufficient ground for this “reproach both upon the har- 
bor and the soil?’ The explorers from Barbadoes, at least, did not 
think so. ‘In answer to that scandalous writing,” as they called 
it, found affixed to the post, they affirm, ‘“‘ that we have seen, facing 
both sides the river and branches of Cape Fair aforesaid, as good 





















































































































































































































































































































































Finding the Message of the New England Men. 


land, and as well timbered, as any we have seen in any other part of 
the world, sufficient to accommodate thousands of our English nation, 
and lying commodiously by the said river’s side.” It was a quite 
sufficient answer, as the future showed. 

It is not impossible, however, that justification was sought for to 
cover up the real reason for failure. Lawson, in comment- Reasons for 
ing upon the report of the Barbadoes men, — which he pre- ““*™"" 
served in his history,— gives as a reason why the New Englanders 
“did not only take ‘off themselves, but also their stocks of cattle,” 


1 Hutchinson Papers in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i., 3d series. 
VOL. II. 18 


274 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


that there were ‘irregular practices of some of that colony against the 
Indians, by sending away some of their children (as I have been told) 
under pretence of instructing them in learning and the principles of 
the Christian religion, which so disgusted the Indians, that though 
they had then no guns, yet they never gave over till they had entirely 
rid themselves of the English by their bows and arrows.” Perhaps 
this was the * obloquy ” to which the London associates referred. 

The New England Company, nevertheless, asserted their right to 
the lands in question by virtue of their purchase from the Indians. 
Their friends in London, at the meeting in August, 1663, just re- 
ferred to, presented their views upon this claim for the consideration 
of the new patentees. The New England colonies, they said, have 
ever had “full liberty to choose their own govenours among them- 
selves; to make and confirm laws with themselves; with immunity 
also wholly from all taxes, charges, and impositions whatsoever, more 
than what is laid upon themselves by themselves.” But unless these 
privileges were ‘‘ preserved entire to them,” it was “feared that all 
thoughts of further proceeding in the said river will be wholly laid 
aside by them.”’ ! 

A month later, — September, 1663, — the Bronce wrote to Gov- 

ernor Berkeley, informing him that they had received their 
the carolina charter from the King. ‘They empowered him to appoint a 
meet governor, or governors, for the people who, they understood, 
were already settled on both banks of the Chowan. In rosea to 
‘‘a paper from persons that desired to settle near Cape Fear,’ — by 
which they meant the New England Company, only proposals 
they have to make with special reference to that company relate to 
the allotment of land, declaring it to be “our resolution and desire 
that you persuade or compel those persons to be satisfied with such 
proportions as we allot to others.” 2 

The character of the government had already been decided at the 
Character of frst meeting of the Proprietors in the preceding May. There 
‘estedaw. was to be full liberty of conscience ; the governor and assem- 
ernment. bly were to be chosen by popular election; and duties from 
customs were not to be enforced.? In the proposals sent with this let- 
ter to Berkeley in September, these conditions were repeated. ‘This 
repetition was intended, doubtless, for the instruction and assurance 
of emigrants from New England, or anywhere else, who should choose 
to avail themselves of such an offer. But that they were not a con- 
cession to the demand of the New England claimants is manifest, as 





1 Hutchinson Papers, as above. 

2 Letter from the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley. Chalmers’ Annals. 

8 Chalmers’ Annals. Martin’s History. Papers in State Paper Office, London ; cited in 
Coll. Hist. Soc. of South Carolina, vol. i. 


1664. | COLONY OF SIR JOHN YEAMANS. 270 


their remonstrance to the Proprietors could not at the time of this 
meeting in May have been received, — was not, probably, even writ- 
ten.1 

Nothing more is heard of the New England Company. If any in- 
fluence was exerted from that region upon the new province, it was 
through individual citizens, who chose to make it their home. Of 
these there were many in the early settlement of North Carolina, 
— more, however, probably upon the Chowan than the Cape Fear 
River. ‘Make everything easy to the people of New England,” 
wrote the Proprietors to Sir John Yeamans, in 1665, “ from which 
the greatest emigrations are expected, as the southern colonies are 
already drained.” 2 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Landing of Yeamans. 


Yeamans came with a colony of several hundred persons, and 


landed at Cape Fear River on the 29th of May, 1664.2 The party 


1 The abortive attempt to settle a New England colony at the mouth of Cape Fear 
River, and its influence upon the character of the constitution of the new province, have 
been a source of much controversy and misunderstanding. The mistake in Yegard to it 
seems to have originated with Chalmers, who, assuming that the ‘‘ proposals ” sent to Ber- 
keley in September were made “ at the desire of the New England people,” overlooked the 
fact that they were simply a repetition of the form of government decided upon by the 
proprietors at their first meeting in May. Their charter then was only a little more than 
a month old, and no protest in regard to it could at that time have reached England from 
America. 

2 Chalmers. 

3 A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina, on the Coasts of Florida. London, 1666. 

Republished in Hawks’ History. ‘The colonists landed on the 8th of June, new style. 


276 THE CAROLINAS. | [Cuap. XII. 


sent from Barbadoes to explore the coast of Carolina, — whose indig- 
ah nation was so aroused by the warning. put up by the New 
under Yee- England herdsmen on the Cape Fear River, — had bought of 

the Indians a tract of thirty-two miles square, and the pro- 
prietors were asked to confirm the purchase by a grant. Though this 
was refused, the terms granted to the colonists were satisfactory. 
Their settlement, which was “up the river, about twenty or thirty 
miles’? they called Charles-town. The province or county of which 
Yeamans was appointed Governor, was named Clarendon, and extend- 
ed from Cape Fear to the St. John’s, in Florida. 

Meanwhile Sir William Berkeley, in accordance with the instruc- 
tions given by the Proprietors in their letter of September, 
1663, established a government on the Chowan. He ap- 
pointed a governor — William Drummond —and a council 
of six, who, with an assembly chosen by the people, were to enact 
laws, subject to the approv- 
al of the proprietors ; pos- 
sessions of lands were con- 
firmed, and new grants were 
made, with an allowance of 
three years for the payment 
of quit-rents. In 1666, how- 
ever, the Assembly protest- 
ed against the payment of 
these quit-rents, and prayed 
that the tenure of lands 
should be the same as that 
established in Virginia. 
The petition was granted 
with regard to those who 
then held possession, but the 
rule was enforced upon all 
subsequent entries.2. An 
Assembly was probably con- 
vened as early as 1663,° 
though Albemarle County was not included within the boundaries of 
Carolina till after the issue of the second charter, in 1665. 

In the elaboration of a Constitution for the new province Lord 
Shaftesbury called to his aid the great philosopher and statesman, John 
Locke. It was not till 1669 that the first of these ‘* Fundamental Con- 


Organization 
of the 
Chowan Col- 
ony. 








Portrait of Locke. 


1 A Brief Description, ete. It was, Hawks says, “in Brunswick county, at or near the 
junction of Old Town Creek with the Cape Fear.” 
2 Chalmers’ Annals. 3 Hawks. 


1669. | THE “FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS.” 217 
stitutions” was finished. By it the eight Lords Proprietors were con- 
stituted supreme rulers, the eldest to be Palatine of the 

. . ° John 
province, and upon his death the eldest of the SUIVIVOTS tO Locke's 
succeed him. ‘The seven other offices, of admiral, chamber- mental von- 
lain, chancellor, constable, chief justice, high steward, and py aed 
treasurer, were to be divided among the others, the eldest always to 
have choice of a vacant place. To the proprietor was given the priy- 
ilege, until the year 1701, to relinquish or dispose of his proprietor- 
ship to any other person. All his rights were hereditary in the male 
line; in default of direct male heirs, male descendants through the 
female line succeeded, and after them “ heirs general;” in default of 
any heirs, the surviving proprietors filled the place by election from 
the next of the orders of hereditary nobility. Of these ea ak 
orders there were two — Landgraves and Cassiques, each perce 
Landgrave possessing four baronies, and each Cassique 
two. The domains of the Proprietors, on the other hand, were called 
seigniories ; and eight seigniories and eight baronies, with twenty-four 
‘colonies’ which could be owned by ‘ the people,” made up a county. 
Each seigniory, barony, and colony contained twelve thousand acres ; 
each county, therefore, consisted of 480,000 acres, of which pions of 
twenty-four parts (or three fifths) were to be owned by the ‘*couney 
people, and sixteen parts (or two fifths) by the hereditary nobility — 
** that so in setting out and planting the lands,” say the constitutions, 
‘the balance of the government may be preserved.” There would 
thus be, of course, just as many Landgraves as counties, and only 
twice as many Cassiques; but every member of both these classes of 
nobles was. to be, “ by right of his dignity,” a member of the parlia- 
ment, whereas every ‘“ colony ” was not to have a member — mo pani 
only every “precinct”? which was still another division ™* 
formed for convenience of six colonies. ‘There were but four popular 
members to a county, therefore; and the further restriction was made, 
that “no man should be chosen a member who had less than five hun- 
dred acres of freehold within the precinct ;”’ while only those who 
had fifty or more acres of freehold could take part in electing him. 
The parliament thus chosen was to sit “all together in one room, and 
have every member one vote.’ 

The privileges thus given to the hereditary nobility were further 
hedged about with provisions absolutely prohibiting the en- i ae 
trance of others into the titled class. The highest dignity manors and 
attainable under them was the lordship of a manor, which 
must consist of not less than three thousand, or more than twelve 
thousand acres; and even such a freehold could only constitute a 
manor “by the grant of the Palatine’s court.” Under the nobility 


a- 


278 THE CAROLINAS. [CuHapr, XII. 


and lords of manors were ‘‘ leet-men,” and these were ‘ under the 
jurisdiction of the respective lords of the said seigniory, barony or 
manor, without appeal from him.” ‘+ All the children of leet-men 
shall be leet-men, and so to all generations.” 

There were to be eight supreme courts, — the highest consisting of 
the Palatine and the other proprietors, the others each of a 
proprietor, six councillors, and a college of twelve assistants 
chosen by the Palatine’s court, and by Parliament from the nobility. 
Nobles could only be tried by the chief justice’s court. The Pala- 
tine’s court had a veto power over all parliamentary measures ; and 
each of the other courts had its special controlling functions, — the 
chancellor's having power over land grants, treaties, ete. ; the chief 
justice’s over all civil and criminal appeals; the constable’s over mili- 
tary matters ; the admiral’s over matters of marine; the treasurer’s 
over finance; the high-steward’s over public works, etc.; the cham- 
berlain’s over ‘* all ceremonies, precedency, heraldry, reception of pub- 
lic messengers, pedigrees, the registry of all births, burials, and mar- 
riages,” and also over the regulation of ‘all fashions, habits, badges, 
games, and sports!” The happy province was to be governed even 
down to the amusements of its children, and the fashion of its wom- 
en’s gowns. Finally, the proprietors, and the forty-two councillors of 
the other courts, were to constitute a ‘* Grand Council,” or final court 
of appeal, in case of any dissensions among the rest.? 

Of the hundred lesser offices, or of the detailed regulation of civil, 
military, and judicial affairs, it is not necessary to speak ; 


The Courts. 


Other pro- 
teins of — yet some minor provisions still remain to be cited, without 


the Consti- 
See which no sketch of the Constitutions could be complete. 
Lands, for instance, could not be subdivided even at the death of the 
Proprietor, but must descend entire. Proprietors need not live in 
Carolina to exercise their rights, but might, in carefully prescribed 
ways, appoint their deputies, who could not, however, confirm laws, 
or appoint Landgraves or Cassiques. A singular regulation pre- 
scribed that ** to avoid multiplicity of laws,” all statutes should, * at 
the end of an hundred years after their enacting,” become null and 
void, and to avoid ‘+ multiplicity of comments,” the publication of 
any commentary on the ‘ Fundamental Constitutions ” was  pro- 
hibited. In trials by jury a majority was to decide. It was for- 
bidden to take pay for pleading in courts of law. ‘ Absolute power 
and authority over his negro slaves, of what opinion or religion what- 
soever,’’ was given to every freeman. 

Finally there were some remarkable provisions as to religion and 


1 Grahame, History of the United States (ii., 87), says the functions of this body were like 
those of the Scotch “ Lords of the Articles.” 


1667. ] INDEPENDENT LEGISLATION. 279 


the liberty of conscience. They were singularly contradictory ; for, 
against the wishes of Locke,! some of the chief proprietors inserted, 
in the second draft of the Constitutions, an article making the Church 
of England alone entitled to maintenance, and pronouncing 
it the *‘ only true and orthodox ” religion. Yet fortunately 
his own provision was also left as he had written it; and had the 
form of his scheme of government been left unchanged, this would 
undoubtedly have been the only reference to religious matters to be 
found in it. ‘In the terms of communion of every church or pro- 
fession,”’ he wrote, ‘“‘ these following shall be three; without which 
no agreement or assembly of men, under pretence of religion, shall be 
accounted a church or profession within these rules : — 

“1, That there is a Gop. | 

“© 2, That Gop is publicly to be worshipped. 

“3, That it is lawful and the duty of every man, being thereunto 
called by those that govern, to bear witness to truth; and that every 
church or profession shall, in their terms of communion, set down the 
external way whereby they witness a truth as in the presence of Gop, 
whether it be by laying hands on or kissing the Bible, as in the 
Church of England, or by holding up the hand, or any other sensible 
way. ... . No person above seventeen years of age shall have any 
benefit or protection of the law,” etc., “ who is not a member of some 
church or profession.” 

Even earlier in the Constitutions it had been prescribed that ‘no 
man shall be permitted to be a freeman of Carolina, or to have any 
estate or habitation within it, that doth not acknowledge a Gop, and 
that Gop is publicly and solemnly to be worshipped.” Locke re- 
turns to this with frequent insistance ; yet this one point granted, he 
concedes, in a long subsequent article, that all other distinctions form 
no justification for the interference of the state; and _ prescribes 
further that no man shall interfere with or ‘‘ use any reproachful, 
reviling or abusive language against the religion of any church or 
profession — that being the certain way of disturbing the peace, and 
of hindering the conversion of any to the truth.” 

It is a significant commentary on this complicated piece of political 
machinery, that while it was assuming definite shape, the 
people of Albemarle had taken the matter of law-making 
for the new country into their own hands. All unconscious 
that they were to be only ‘‘ leet-men,” or at best ‘‘ lords of manors,” 
amid a magnificent prospective population of seigniors, landgraves, 
and cassiques ; and ignorant of the vast system of councils, courts- 


Religion. 


Legislation 
of the Albe- 
marle peo- 
ple. 


1 Locke’s Works, folio ed., vol. iii., p. 676, note, as cited by Grahame, ii., 89, and as 
quoted in note to Carroll, i1., 384. 


280 THE CAROLINAS. (Cuap. XII. 


. leet and courts-baron which was to regulate their lives, amusements, 
and dress down to the smallest detail, these practical pioneers had 
quietly drawn up such simple regulations as their situation seemed to 
need, 

‘ince Berkeley’s visit to the Albemarle region it had received sey- 
eral additions, and now there were settlements all the way along the 
north shore of the Sound. The original Virginian plantations had 
been supplemented by several made by New-Englanders, and as 
far east as the Pasquotank River a colony of Bermuda people had 
taken up lands. Drummond had been succeeded in October, 1667, in 
the governorship by Samuel Stephens, and the proprietors in Eng- 
land, pending the completion of their great scheme, had authorized a 
temporary government of a council of twelve, half of them to be 
chosen by an assembly of the settlers. 

It was such an assembly which now sent to London the simple 
sts code Which it believed to have become necessary for the 
the Albe- Increasing population — or perhaps it should rather be said, 

needful to secure its further increase. Exemption from tax- 
ation for a year was secured to every new settler; but, to guard 
against a monopoly of lands by absentees, it was declared neces- 
sary to live in the country two years before such land-grant should 
form a complete title. The traffic with the neighboring Indians was 
reserved to the people of the district; stringent means. were to be 
used against the participation of traders from outside. In addition 
to these inducements to emigration, the proposed laws gave to the 
country the very questionable advantage of forming a virtual asylum 
for runaway debtors; no debt contracted outside of Albemarle could 
be sued for within five years, nor could any colonist accept a power 
of attorney to demand such a debt from another. <A tax of thirty 
pounds of tobacco on every lawsuit, while it provided for the ex- 
penses of the Governor and Council, was also intended to check the 
litigation so likely to arise in a new country where titles to land 

were a source of frequent dispute. Marriage was de- 
perce in clared to be only a civil contract. Parties appearing be- 
er fore ‘the governor, or any member of the council, or a few 
of their neighbors, and declaring their mutual consent, were declared 
to be man and wife.” It has been conjectured that such a law was 
deemed expedient in the scarcity of clergymen, in a widely scattered 
community. Perhaps it was also meant to encourage matrimony and 
the emigration of women. A contemporary pamphlet, written in the 
interest of the proprietors, holds out as an inducement to such an 
emigration, that, ‘if any Maid or single Woman have a desire to go 
over, they will think themselves in the Golden Age, when Men paid 





° 


ar 5 ae 


eS a ee ae ee ee ee ee eee ee 





dred and twenty to forty- 


condition of colonists in a 


serious enforcement. 


1669. | GOVERNOR WILLIAM SAYLE. 281 


a Dowry for their Wives; for if they be but Civil, and under 50 


years of Age, some honest Man or other will purchase them for their 
Wives.” ! This sufficient constitution continued, with all its faults, 
to regulate Northern Carolina for more than forty years, till in 1715 
it. was deliberately reénacted by the people. 

The Duke of Albemarle was the first Palatine under the Consti- 
tutions, and at his death the office passed to Lord Berkeley. pate os ene 
But the “Fundamental Constitutions” never became the jou 
law of the land. From the time they were first adopted by 


stitutions.”’ 


the Proprietors, in 1669, till they were finally rejected by the Assem- 


bly of South Carolina, in 
1698, they were four times 
amended, till their articles 
were reduced from one hun- 


one. ‘Their onerous and 
impracticable provisions 
were so ill adapted to the 


new country, that hardly 
was respect enough paid to 
them even to attempt their 


The Proprietors had 
made, meanwhile, their first 
direct attempt to plant in 
the province a colony of 
their own. Albemarle was an off-shoot of Virginia; Cape Fear of 
Barbadoes ; the new settlement was to be supplied directly from 
England, and furnished with means by the lords themselves. 

In July, 1669, Captain William Sayle, who had already made ex- 
plorations of the coast in the proprietaries’ service, was com- —__ 
missioned governor of that part of Carolina “lying south Apap 
and west of Cape Carteret”? or Cape Romain,? a region vin Neat 
which had been especially excepted from the jurisdiction of Yea- 
mans. In 1670 Sayle and Joseph West, a commercial agent of the 
proprietaries, set sail from England with two ships loaded with emi- 
grants and stores. 

They sailed in January. But they touched first at some port in 
Ireland before they were fairly off on their long voyage for Carolina 





Portrait of George Monk, Duke of Albemarle. 


1 A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina on the Coasts of Florida, etc., London, 
1666. 


2 Romain was its earliest name; then it became Carteret ; now it is Romain again. 


282 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


by way of Barbadoes. It was months before they reached Port Royal, 
to which they were ordered, no doubt because it was the best known 
point on that coast. Whether they did more than enter that beauti- 
ful’bay is not certain, though some of the early writers think they at- 
tempted a settlement. It is more probable that they thought a port 
so accessible from the sea was less desirable for an infant colony than 
a place more difficult of approach. At any rate, they did not remain 
at Port Royal, but before the year was out, Sayle, who knew the 
coast, sailed up the present harbor of Charleston, and landed his 
people about three miles above the mouth of the Ashley River. ‘The 
place they named Charles-town. 

Sayle before long fell a victim to the climate, and Sir John Yea- 
Death of | mans, who had been made a landgrave, succeeded him as 
Vonane governor by virtue of that rank, though West would have 
governor. been preferred by the people. For several years the colony 
was in a languishing condition ; nor did the Proprietaries conceal 
their discontent at the steady drain it kept up upon their treasury, 
while the possibility of its becoming self-sustaining seemed to grow 
no nearer. New emigrants were sent out, but, like the first settlers, 
they appear to have been of the class least likely to make successful 
pioneers. The climate discouraged Europeans from the only kinds 
of planting which could have proved profitable, and the hard labor of 
clearing and tilling was in great part done by negro slaves, a few of 
whom had been sent from Barbadoes, or brought thence by Yeamans 
and his companions to Cape Fear.! There was a small number of 
industrious and experienced men from the northern colonies,” and 
apparently there were a few English emigrants of more spirit and 
persistency than the rest; but the great majority was made up from 
the broken-down and vicious class which was drawn upon so largely 
by all the proprietary colonies. 

The proprietors, not without grumbling, continued for some time to 
pues respond to the calls for supplies, for which no return was 
apa ee made in colonial products. But no provision could be made 

for the proper distribution of what was sent, and supplies 
were furnished to idle and industrious alike; the founders of the col- 
ony found themselves supporting a majority of useless paupers, where 
they had relied upon returns which the minority of hard-workers 
was not strong enough to secure. By the beginning of 1674 a heavy 
debt — some Pnaeaneld of pounds — had accumulated on account of 
the plantation. Sir John Yeamans — who appears to have taken ad- 
vantage of his position to direct what little export trade there was 
toward Barbadoes, where he could turn it to his own profit — was 


1 Hewit, in Carroll’s Hist. Coll. 2 Chalmers. 





1674.] JOSEPH WEST. 283 


removed, and, much to the general satisfaction, Joseph West was 
appointed governor in his place. 

Yeamans, broken in health by the climate, but with a large for- 
tune acquired during the years of his administration, retired y.< eee, 
again to Barbadoés, and the popular and prudent West soon 2% 114. 
changed the condition of affairs for the better. Emigrants were now 
willing to go to the province ‘at their own expense. Men of estate 
ventured where they were assured of fair dealing,” says one of the 
older historians, and all accounts concur in representing the confidence 
in the new Governor as giving an immediate impetus to the settle- 
ment and progress of the place, while his management seems also to 
have checked for the time the complaints of the proprietaries. The 
colonists, it is true, did not pay the large indebtedness already con- 
tracted, nor even the Governor’s salary, as they promised when his 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of Charleston Harbor. 


administration began. But this latter point was settled, in 1677, by 
the Proprietors’ assignment to West of all their stock, un- set a 
used supplies, and overdue debts in the province, thus giving (grin tne 
him a new motive for the improvement of the colony. For * 
themselves, they doubtless considered it a favorable state of:things if 
even the drain on their treasury was stopped. The idea of large 
profits must have been given up by this time even by the most san- 
guine “seignior ” among them, while the more fortunate landgraves 
and cassiques, some few of whom had been appointed, must have re- 
joiced that their barren honors had been so cheaply purchased. 

This prosperity, which was to last for several years, was hardly es- 
tablished, when the condition of affairs in their northern colony de- 


284 - . THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


manded the attention of the vexed Proprietors. The people of Albe- 

| marle had become thoroughly discontented. The code of 
Anes temporary laws sent to them had been openly disregarded, 
yee and the Assembly seems to have gone on without paying at- 
tention to any other code than its own. All manner of disquieting ru- 
mors had been spread abroad concerning the intentions of the propri- 
etors regarding this particular settlement, — how they intended to 
give it to Sir William Berkeley for his own, separating it from the 
rest of the province, or how they favored their own colony at the 
south at the expense of the north. In 1674, to make confusion worse, 
Stephens, the Governor, died ; and Carteret, chosen in his place pend- 
ing advices from England, proved indifferent to or dissatisfied with 
his duties, and sailed for home after an administration of little more 
than a year. 

In 1675 the fear of the colonists as to the dismemberment of the 
etnee province, and Berkeley’s dreaded rulership over it, led to 
the Props an address to the Proprietors. Their prompt denial of the 

rumor, and their acknowledgment that they had “ neglected 
Albemarle,” did not check the excitement. At the same time one 
me Anse Thomas Miller was the object of great suspicion, and was 
‘Thomas Mi- sent to Jamestown for trial, charged with sedition. He was 

acquitted by a Virginian jury; but this did not allay the 
popular discontent. That, probably, was increased by the fact that 
he was taken out of the colony for trial. 

In 1676 the Assembly decided to send an intelligent ronrescnniae 
Bea to England, to lay before the Proprietors the disorderly con- 
sent to Eng- ae of the colony, to ask redress for various grievances, 
ni and to secure a governor who should understand their neces- 
sities, and satisfy their reasonable wants. Thomas Eastchurch, the 
speaker of the Assembly, was chosen for the duty; and about the time 
of his setting out, Miller also sailed for England, to demand redress 
for the injuries done him. 

Eastchurch succeeded so well in his mission as to secure his own 
His success &pPpointment to the governorship, with a set of instructions 
wenepemt’ which he thought would quiet dissension and satisfy the 
ise people. But though Eastehurch was made Governor, Miller 
was no less successful in obtaining redress for his private grievances. 
The Proprietors acknowledged that he had been wronged in being 
taken to Virginia for trial, even if there was any ground for the trial 
itself. He who had been foremost in denouncing their rule in the 
colony, now became their servant. He was made collector of the cus- 
toms, secretary, and Lord Shaftesbury’s deputy in Carolina. Nor was 
this all; for, when the two newly-appointed officers sailed together 


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1677.] DISSENSIONS IN THE NORTH. 285. 


for the colony, and landed first in the West Indies, Eastchurch fell 
in love with a Creole heiress in Nevis Island, and sent his compan- 
ion to rule at Albemarle, with full powers as his deputy, yinerpepu- 
“till the chain that bound him proved too weak to hold ‘severe. 
him, or strong enough to enable him to draw the beauty who had im- 
posed it.” Miller probably did not object to this arrangement, but 
proceeded promptly to the colony, where, on his arrival in July, 1677, 
the people received him, no doubt with deep disgust, but with out- 
ward signs of submission. 

Albemarle had now a population of fourteen hundred “ taxables,’’ 
or persons between sixteen and sixty years of age, one third of them 
being women, negro slaves, and Indians. How these colonists had 
been ruled during Carteret’s absence does not appear; probably 
chiefly by their own Assembly, with perhaps an executive named by 
the Council, whose name has not been recorded. One thing seems 
certain, however, —that the fourteen hundred colonists had proved 
themselves as difficult of tranquil government as many populations of 
ten times their numbers. Affairs had been left ‘‘in bad order and 
worse hands,” said the Proprietors ; and Miller found the ,oiinuea 
place full of all the elements of turbulence that a combina- °°" 
tion of plantation and trading-post could furnish. A degree of an- 
archy must inevitably have resulted from the uncertainty caused by 
attempts to enforce first one and then another code of laws; but 
apart from this, the population was made up of the most diverse 
classes, among whom quiet would have been impossible. Puritan 
New Englanders, not feeling themselves at ease under ultra-royalist 
proprietors of a kind whom all their traditions led them to oppose ; 
adventurers, who saw in any kind of strong government the prospect 
of taxes and restrictions on their profits; refugees from the political 
troubles in Virginia, finding safety in a province which refused to 
give them up, —all these mingled with the original colonists to make 
up a people peculiarly difficult to control. The principal trade was 
with New England, and the men who carried it on added to the dis- 
order by a systematic evasion of the English customs-dues, which 
were perhaps unjust enough, yet which the proprietary governors 
were instructed to enforce. 1 

It was on the question of this trade that the first open conflict 
arose between Miller and the colonists. As collector for the king, 
he assessed a duty of one penny on eyery pound of tobacco exported 
to other American colonies. By this tax he collected in the first six 
months thirty-three hogsheads of tobacco and more than five thousand 
dollars! The indignation was great, particularly among the New 


1 Martin. See also Williamson and Hawks. 


286 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


England trading-captains. Every device of smuggling and conceal- 
ment was resorted to in order to evade the law. 

In December, a northern trader named Gillam, commanding an 
armed vessel from New England, was arrested for violation of the 
law, and was bound in a thousand pounds to abide his trial. He 
threatened the people that he would bring them no more supplies at 
Insurrection SUCh risk. In the district of Pasquotank, where the arrest 
against took place, the people rose at once, and the insurrection was 
quotank. almost immediately joined by the planters of other districts. 
Miller and several of the Proprietors’ deputies were imprisoned by 
the insurgents led by one Culpepper, a man who had already been 
prominent in agitations on Ashley River. ‘The funds of the revenue 
officers — some three thousand pounds — were seized, and a popular 
assembly was called, new courts established, and all matters of ad- 
ministration taken under the control of the successful rebels. 

The people of Pasquotank published a proclamation or ‘ remon- 
pemon.  Sttance,” addressed * to all the rest of the County of Albe- 
sees ae marle,” in justification of their conduct. Miller was accused 
ean ee. of preventing a free election, which deprived them of a free 

parliament whereby their grievances could be made known to 
the Lords Proprietors. The chief of these grievances was that the 
tax on tobacco was enforced, and that trade was interfered with; and 
they relate with an almost ludicrous pathos the cireumstances of Gil- 
lam’s arrest — who had come “ with three times the goods he brought 
last year,’” — which, of course, he meant to dispose of in a contraband 
trade, in tobacco — of Miller’s boarding his vessel “ with a brace of 
pistols,” and presenting one of them at George Durant’s breast, whom 
he seized as a traitor. 

The grievance in truth was serious enough. Their chief produc- 
tion was tobacco. The tax was a heavy burden upon colonists in- 
evitably poor ; and the enforcement of the Navigation Act was to 
shut them off from a trade with New England upon which they were 
dependent almost for the necessaries of life. The arrest of Gillam 
was the one thing needed to make a crisis. ‘ Three times as many 
goods as the year before,”’ but safely under hatches in Gillam’s vessel, 
and not to be exchanged for the tobacco on which, nevertheless, the 
tax was inexorably levied — here was palpable oppression to be borne 
no longer. ‘The insurrection was completely successful. 

When Eastchurch arrived — having won his bride at last in the 
(eee West Indies— he found that the delay had cost him his 
Eastchureh. governorship. He appealed to Virginia for aid, but before 

he had time-to put his plans into operation, he died. 

The colonists, however, had no intention of setting the Proprietors 





1679. | STATEMENT OF THE. PASQUOTANK PEOPLE. 287 


altogether at defiance. But it was nearly two years before they 
thought fit to offer any justification of their conduct in deposing one 
officer and refusing obedience to another. In 1679, Culpepper and 
Robert Holden were sent as commissioners to England to lay their 
grievances before the Proprietors. Miller and his companions in im- 
prisonment succeeded in escaping and in securing passage | 
on a homeward-bound vessel, and appeared in London not thie ronnie 
long afterward. The majority of the Proprietors seem to itt 
have been much puzzled by the contradictory accounts thus simulta- 
taneously brought 
before them. But 
Lord Shaftesbury, 
finding that the 
commissioners were 
willing to yield 
every thing to the 
proprietaries if 
only Miller should 
be permanently 
displaced and the 
insurgents par- 
doned ; feeling also, 
perhaps, that the 
colonists really had 
grievances which 
should be redress- 
ed; but especially 
seeing, no doubt, 
that the successful 
rebel was much 
more of aman than 
the governor he 
had deposed,— used 
his influence in Cul- 
pepper’s favor. No 
thought seems to have been entertained of returning Miller to the 
government. A commission as governor of Albemarle had been pre- 
viously issued to Seth Sothell, who had lately become a proprietor 
by purchasing the share of Lord Clarendon. 

Sothell started for the colony probably late in 1678, or early the 
next year. But he was captured by the Turks on his outward voy- 
age, and taken into Algiers. The Proprietors consequently decreed 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































Arrest of Durant. 


288 THE CAROLINAS. [Cuap. XII. 


that a temporary government should be continued under one John 
wi bhact Harvey, to whom a commission for the time being seems 
pointed gov- to have been granted previously — perhaps because he was 
Sia already in Carolina, and in a position to govern till a new 
officer's arrival.! But the expedient proved unsuccessful ; his power 
was derided because it was known that it was to last but a 
little time. Indeed, he seems to have been virtually deposed 
in the summer of 1680, one John Jenkins succeeding him for a 
few months. In February, 1681, still another governor was com- 
missioned pending Sothell’s coming — Captain Henry Wilkinson, 
whose credentials call him “governor of that part of the province of 
Carolina lying five miles south of the river Pamlico, and thence to 
Virginia.” 

In the mean time Culpepper, when he was about to reémbark for 
Amestot the colony after having apparently gained all his ends, had 
Culpepper. been arrested, at the instigation, it has been suggested, of 
the proprietors opposed to Shaftesbury,? and brought to trial by the 
commissioners of customs, for unlawfully acting as collector in the 
colony, and for high-treason. He begged in vain to be tried in Caro- 
lina, where the act was committed; this was refused him on the 
ground that “by a Statute of Henry VIII., foreign treason may be 
either tried by special commission or in the King’s Bench by a jury of 
the county, where that court sits.” ® He would undoubtedly have been 
convicted and sentenced by the King’s Bench, had not Shaftesbury 
pleaded for him that there never had been a regular government in 
Albemarle, and that the rebellion had therefore been only a 
quarrel between factions of the colonists. Culpepper was 
acquitted. This trial occurred in Trinity Term, in the summer of 
1680, that is, some months after Sothell’s appointment, departure, 
and capture; and there is obviously no ground for the general as- 
sumption that Sothell was sent to the colony as a consequence of Cul- 
pepper’s acquittal. 

In the province itself dissensions were far from ended ; nor did the 
conciliatory measures which the Proprietaries now adopted do much 
good. Instructions were given to the Governor to “ pardon” the in- 
surgents ; a measure which naturally seems to have been laughed at 
by a faction which was almost as strong as the one now nominally in 
power; and as naturally disregarded by the Governor himself, who 
knew that to keep his place at all he must rule with a strong hand. 


Governors 
ad interim, 


His acquit- 
tal. 


State Papers cited in Coll. Hist. Soc. of S. C., vol. i., p. 102. 
Grahame, ii., 107. 
Ventris’s Reports, 349. Cited by Chalmers. 


o wire 











1683. | GOVERNOR SOTHEL. 289 


Severe measures of punishment, on the one hand, and of retaliation on 
the other, appear to have kept Albemarle in constant anarchy during 
a period too turbulent to have left us any clear records ; and when 
Sothell, who had escaped from captivity, arrived in Carolina in 1683, 
he had every reason to find affairs in as bad a state as ever. 





“q Seurronisis 2S ua 


Seal of the Proprietors of Carolina 


MO: IT: 19 


CE AL UIE Re At 
VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. 


CONDITION OF VIRGINIA IN 1670.— ABUSES AND POPULAR GRIEVANCES. — THE GRANT 


To ARLINGTON AND CULPEPPER.— INDIAN HOSTILITIES AND THEIR RESULTS. — In- 
EFFICIENCY OF BERKELEY. — INDIGNATION OF THE COLONISTS. — NATHANIEL BACON 


TAKES THE FIELD IN DEFIANCE OF THE GOVERNOR.—HiIs INDIAN CAMPAIGN. — 
BERKELEY PROCLAIMS HIM A REBEL. — PopuLAR UPRISING. — CONCESSIONS FORCED 
FROM THE GOVERNOR. — BACONn’s ARREST, SUBMISSION, AND ESCAPE. — HE CAPTURES 
JAMESTOWN. — SECOND INDIAN CAMPAIGN. — RENEWED ATTEMPTS OF BERKELEY 
TO SUPPRESS THE PoPULAR MOVEMENT. — Bacon’s Return. — HE SEIZES THE GOv- 
ERNMENT. — FLIGHT OF BERKELEY. — THE CONVENTION. — AIMS OF THE BACON 
Parry. — Reviving FortTUNeES OF THE DEPOSED GOVERNOR. — BACON AGAIN CAP- 
TURES AND BURNS THE CAPITAL. —ILLNESS AND Deatu oF Bacon. — CLOSE OF THE 
REBELLIOV. — PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS. — ARRIVAL OF ENGLISH COMMISSION- 
ERS. — RECALL AND DEATH OF RERKELEY. 


In the year 1670, the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, in 
London, asked of Sir William Berkeley a report upon the condition 
of his colony. Apart from mere statistics, more may be inferred from 
his response than he saw fit to tell, — more, perhaps, than he really 
knew. But even the facts he gives are valuable. 

There were forty thousand people in Virginia at this period: of 
Condition of these, only two thousand were negro slaves; but there were 
eye six thousand white servants bound to service for a term of 
peers. years. It is not a violent supposition that these were not 
contented subjects. The best of them had been soldiers of the Com- 
monwealth, — men who had risked their lives for the sake of political 
and religious liberty, and were not likely now to submit quietly to 
personal servitude. Others were of an even more dangerous class, 
for the Assembly of that year had listened to complaints, from mem- 
bers of the Council and other gentlemen, of the dangers that threat- 
ened the colony by the introduction of felons. The annual importa- 
tion of white servants was fifteen hundred: the Assembly hoped at 
least to mitigate the evils of such an emigration by prohibiting the 
landing in Virginia of convicts from the English jails. Upon these 
indented servants and the negro slaves the colony depended for its 
labor. That their lves were held cheaply is plain, for four fifths of 


1670. | CONDITION OF VIRGINIA. 291 


them died when put upon new plantations. It was cheaper to buy 
new servants than to keep old ones alive by sanitary measures. 

Virginia owned but two small vessels of her own, though eighty 
ships came yearly from England to take away her tobacco wy. cojonial 
and bring in exchange those commodities of luxury or neces- '*“°: 
sity that her people could not do without. Nothing could be ex- 
ported except to the king’s dominions, and nothing, therefore, of much 
value, could be imported from anywhere but England. No improvye- 
ment could come, the Governor thought, to the trade of Virginia till 
she was allowed to sell her tobacco, her staves, her timber, and her 
corn in the best market, and buy what she wanted in return where it 
could be bought cheapest. In 1671, she exported sixteen thousand 
hogsheads of tobacco, on which the export tax was two shillings a 
hogshead. The price in London ruled the price at which it was put 
on board the English vessels at the river-banks of the plantations, 
the planters taking goods in pay. The price of the tobacco was at 
the lowest, that of the goods at the highest, to which monopoly could 
bring them. The merchant made an enormous profit on both. More 
than one old writer says that the remuneration to the planter would 
hardly find him in clothes; but it was, no doubt, the four fifths of 
the servants who died that went without the clothes, and not the 
planters on their great estates, with their generous living and large 
hospitality. 

The militia of the province could muster eight thousand men. On 
the James were two forts ; on the Rappahannock, the York, 
and the Potomac, one each. They were meant, however, 
less for protection than as ports where ships should load and unload, 
that the restrictions upon trade might be the easier enforced than 
when cargoes were discharged and received at the plantations. For 
a year only, however, was that regulation obeyed. The great fire in 
London in 1666 reduced the number of ships that came out that sea- 
son; and the fear that the plague which followed it might be introduced 
into the colony and spread by the aggregation of people at these ports, 
scattered the ships again along the rivers wherever a market could 
be found. But the forts were kept up, and the taxation for that pur- 
pose was a grievous burden for which there was no return. .. 

The religious condition of the colony did not altogether suit Berke- 
ley ; with him religion meant conformity to the Established pejoious at. 
Church, and the church a form of prescribed belief and wor- ™”* 
ship with which the constable should have as much to do as the 
priest. He hated non-conformity and dreaded any appeal to or re- 
liance upon the human reason. He believed devoutly in authority, 
and every Puritan that went back to New England, every Quaker 


The wilitia. 


292 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. (Cuar. XIII. 


that sought refuge in Carolina, was a good riddance to a ruler who 
recognized the perfection of human government under Charles I. 
and Charles II. There were forty-eight parishes in the colony, and 
in these, Berkeley said, “‘ our ministers are well paid; by my consent, 
should be better, if they would pray oftener and preach less. But as 
of all other commodities, so of this, — the worst are sent us, and we 
have had few that we could boast of, since Cromwell’s tyranny drove 
divers men hither.”’ But some of these parishes were sixty or seventy 
miles in length, and better authority, perhaps, than the Governor’s, 
asserted that many of them were for years without pastors. Nor 
were clergymen, when employed, held in much esteem, — in many 
cases were not deserving of it. Parishioners were often indifferent 
whether the parsons prayed or preached most, or whether they did 
neither. Not unfrequently a lay reader was employed at the lowest 
possible wages for which a substitute for a minister could be hired. 
This saved a clergyman’s salary, and filled at the same time the Gov- 
ernor’s requirement of religious teaching,—no preaching and more 
prayer-book. 

But if the Governor was a little doubtful as to the religious state 
of the colony, he had no misgivings of the perfectly health- 
ful condition of the merely secular mind of his people. To 
this consideration he turns with the keenest satisfaction. ‘* But,” he 
adds, “I thank God there are no free schools, nor printing, and I 
hope we shall not have these hundred years ; for learning has brought 
disobedience into the world, and printing has divulged them and libels 
against the best governments. God keep us from both.” 

From 1660 to 1676 there was no election of representatives to the 
Assembly of Virginia. That body preserved its power from year to 
year by prorogation, and rendered any interference with it the more 
difficult by restricting the right of suffrage. Industry was paralyzed ; 
the taxes were enormous ; official tyranny was intolerable ; monopoly 
absorbed all trade; the people had no voice in the government. In 
ees 1673 the whole territory, occupied already by nearly forty 
granted to thousand Englishmen, was given by the king to two of his 
Arlington : ; 
and Culpep- favorites, the Earl of Arlington and Lord Culpepper, — the 
per. . ; : 

former the father-in-law of the king’s bastard son, the Duke 
of Grafton, by the profligate and beautiful Lady Castlemaine, after- 
ward the Duchess of Cleveland. The grant was a new source of tax- 
ation to the oppressed colonists, who were compelled to pay heavily 
for the support of agents in London in vain efforts to procure the 
restoration of their homes to the rightful owners. The condition of 
the colony seemed well-nigh hopeless, and only some pretext for re- 
volt was needed to arouse the people to resistance. In 1674 some 


Education. 


1675. ] INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 293 


disturbances, which promised to become a revolution, were with diffi- 
culty allayed by a proclamation from the Governor and the inter- 
cessions of some influential citizens of his party. 

But the insurrection, which so many causes combined to make pop- 
ular and inevitable, was only postponed for about a year. saan nos. 
The Indians on the frontier — either the local tribes insti- tes. 
gated by Senecas from the north, or the Senecas themselves — be- 
eame so troublesome that the forts were put in a condition of de- 
fence, and Sir Henry Chicheley, the Lieutenant-governor, prepared 
to march, in the spring of 1675, against the enemy at the head of five 
hundred men. ‘There was 
promise of a vigorous cam- 
paign; the laws against 
providing the Indians with 
ouns and ammunition 


































































































































































=i 


Pin = 





























were much more 
stringent ;__ set- 
tlers were warned 
to take their arms to church; days of fasting were ordered, and the 
whole colony seems to have been animated with the hope that some- 
thing was at length to be done whose end was the common good. But 
when Chicheley and his little army were ready to move, an unac- 
countable and unexplained order to disband was received from Gov- 
ernor Berkeley. 

Whether this was done in the interest of the Indian tracers, — 
which was Berkeley’s own interest, —or whether the Governor sin- 
cerely believed that the danger from the Indians was exaggerated, 
and would disappear if let alone, the effect upon the colonists was 


Gathering of the Virginia Planters in 1674. 


294 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


unquestionably exasperating. If the Governor would not defend 
them, they determined to defend themselves. 

The occasion was not long in coming. One Sunday morning, in 
the summer of that year, some persons in Stafford County, on 
their way to church, found lying at his own door, wounded 
and dying, a man named Hen, and near him a friendly Indian, quite 
dead. Hen lived long enough to tell his friends that the Doegs were 


Murder of 
Hen. 


the murderers. 

Alarm was spread through the neighborhood, and thirty men 
sch Prachi started at once in pursuit. Por twenty miles up the Poto- 
of the mur- mac the trail was followed, till, crossing the river, it divided 
i into two paths. The force separated to follow both, — one 
party under Captain Brent, the other under Colonel Mason. Brent 
soon came upon a wigwam, which he surrounded with his men. <A 
chief came out, at the Captain’s summons, who accused him of having 
murdered Hen, and, as he attempted to fly, shot him down. His com- 
panions within the wigwam made some show of defence, and then, as 
they rushed out to escape, ten of them fell before the fire of the Vir- 
ginians. They were of the Doeg tribe, and, very likely, the mur- 
derers. 

The other party, who also reached a wigwam in the woods, waited 
for no parley. The Indians, aroused by the noise of the 
firing of Brent’s men, rushed to the door, and, as they ap- 
peared, fourteen of them were shot dead before the assail- 
ants could be made to understand that these were not Doegs, but 
Susquehannocks. But the murder of Hen was fully avenged. The 
sun had risen but once over his grave, before —as the Indians _ be- 
lieved — twenty-four of their people followed him into the valley of 
darkness. 

Retaliation was inevitable. Susquehannocks, Doegs, Senecas, Pis- 
cataways, —all the Indian tribes of the region were aroused by the 
slaughter in a’single day of so many warriors. ‘Two of these tribes 
mourned for their own; the third was accused of the act that had 
brought upon them so terrible a calamity. All had now cause to 
hate the whites ; some of them — perhaps all — proved by new atroci- 
ties how eagerly they accepted the lesson. In Maryland and Vir- 
ginia alike, the isolated planters knew that at any moment they 
night stand face to face with death. 

The two colonies united in an expedition, and a thousand men 
were sent out under Colonel John Washington, — George 
Washington’s great-grandfather, — of Virginia, and Major 
Thomas Truman, of Maryland. The Susquehannocks had 


Attack on a 
Susquehan- 
nock wig- 
wam. 





Expedition 
against the 
Susquehan- 
nocks. 


taken refuge with their women and children in a strong fort on the 
Aiscutaway, and this the combined force surrounded. 
Piscataway, and this tl l Ler led 





1675. | MURDER OF INDIAN ENVOYS. 295 


Six of their chiefs were summoned from the fort, that negotiations 
might first be tried. They denied that their people were guilty of any 
hostile acts against the whites, and charged them to the Senecas, who 
had already fled northward. Truman accepted their explanations, 
and promised them protection, but the Virginians were not satisfied. 

The next morning, a detachment. brought into the camp the muti- 
lated bodies of one Hanson and some members of his family 
who had been recently murdered. The act was known be- Sainte 
fore, and was one of those now under consideration. But” >” 
when this visible evidence of Indian atrocity was laid before the 
whites, their rage was be- 
yond control Whether 
with or without the consent 














































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































of the two commanders, five of 
the chiefs, who had again come 
out of the fort for a parley, and 
who, under the rules of war, were entitled to protection, were in- 
stantly bound and led out to exeeution. 

The act was too atrocious to be sustained even by the public cpin- 
ion of that time. Truman was brought to trial by the Legislature of 
Maryland, and found guilty in that he did “in a barbarous and cruel 
manner cause five of said Indians to be killed and murdered, contrary 
to the laws of God and of nations.” How he was punished does not 
appear, for the records are lost.) When Colonel Washington re- 
turned to Jamestown, and took his seat in the Assembly, Berkeley 
said, in his opening address, “If they [the Susquehannocks] had 
killed my grandfather and my grandmother, my father, my mother, 


The Killing of the Chiefs. 


1 For the fullest narrative of all these transactions, see a lecture before the Maryland 
Historical Society, by S. F. Streeter, published in Hist. Mag., vol. i. 


296 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


and all my friends, yet, if they had come to treat in peace, they 
should have gone in peace.” 

This public rebuke was Washington’s only punishment. Their 
indian re. revenge the Indians took into their own hands. Though 
taliation. the fort on the Piscataway was strong and capable of de- 
fence, they had laid in no provisions for a long siege. In the night, 
while the camp without slept unsuspicious of danger, the Susquehan- 
nocks, with their women and children — leaving behind only a few old 
men — crept out silently among their enemies, killing ten of them as 
they went, and escaped to the forest. 

Arousing other tribes, they spread dismay along the Rappahanock 
and the James. Through the following winter they spread through 
Virginia, almost to Jamestown itself. Their object was rather re- 
venge than plunder. “In these frightful times,” says a narrative 
written a few years afterward by one of the planters who related 
what he saw,! ‘*the most exposed small families withdrew into our 
houses of better numbers, which we fortified with pallisadoes and 
redoubts ; neighbours in bodies joined their laborers from each plan- 
tation to others alternately, taking their arms into the fhelds and set- 
ting centinels; no man stirred out of door unarm’d, Indians were 
(ever and anon) espied, three, 4, 5, or 6 in a party, lurking through- 
out the whole land; yet (what was remarkable) I rarely heard of 
any houses burnt... . or other injury done besides murders, except 
the killing a very few cattle & swine.” Sixty of the colonists, be- 
fore the spring came, had fallen victims to this savage warfare along 
the York, the James, and the Rappahannock. 

In this season of dire distress Berkeley was strangely inefficient or 
Inefficiency Unpardonably indifferent. Even the Susquehannocks, sat- 
of Berkeley. isfied with their bloody work, made overtures of peace, to 
which they received no answer ; the colonists appealed to him for 
protection, but he was moved neither by their sufferings nor their 
prayers. ‘The time had come when they must depend upon them- 
selves for safety. In securing that, came the opportunity to redress 
much other wrong. 

Among the owners of plantations on the James was young Na- 
Nathanie.e  thaniel Bacon, the cousin and heir of a rich and well-known 
as Jamestown citizen of the same name. Although he was 
not yet thirty, and had joined his relative in Virginia less than three 
years before, he was already of sufficient mark in the province to 
have been appointed member of the council, and to have gained an 
influence among his neighbors that implied unusual qualities in so 

1 The Beginning, Progress, and Conclusion of Bacon’s Rebellion. By T. M. Republished 


in Force’s Tracts, vol. i. 








1676.] INEFFICIENCY OF BERKELEY. 297 


young a man. He lived upon an estate called Curles, on the river, a 
little distance below Richmond; but he also owned a plantation near 
the falls of the James,— perhaps where the place called ‘ Bacon 
Quarter Branch” still keeps his name.’ Here, in the late winter or 
early spring of 1676, a band of savages stole into the clearing, and 
killed two persons, —a servant, and Bacon’s overseer, whom he held 
in high esteem.” 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Bacon Quarter Branch. 


The young man had been already greatly excited by the distresses 
of the people about him, and it needed only this appeal to personal 
interest and feeling to move him to action. His neighbors, one and 
all, looked to him as their leader ; and he and they had “ sent often- 
times to the Governor, humbly beseeching a commission to go against 
those Indians at their own charge.”” But no commission came. ‘ The 
misteryes of these delays were wondered at,” and the minds of the 
people, bitter with other grievances, were filled with “surmizes and 
murmurings.” The climax came when Bacon himself, struck at last 
in his own family, swore that he would avenge his overseer’s death, 

1 Campbell's History of Virginia. 

2 There are several contemporary accounts of Bacon’s Rebellion. The so called “ Bur- 
well Account,” found among the papers of Captain Nathaniel Burwell, of Virginia, and 
published in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Second Series, vol. i., is incomplete. That by “T. M.” 
in Force’s Hist. Tracts, i., is the fullest. See also An Account of our Late Troubles in Vir- 
ginia, by Mrs. An. Cotton, of Q. Creeks, in Force, i., 9th paper; A List of those Evecuted 


. ° wey ee “1° ae 1 wR 
for the Late Rebellion in Virginia, etc., ibid., 10th paper ; and the documents in the appen- 
dix to chap. v. in Burk’s History of Virginia, vol. 11. 


298 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. (Cuap. XIII. 


and that should news of another murder reach him, he would mareh 
out against the savages, ** commission or no Commission.” 

Such news was but a little while in coming; and he kept his word. 
A force whose numbers are differently stated at ninety, three hun- 
dred, and even six hundred men,! gathered about their leader. But 
even on the eve of their march, they sent once more to Berkeley for 
authority, warning him that should he not send it by a certain day, 
they would go without it. It did not come, and at the 
appomted time the expedition moved. It had gone only a 
short distance, before it was overtaken by a messenger, bearing in hot 
haste a proclamation from the Governor, denouncing all as rebels who 
did not disperse and return to their homes before a given date. ‘This 
was decisive, and the line must be drawn at once between such as 
would brave the final threat of the authorities and such as would turn 
back while it was yet possible. Fifty-seven of his company kept on 
into the wilderness with Baeon ; ‘**those of estates,’ who feared their 
confiscation, returned with discontented obedience to save their prop- 
erty. 

Bacon and his party had not accomplished that most difficult and 
dangerous part of Indian warfare, the finding of the enemy, when 
their supplies began to run low. Coming upon the fortified village 
of a friendly tribe, they asked the savages for provisions, with offers 
of pay. If the white men would wait till the next day, they should 
have what they asked, was his answer. It shows what was the pop- 
ular opinion of the Governor, that a suspicion at once arose among 
the Bacon party that these Indians were acting by his direction. — It 
was absolutely necessary that food should be had. Wading * shoulder 

deep ” through the creek that ran before the palisades, they 
friendly In- pressed their request. A shot, coming from some unseen 

enemy as night was falling, killed one of the troop, and 
aroused a suspicion that the Indians were reénforced. An attack was 
made, the fort taken and burned, and, according to Bacon’s own 
account, one hundred and fifty Indians were put to the sword. It 
was the annihilation of the tribe of Susquehannocks. That, it was 
thought, must put an end to all further trouble from the savages, 
and the colonists dispersed. 

The supposed collusion of Sir William Berkeley and the Indians 
rerkeleyin Had this much color of probability, —that the Governor, so 
pursuitof — soon as he was satisfied of the determined purpose of Bacon 


Jacon’s 


Bacon takes 
the field. 


me and his men, had taken a troop of horse and set out in pur- 
suit. He did not reach them; but his desertion of the capital, at 


1 Burk, il. 164, says six hundred; Burwell, p. 10, says “about seventy: or ninety per- 
sons;’’ I’. M., p. 11, says three hundred men. 








1676. ] POPULAR UPRISING. 299 


this critical moment, proved an ill-judged step. No sooner was he 
well away, than a revolt broke out among the planters to the south. 
In the absence of the Governor, the Assembly hesitated and tem- 
porized, and allowed the rebellion to gain headway. Hurry- popuiar ais 
ing back, Sir Wilham found the country everywhere in ele a 

such commotion that he was compelled to make concessions, ¢7ees!°"®: 
Among the first demanded was the abolition of taxes for the useless 
forts, —their uselessness now doubly shown, —and the dissolution of 
that long Assembly which had not 
been changed for fifteen years. 
The scanty records tell us little 
of the details ; but both points were 
yielded, and for the moment a de- 
ceptive quiet was restored. 

































































































































































































































































































































Bacon’s Troops crossing the Creek. 


The elections to the new Assembly, for which writs were imme- 
diately issued, resulted almost everywhere, as might have yoy ctec- 
been expected, in favor of the popular party. A great ma- "°"* 
jority of the delegates were men pledged to demand redress of the 
people’s grievances. Bacon, whose great popularity was increased by 
his action in the Indian matter, was among the new members. Not- 
withstanding his recent defiance of the Governor, he did not hesitate 
to start for Jamestown on the day appointed. This audacity even a 
weaker man than Berkeley might have resented. As Bacon sailed 
down the river from his home at Curles, on his way to the Assembly's 
session, his sail-boat was brought to by an armed vessel, and he was 
carried to the capital under arrest. ‘Mr. Bacon,” asked the ye arrest of 
old Governor, as the culprit was brought before him, “have ?°™ 
you forgot to be a gentleman?” — ‘No, may it please your honor.” 


300 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [CuHap. XIII. 


—‘ Then,” said the old soldier, with a courtesy not forgotten in se- 
verity, ‘I will take your parole ;” and the popular leader took his 
seat unhindered among the burgesses.1 

The burgesses met on the morning of the 5th of June: and when 
they had chosen a speaker, the Governor summoned them before him. 
In “a short, abrupt speech,” as we have already related, he rebuked 









































RRL 
} 



































Bacon's Submission. 


Colonel Washington for the murder of the Susquehannock chiefs. 
Then, after seating himself for a moment, he rose and surprised the 
house by saying, ‘if there be joy in the presence of the angels over 
one sinner that repenteth, there is jov now; for we have a 


Bacon's sub- 
mission. 


penitent sinner come before us. Call Mr. Bacon.” “ Then,” 
says an eye witness, ** did Mr. Bacon, upon one knee at the bar, de- 
1 T. M.’s Narrative. 








1676. ] BACON’S ESCAPE. 301 


liver a sheet of paper confessing his crimes and begging pardon of 
God, the king, and the governor.” There was a brief silence broken 
by Berkeley’s saying, with real emotion, “ God forgive you — I for- 
give you.” ! 

There seems to have been in the veteran officer a warm personal 
regard for the briliant young man before him. A moment after 
pronouncing his forgiveness, he started up again from his chair and 
said, ‘* Mr. Bacon, if you will live civilly but till next quarter court 
—but till next quarter court — [ll promise to restore you again to 
your place there,’’ — pointing to Bacon’s vacant seat in the council. 
«And in th’ afternoon,” says the narrator of the incident, ‘“* passing 
by the court door in my way up to our chamber, I saw Mr. Bacon on 
his quondam seat . . . . which seemed a marveilous indulgence to 
one whom he had so lately proscribed as a rebell.” ? 

It is not easy to credit the assertion that all this action on Sir 
William Berkeley's part was treacherous ; that his kindness and his 
emotion were both feigned ; and his reception of Bacon a mere de- 
vice to conciliate the excited planters. Yet Bacon and his adherents 
believed this, or at least, doubted that Berkeley meant to heed their 
just complaints. A few days later, while the Assembly was still en- 
gaged in a stormy debate upon the Indian question, ‘ one morning 
early a bruit ran about the town —‘ Bacon is fled — Bacon is fled!’ 3 

The rumor speedily proved true. Leaving no other excuse for 
breaking his parole, than the insufficient one that he be- 
lieved he was meeting treachery with treachery, — ‘* having 
information that the Governor's generosity . . . . [was] no other than 
previous weadles to amuse him and his adherents and to circumvent 
them by stratagem,’ —the young man had left Jamestown to rejoin 
his neighbors. Some said his cousin had given him ‘ timely inti- 
mation to flee for his life;” for that the Governor — ‘seeing all 
quiet,” and noticing that the turbulent country people who had come 
to the capital had dispersed again on seeing justice apparently done 
to their favorite, — had issued ‘ private warrants to take him againe.”’ 
But it should not be forgotten that the contemporary narratives, on 
which we must rely for the details of these events, are not impartial 
and may, therefore, be unjust to Berkeley. Narrow-minded, arbitrary, 
and destitute of any regard for the rights of the common people, and 
—as he soon showed himself to be— careless of human life, the 
whole career of the Governor hardly justifies the belief that he would 
stoop to gain his ends by deceit and treachery. That Bacon, however, 
believed him capable of it, is the only justification of his own conduct. 


His flight. 


1 “ Thrice repeating the same words,” says T. M. 


2 T. M.’s Narrative. 3 Tbid. 


302 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XII. 


Bacon’s adherents of course accepted his conclusions, and all hope, 
therefore, of a peaceful solution of the troubles-ended with his arrival 
among his friends. 

Only a few days of excitement and alarm had passed since his es- 
pied cape, when news reached Jamestown that the rebel was 
marches on marching thither at the head of ‘*an army ” of four or five 

| hundred men, who had mustered some thirty miles or more 
up the river. With almost every hour expresses reached the capital 
with news of his approach. Berkeley tried vainly to collect the 
militia for defence; but many of them were already with the int 
surgents, and no sufficient body could be gathered. On the fourth 
day after the first news of their coming, the horse and foot under 
Bacon entered the town without resistance. They were bivouacked 
upon the green close by the state-house, and the proper disposition 
made of them to hold all the streets. This done, they disarmed all 
the inhabitants, and would permit none to enter the town without 
giving up his weapons. 

Amid this confusion the Assembly was called together by beat of 
ie ae dram, Barely had its session been begun, when Bacon, 
age with a double file of fusileers, took up a position near the 

corner of the state-house. ‘The members of the Assembly 
crowded to the windows, while the Governor and Council went out to 
treat with the rebel leader. It was a scene of wild confusion ; in the 
midst of “the hubbub” Bacen raged up and down between his files 
of men, * with his left arm on Kenbow, flinging his right ‘arm every 
way; the crowd about him clamoring with such violence that, says 
the narrator, ‘if in this moment of fury that enraged multitude had 
faln upon the Governor and Council, we of the Assembly expected 
the same immediate fate.” Berkeley, as. excited as Bacon, thrust 
himself between the lines of troops, and baring his breast to their 
weapons, cried ‘“* Here—shoot me! ’Fore God, fair mark! Shoot!” 
To which the rebel, still commanding his temper, as it seemed, an- 
swered, ‘* No, may it please your honor — we will not hurt a hair of 
your head, nor of any other man’s; we are come for a commission to 
save our lives from ‘the Indians, which you have so often promised ; 
and now we will have it before we go!” The Governor turned, and 
walked toward his private apartments, followed by the Council; and 
Bacon, now losing his self-command entirely, followed him with ‘out- 
rageous postures,” ‘¢ often tossing his hand from his sword to his hat,” 
and seeming like one delirious with rage. ‘Dam my bloud!” he 
shouted, * I ‘ll kill Governor, Council, Assembly, and all, — and then 
I ‘ll sheathe my sword in my own heart’s bloud!”? —and turning to 
his men he ordered them to point their fusils at the windows filled 
with anxious faces. 

























































































































































































: ‘ re 
SSS7“» : : | 
SSS S . 
= 
se 
4 
r 
ae 































































































yen co : 


ee Ss ims 
ee 


it 























. 





1676. ] BACON AND THE ASSEMBLY. 303 


For a moment there was wild excitement; the people clamored for 
the commission with shouts of “ We will have it! we will | 
have it!”’ and the fusileers cocked their pieces; when a es 
person at the window waved a handkerchief, and called out Ce 
that they should be satisfied. ‘*’T’ was said,” — continues the narra- 
tive, —‘ Bacon had given a signall to his men... . that if he 
should draw his sword, they were on sight of it to fire and slay us; so 
near was the massacre of us all that very minute, had Bacon in that 
paroxism of phrentick fury but drawn his sword before the pacifick 
handkercher was shaken out at window !” 

Excited as the people were, both they and the fusileers, as well as 
Bacon himself, had recognized the person who waved the handker- 
chief as one of the most influential citizens, and believed that he had 
both will and power to keep his promise. The soldiers lowered their 
arms, and Bacon, atter a moment's consultation, marched fh | 
them away to the main bedy of his troops. In an hour he aresses the 

‘ ’ Assembly. 

came back alone, and going into the Assembly’s room, ad- 

dressed that body vehemently, demanding that the commission be is- 
sued to him at once. A large majority favored his request, but no 
one dared to act decisively. Bacon’s own colleague, Bruce, hesitat- 
ingly said, ‘¢it was not in their province or power,” or any one’s save 
the Governor’s. No one else spoke ; Bacon retired ‘“ dissatisfied,’ and 
for the rest of the day comparative quiet reigned. 

The anxious night that followed seems to have produced a change 
of policy on the part of both Berkeley and the burgesses. _ 

The former saw himself at last forced to another compro- hediak 
mise, and the majority of the Assembly came together the “” 
next morning with no sign of the hesitancy of the day before. The 
only difficulty was to restrain the motions for the redress of popular 
grievances long enough to permit the all-important Indian question 
to be finally disposed of. Bacon’s commission was speedily passed, 
and was promptly confirmed by Governor and Council. But, in the 
altered state of feeling, this was not by any means enough. The 
house was in perfect accord and sympathy with the people, and its 
boldness increased with every concession. It next passed an Act of 
amnesty toward Bacon and his followers, and directed the prepara- 
tion of a letter to the King justifying their action. A letter written 
by the Governor, in which he complained to His Majesty that he was 
‘ encompassed with rebellion like waters,’ was submitted, and received 
by the burgesses with due respect ; but it was doubted, nevertheless, 
that *‘ his hono’r sent all he wrote.” Other versions of affairs, how- 
ever, than that of the Governor’s, were sent to England by several 
delegates. 


504 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


Then followed rapidly a multitude of reformatory measures. The 
franchise was again extended to all freemen. The county 
magistrates, who had long had local taxation in their own 
hands, were now compelled to associate with them a board of dele- 
gates elected by the people. The privileges of members of the Coun- 
cil were curtailed. No one was to be appointed to an office who had 
not for three years resided in the country. Propositions — possibly 
never carried out — were made for an examination of the colonial ac- 
counts. The Governor's fees in certain cases were restricted ; his vir- 
tual monopoly of the fur trade was abolished. The majority, now 
altogether under the influence of Bacon and his chief advisers, Law- 
rence and Drummond, effected in a few days more radical reforms 
than the boldest would have believed possible a week or two before. 
That they should be bitterly opposed by the minority, and only con- 
firmed by the Governor under the pressure of necessity, was a matter 
of course. Some of the debates upon them were very stormy ; and 
party feeling ran so high that, according to one historian, it founded 
feuds of a century's duration between members of the different fac- 
tions. The whole time occupied by all this legislation was barely : 
week, and at the end of it Berkeley succeeded in dissolving an Assem- 
bly which had suddenly become so formidable, — the hasty dissolution 
probably meeting with but little opposition, because it was felt that 
all that could be done at the moment had been accomplished. 
Bacon — who had meanwhile been occupied in organizing the thou- 
sand men allowed him by the act, and in wisely appoint- 
suctai ing as his subordinates men who were already known as 
ome" officers in the regular militia — now set out for a vigorous 
campaign against the Indians ; and, in a short time after the breaking 
up of the Assembly, was hotly engaged in the Pamunkey country, 
driving the savages successfully before him. No sooner was he at 
a safe distance, however, than events showed that the acquiescence 
he had extorted from the Governor in measures of reform was to be 
but short-lived. By a petition which came to him from the people of 
Gloucester and Middlesex counties (on the peninsula between the 
Rappahannock and the York), Berkeley was led to believe that the 
people of that region were still loyal to him, and opposed to the in- 
surgent party. He crossed the York, and called a muster of 
the militia of the peninsula. Twelve hundred men col- 
lected; and relying upon their adherence, he once more de- 
clared Bacon a rebel, and called upon them to join in a march against 
him and his army. He was speedily convinced of his mistake. Im- 
mediately “arose a murmuring before his face, ‘Bacon! Bacon! 
Bacon!’ and all walked out of the field, muttering as they went, 


Reformatory 
measures. 


Renewed 
proclama- 
tions of Ber- 
keley. 





1676. | BACON SEIZES THE GOVERNMENT. 305 


on 


‘Bacon, Bacon, Bacon,’ leaving the Governor and those that came 
with him to themselves.” 

Bacon was approaching the head of York River when news came 
that Berkeley had again proclaimed him an outlaw, and was 


Bacon's re- 


seeking volunteers to pursue him. Answering angrily ‘“ that rue 
it vexed him to the heart that while he was hunting wolves 
which were destroying innocent lambs,” the Governor and_ his follow- 
ers should seek to put him “like corn between two mill-stones,” he 
turned his army instantly and hurried across country. It was the un- 
lucky Berkeley, and not the rebel, who now found himself likely to be 


Berkeley. 













































































Berkeley and the Gloucester Men. 





0 4 ‘ 
eS 





“oround to powder.” Failing 
completely in his efforts to gain 

popular support, he fled precipitately to Accomac, across the Chesa- 
peake, and left the province at the mercy of his opponent. 

Bacon was now-virtually the Governor of Virginia, and the first 
uses made of his power justified the popularity that he en- 
joyed. Marching his force as rapidly as possible ipoueces tri al 
Gloucester County, — where, in spite of Berkeley’s failure nibbAd 
to arouse the people at large, there was still a party in his favor, — 
he deployed a large detachment to patrol the country, and to arrest 
Berkeley’s adherents. ‘These were put under parole; but they suf- 
fered in no other way, and his whole course seems to have been gen- 
erous and conciliatory. He is credited with offering to spare the life 


of a spy captured by his men, provided a single voice out of the whole 
VOL. II. 20 








306 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuar. XIII. 


little army should be raised in his behalf ;1 ‘ which no man appear- 
ing to do,” the prisoner duly suffered death. And it was said that 
during the whole course of the rebellion this was the only man put 
to death in cold blood by the insurgents, while not a single house, 
even of the Governor’s immediate and most obstinate adherents, was 
plundered or molested. 

When Bacon issued a call for a convention of the leading men of 
ete, fl the province to meet him at Middle Plantation, fifteen miles 
of the colo: from Jamestown, it was very widely responded to. <A large 

vi assemblage gathered in the month of August, and listened 
to propositions for the reorganization of the government. An oath 
was to be administered to the people, without distinction. Those who 
took it were to promise to aid Bacon in a war against the Indians ; 
to oppose Berkeley in any attempt to interfere with them in so doing ; 

and to resist any force which might arrive from England, 
oath of ae until its leaders should grant such terms as would include a 
2 hearing in England of the popular complaints against Berke- 
ley’s administration. ‘The first two clauses were agreed to without 
hesitation; but to the third, as an act of flat rebellion against the 
Mother country, there was a determined opposition, and a ‘ bloudy 
debate ”’ of twelve hours followed. 

It is said to have been turned in Bacon’s favor, after he had elo- 
quently contended in vain against his opponents, by an unlooked- 
for incident. While the discussion was at its height, a gunner arrived 
from Fort York, to report that the Indians had made a raid under the 
very walls, as it were, of that post; that several persons had been 
killed ; and that others had thronged into the works for protection. 
Bacon’s point was instantly and forcibly made; he asked the gunner 
how it could be that this threatening aspect of affairs could exist close 
by the strongest work in that part of the province? The reply was 
that Berkeley, sailing into the York, had on the very day before the 
murders removed all the powder from the fort into his own vessel. 
This turned the scale, and the majority consented to Bacon’s oath at 
once. A clause was inserted in the preamble to the oath setting forth 
that ** Sir Wiliam Berkeley, Knight, Governor of the Country,” havy- 
ing soughtto divert the country’s army from its pursuit of the In- 
dians, and having failed therein, had “withdrawn himself, to the 
great astonishment of the people;”’ and then followed an explana- 
tion of the calling of the convention. Thus introduced, and signea 
by the members of that body, including some of Berkeley’s govern- 
ment, and many of the leading men of the whole province, it was 
published immediately to the citizens at large. Writs for an Assem- 

eT. M. 


1676.) Divs Ol CHE BACONS PARTY; 507 


bly were issued, under the names of four members of the Council who 
took part in the convention’s proceedings, and had sided throughout 
against the Governor. 

The feeling among the leaders who had taken upon themselves the 
responsibility of these decisive measures was that of men git ana 
who had begun a war of independence. There was no tell- jms eine, 
ing to what lengths they might be called upon to go. Their '"*: 
talk was earnest, resolute, and grave, —a forecast of that which, just 
a century later, was to be heard at Philadelphia in a greater cause. 
Richard Lawrence and William Drummond, the former governor of 
Carolina, who appears to have been the brain of the enterprise of 
which Bacon was the mght hand, saw clearly whither their action 
tended, and guided each step with prudent firmness. Beside them, at 
a council of which record is preserved, stood Drummond’s wife, taking 
part, with an influence rarely given to a woman of that day and 
place, in their debates upon the future. The spirited words she spoke 
seemed half prophetic. ‘The child that is unborn shall have cause 
to rejoice for the good that will come by the rising of the country,” 
she said; and to a cautious gentleman, who warned them of “a greater 
power from England,” that would certainly prove their ruin, she an- 
swered, “I fear the power of England no more than a broken straw.” 
‘* Now we can build ships,” she added, “and, like New England, 
trade to any part of the world.” If all she uttered was not to be ful- 
filled in her own time, her great-grandchildren were to see it carried 
out with a broader significance. 

Berkeley, meanwhile, was gathering at Accomac such of his people 
as could reach him in his disadvantageous position; but, at pereley at 
the best, the force which he could collect was a very small “°°°™° 
one, and his prospects seemed almost hopeless until the coming of aid 
from England, when suddenly accident and the bravery of one of his 
followers changed the whole current of affairs. The first direct act. 
of hostility which the insurgents attempted against him resulted in 
giving him the very means he wanted to make head against them. 

Giles Bland, collector-general of the royal customs in Virgima, 
was one of Bacon’s warmest partisans, besides being a per-  giana’s ex- 
sonal enemy of the Governor. In the zeal which grew out »%™ 
of both these relations, he suggested, and was appointed'tto carry out, 
a plan for Berkeley’s capture. Taking advantage of his office, he was 
to board the ship of a certain Captain Laramore, that lay near the 
mouth of the York River, and, while pretending to examine her cargo, 
was to put his men in possession and take her commander prisoner. 
Accompanied by a smaller vessel, under one Captain Carver, he was 
then to sail for Accomac, where the defenceless Governor could easily 
be captvred and returned to Jamestown. 


308 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


The plan worked admirably as far as the seizure of the vessel went, 
and Bland, with his armed men, soon had her captain shut up in his 
cabin, while they and the captured crew weighed anchor and made 
ready to set sail. But Laramore, feigning complete submission, as- 
sured Bland of his willingness to take part in the expedition, pro- 
claimed himself an enemy of Berkeley, and so won Bland’s confidence 
that he was again put in charge of the ship, and forthwith made him- 
self conspicuous in furthering the preparations. Followed by Carver's 
vessel and a sloop, all manned by more than two hundred men, the 
collector — or the lieutenant-general, as Bacon had commissioned him 
—bore away for Accomac. In the bay he compelled another sloop 
to accompany his fleet, and so arrived at the eastern shore as the 
admiral of four well-armed craft. 

On the news of the arrival of this hostile force, Berkeley despaired 
Blana’s fleet OL Gefence, and proposed to surrender.: But while he was 
petrayed . debating with his companions, a message was brought to 
ley’s hands; him which changed the aspect of affairs. Laramore had suc- 
ceeded in smuggling ashore a note, in which he promised, if the Goy- 
ernor would send a force to aid him, to deliver Bland, Carver, and 
their men, into his hands, and to put the vessels and their crews at 
his disposal. There was a moment’s hesitation, for Laramore’s repu- 
tation was not of the best, and it was thought that he might be 
merely acting the decoy. But Philip Ludwell, one of Berkeley s 
warmest adherents, decided the doubtful question by offering to take 
charge of the force Laramore proposed, and thus insuring success if 
the captain were acting honestly, or making at least a stubborn fight 
if he were treacherous. 

At midnight, Ludwell and a company of twenty-six picked men 
pulled silently alongside the ship. Laramore proved faithful, and 
the sleeping men on board, waking in confusion and seeing an armed 
party pouring over the sides, were overpowered before they knew the 
weakness of their captors. It was only needful to turn the guns of 
the larger vessel upon her smaller tenders ; and without the firing of 
a shot the formidable little fleet was taken. Berkeley emphasized 
his triumph by hanging Carver a few days afterward, upon the shore 
of the bay; and why Bland and the other leaders escaped a similar 
fate is not clear. Perhaps the Governor — who, while the Laramore 
plot had been maturing, had sent for Carver under a safe-conduct, 
and tried to bribe him to desert the Baconites — owed the stout 
sailor a grudge for turning a deaf ear to all his arguments. 

The hesitating loyalists, who had kept prudently aloof while Berke- 
ley was altogether without defence or resources, now rallied, reani- 
mated by Ludwell’s exploit. Fourteen sloops and other small eraft 


1676. ] BACON AGAIN, IN THE FIELD: 309 


were soon added to the four captured vessels, and, with six hundred 
men ready to follow him, Berkeley found himself at the 

head of a formidable force. Crossing the bay, he took pos- ieee 
session of Jamestown, on September 17, without meeting Jamestown 
any attempt at resistance, and at once proceeded to restore a 
his friends to their offices, to reéstablish his old government, and to 
issue a new proclamation proclaiming Bacon and his followers, for the 
third time, traitors, rebels, and outlaws. 

The Governor’s sudden movement caught his opponents for a mo- 
ment at a disadvantage. Ba- 
econ had conducted a short, 
decisive campaign against the 
Indians, marching from near 
Petersburg to the Roanoke 
river, driving all before him, 
and ending at one blow all 




























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Taking of Bland’s Fleet. 


possibility of any formidable Indian war for years to come. His work 
thus thoroughly accomplished, and regarding Berkeley gs now alto- 
gether powerless, he returned to the neighborhood of the James and 
disbanded the main body of his men; and as nearly all of them were 
planters, they quickly scattered to their homes. He was in this post- 
tion when the news of the capture of Jamestown reached him through 
Drummond and others of his adherents who had fled from the place ; 


but acting with his usual energy, he turned at once to the offensive. 


310 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. ([CHap. XII. 


Gathering a small force, to which he added as he marched, he came 
Bode aks rapidly across the country, and appeared before the capital 
eos ae just as the Governor had finished his hurried preparations 
for defence by running a palisade across the neck of James- 
town peninsula. Before the besieged enemy knew his whereabouts, 
—for he had moved ‘with a marvellous celerity, outstripping the 
swift wings of fame,” — they heard his trumpet blown from the high 
ground near the town, and the cannon shot with which he warned 
them of his presence. It was at sunset that he appeared before the 
palisades ; and by the morning his men were sheltered behind earth- 
works, which they had finished in apparent carelessness of the ‘3 
grate guns” the Governor had planted on his ramparts, and of the 
ships, lying * almost close aborde the shore... . with their broade 
sides, to thunder upon him if he should offer to make an onslaute.” 

An account hostile to Bacon avers that he made up for * the paucity 
of his numbers” by a stratagem that was anything but creditable. 
Sending some of his horse to scour the country near at hand, he or- 
dered them to take and bring to him certain gentlewomen living near 
by, whose husbands were in the town, that he might hold hostages, 
as 1t were, to secure the granting of all his demands. When they 
arrived, he ‘sends one of them to inform her owne and the others 
Husbands, for what purposes he had brought them into the camp, 
namely, to be placed in the fore frunt of his men at such time as those 
in town should sally forth upon him.” According to the writer of this 
story, which is not elsewhere confirmed, ‘* these Ladyes white Aprons ” 
naturally ‘ became of grater force to keep the besieged from falling 
out, than his works (a pitiful trench) ;”’ and either “ these considera- 
tions or some others .... kep their swords in their scabbards.” 
Yet he goes on to say that the gentlewomen were after all soon taken 
out of danger, but that a party sent out by Berkeley to make an 
attack on Bacon’s works, ‘* went out with heavie harts, but returned 
home with light heels ;’’ — were, in short, driven back disgracefully 
by the Baconites, to the disgust of the Governor, ‘* which he exprest 
in som passionate terms.” 

The next day, when Bacon mounted three guns upon luis works, ac- 
tually to begin the reduction of the place, Berkeley and his adherents 
gave up all hope of a successful defence. Before the rebels had fired 
a single damaging shot, the fleet dropped silently down the river, 
under cover of the darkness, carrying Governor, officials, troops, 
townspeople, and even their household goods, and leaving Jamestown 
a mere collection of empty houses. 

When Bacon entered, the next morning, he found a deserted capital, 
the guns spiked, and nothing left but a few horses, ‘* two or three 


1676. | BACON RECAPTURES AND BURNS JAMESTOWN. 511 


sellers [cellars] of wine, and some small quantity of Indian Corne 
with a grate many tanned hides.” No army could subsist upon 
such plunder; nor would it have profited Bacon to hold the 

. Jamestown 
empty place. A council was called ; and though among his taken ana 
people there were many property-holders of the town, it was jmeed 
decided to destroy it, that it might not serve again as a harbor for the 
enemy. Lawrence and Drummond applied the torch to their own 
houses, at nightfall; and that night Sir William Berkeley, lying at 
anchor twenty miles below, saw the dark sky lighted by the flames 
of the first English town built in America, — the historic settlement 
of Smith, Newport, and Winefield. The destruction was complete, 
‘not so much as sparing the church —and the first that ever was in 
Virginia.” Nor was the place ever rebuilt. 





Bacon and the Jamestown Gentiewomen. 


Crossing the long peninsula between the James and York, Bacon 
now established himself at Gloucester Point, expecting to be | pacon Pein 
attacked there by Colonel Brent, who was known to be ap- ™?°’* 
proaching from Northern Virginia, at the head of a theusand men. 
But this attack, says a contemporary, ‘like the hoggs the devill 
sheared, produced more noyse than wool; ” for Brent’s men nearly all 
deserted before they came in face of the enemy advancing to meet 
them, and left their leader ** mightily astonished.” Bacon was thus 
left free to attempt once more the organization and quieting of the 
province; and began it by calling a convention of the uncertain peo- 


312 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


ple of Gloucester County, to whom he administered the oath before 
resolved upon. Then, yearning to make his Indian victories even 
more final and complete, he began to plan another expedition into the 
interior. 

While thus engaged, a trifling illness which he had neglected in the 
restless energy of his cam- 
paign, began to gain upon 
him. In the high tide of his 
success he suddenly found 
himself sinking rapidly ; and 











—____- ——__— _ ——— SS 





l 


Ota : 














i 


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f 


Ye A Ss 
Wy) A 


i 


Burning of Lawrence’s House at Jamestown. 


despite all the efforts of his people, nothing checked the course of 
Death of ‘IS disease. And so, says his hostile biographer, not with- 
sie out an unholy exultation, ‘tall his strength and provissions 
being spent, [he] surrendered up that Fort he was no longer able 








1676. | CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 313 


y 


to keepe, into the hands of that grim and all conquering Captaine, 
Death.” He died on the first day of October, 1676, in the house of 
Dr. Pate, near Gloucester. His burial-place was kept a secret that 
has never been revealed.! 

The command of Bacon’s forces passed into the hands of his heuten- 
ant-general, Joseph Ingram; but the dead leader had left ye incur 
no one behind who was precisely fitted to take his place. "ver. | 
Lawrence and Drummond, wise advisers as they had proved '*%- 
themselves, had not the influence of their more active associate over 
his followers; and the loss of the energetic and brave commander dealt 
the revolution a blow from which it could not rise. The speedy cap- 
ture and execution of several leading insurgents, by a party of Berke- 
ley’s adherents, served to intensify the despondency and panic that 
prevailed among the great body of the Baconites; and in the country 
at large the rebellion suddenly died. <A large part of the insurgents 
scattered quickly to their homes, following the impulse to gy. cosine 
save themselves from the fate of a lost cause ; and only the *™*: 
leaders, the men who had the courage of their convictions, or for 
whom pardon was believed to be impossible, were left with a small 
force to make a final struggle. 

Ingram established himself at West Point, on the upper York 
River, a place which Bacon himself had designed to make his ‘ prime 
Randevouze, or place of Retreat,” because of its natural facilities for 


1 The grief of Bacon’s friends and the joy of his enemies have each left a rhymed epi- 
taph, that show the fervor with which he was both loved and hated, and correspond to the 
two views that have been and are still taken of his action and his restless life : — 


‘* Death why soe crewill! what, no other way 
To manifest thy splleene, but thus to slay 
Our hopes of safety ; liberty, our all 
Which through thy tyrany, with him must fall 
To its late caoss? 
Now we must complaine 
Since thou, in him, hast more than thousand slain, 
Whose lives and safetys did so much depend 
On him there lif, with him their lives must end. 


While none shall dare his obseques to sing 
In desarved measures ; untill time shall bring 
Truth crowned with freedom, and from danger free 
To sound his praises to posterity. 

Here let him rest ; while wee this truth report 
Hee ‘s gone from hence unto a higher Court 
To plead his Cause where he by this doth know 
Whether to Ceaser hee was friend or foe.”’ 


In the other epitaph is lavished a flood of abuse on “his flagitious name” :— 


‘* The braines to plot, the hands to execute 
Projected ills, Death Joyntly did nonsute 
At his black Bar. And what no Baile could save 
He hath committed Prissoner to the Grave ; 
From whence there ’s no reprieve. Death keep him close, 
We have too many Divells still goe loose.” 


314 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


defence. Here the principal insurgents gathered; but there were 
smaller bodies at Greenspring, a place belonging to Berkeley himself, 
somewhat further down the river; and at an estate belonging to Ba- 
con’s cousin, probably in the same neighborhood. The whole insur- 
gent force remaining under arms to garrison these three final strong- 
holds probably numbered not more than four hundred men; while 
in the region about them — now that the death of Bacon led to the 
appearance of a host of concealed adherents of the Governor, and 
time-servers who wished to seem so — there were at least as many en- 
emies as friends. | 

Berkeley lost little time in taking advantage of the new turn of 




























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































West Point, Virginia. 


affairs. His first step, when the news of Bacon’s death had reached 
him, had been the sending out of that party which, as already men- 
tioned, had captured and executed several leading revolutionists. But 
he was making preparations to return in person when he dispatched 
this preliminary expedition, — ‘a winged messinger, to see if hap- 
pily the Delluge was any whit abated.” Then he ventured out from 
his “ Ark” at Accomac, and appeared in the York River with four 
ships and ** two or three sloops,” carrying a force of some one hundred 
and fifty men. From the people along the lower York he met with 
no resistance ; his return appeared to be taken as a matter of course ; 
and his adherents in Gloucester County volunteered in large numbers 











1676. | PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS. 315 


to help him drive out the still troublesome ‘“ vermin” from “ their 
warm Kennil.” <A proclamation of amnesty followed, from which, 
however, most of the Baconite leaders still in resistance to his author- 
ity were excepted, while the bitterness of his enmity to Lawrence and 
Drummond was shown by a special mention of them. 

Driving out the last stubborn rebels did not prove easy work. 
They again and again defeated parties sent against them, pina sup- 
until at last their stronghold at West Point was lost through Preyer ot 
treachery. ‘Two accounts are given of its surrender: one, ">: 
that the Governor sent a messenger, one Grantham, who by argu- 
ments and promises 
persuaded Ingram 
to deliver up the 
place; the other, 
that he wrote to 
Wakelet, Ingram’s 
second in command, 
offering him pardon 
and a reward for 
the same betrayal 
of his comrades. 
Ingram escaped in 
safety, and Wakelet 
appears to have re- 
ceived his pay, so 
that it is probable 
both were con- 
cerned in the mat- 
enya iotb, eats, ated 
events, the position 
was given up to 
Berkeley’s officers, 
together with the Drummond before Berkeley. 
less important strongholds at Greenspring and at Bacon’s house. As 
an organized insurrection, the rebellion was at an end; it lived only 
in the embittered spirit of the great majority of the people, who had 
at one time or another been engaged in it, and who, though wanting 
courage and persistence to carry it on after the death of their leader, 
still adhered in secret to the cause which he had so nearly made suc- 
cessful. 

Of the other chief actors, Lawrence escaped into the wilderness ; 
but Drummond, seeking safety by hiding himself for a time in the 
swamp of the Chickahominy, was captured there in the dead of 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































516 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. (CuHap. XIII. 


winter, overcome by cold and hunger. On the 20th of January, the 
Fate of the Gay after his capture, he was brought before Berkeley at 
ara Bacon’s house, the former station of one of the smaller bands 
of insurgents. The old Governor’s triumph had come. This man and 
Lawrence were regarded by him as his bitterest enemies, and he 
hated them with a positive ferocity. He greeted the prisoner with 
a low bow. ‘Mr. Drummond,” he said, ‘you are very welcome ; I 
am more glad to see you than any man in Virginia. Mr. Drummond, 
you shall be hanged in half an hour.” Drummond answered with 
courage and dignity, “ What your honor pleases ;”’ and when, three 
hours later, his sentence was carried out at Middle Plantation, he met 
death bravely. He was, says one of the narratives, a sober Scotch 
gentleman of good repute, and he left a name which few even of his 
enemies treated with disrespect, except in the one matter of his polit- 
ical action. 

Berkeley used the power that victory gave him without mercy. 
Lene For a time there was in Virginia an actual reign of terror, 
sg and no man knew when he might be seized, condemned, and 

executed. Drummond’s little plantation was seized, and his 
wife and five children were driven from it ‘*to wander in the woods 
and desarts till they were ready to starve.” It was proposed to ex- 
pose the bones of Bacon hung in chains upon a gibbet ; but his body 
had been so carefully concealed that all attempts to find it proved 
useless. Punishments of all kinds —fine, confiscation, imprisonment, 
banishment, and many ingenious minor penalties — were inflicted 
right and left, until even the Governor's friends expostulated. Their 
counsel would perhaps have been in vain, had not a sudden check of 
a more powerful sort been put upon the angry knight’s revenge. 

At the end of January, 1677, the tardy assistance sent from Eng- 
Arrivalof land, in reply to Berkeley’s petition of many months before, 
commission- arrived in the James River. But it did not come precisely 
England. in the form which the Governor’s party wished. In the 
small fleet that anchored below the ruins of the capital was Colonel 
Herbert Jeffreys, armed with a commission to succeed Sir William in 
his office, while he, as well as Sir John Berry, the admiral, and 
Colonel Morrison, who had been Berkeley's substitute for awhile in 
1661, brought appointments as commissioners to investigate the causes 
of the rebellion, and to attend to the settlement of affairs after its 
suppression. Berkeley was, it is true, to aid them in this work ; but 
in reality his own conduct was under examination, and he found him- 
self at once in the attitude of a defendant. The instructions of the 
commissioners authorized them to grant amnesty to those who should 
submit and give bonds for future good behavior, excepting Bacon, 





1677.] THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS. 317 


whose death was not known, of course, when the fleet left England ; 
but still, a discretionary power to punish other leaders and those espe- 
cially obnoxious was left in their hands. 

The English officials put a speedy end to the system of drum-head 


courts-martial, by which the Governor had brought so many 
“, he punish- 


of his enemies to execution. From the time of their arrival ments 
(soon after which an Assembly met at Green Spring) the 
trials of Baconite prisoners were conducted with due form and caution 


checked. 


vim \ 


| ——<—$—— 


by the civil power. A few 
still suffered death, among 
whom was Giles Bland, 
whose conspiracy to take the 
Governor was so patent that 
all the influence exerted in 
his behalf was powerless to 
save him; but the general WSS 
reion of persecution and cru- poe eye Ceperints: 
elty ceased with the Commissioners’ interference. Local courts winked 
at the means— sometimes ludicrously ingenious — by which, the spirit 
of ignominious punishments was generally evaded, even when the 
letter was carried out. John Bagwell and Thomas Gordon wore 
“small tape,” and William Potts ‘“ Manchester binding,” instead of 
the halters with which they were ordered to appear in public. Some 
fifty persons were excepted from the amnesty, including those al- 
ready executed or banished, and acts of attainder were passed against 
twenty ; but it does not appear certain that all the measures decided 


a 
if 











= : Ea 
SSS —— 








318 VIRGINIA UNDER BERKELEY. [Cuap. XIII. 


upon were at all rigidly carried out. In their report, Jeffreys, Mor- 
== thal rison, and Berry spoke in the severest terms of Berkeley’s 
missioners’ COUTSE in trying men by martial law after peace had been 

reéstablished; and their investigation of the charges which 
the people made against him seems to have been made with a positive 
leaning toward the side of his accusers. Gradually the country be- 
came quieter. Protected by the presence of the Comunissioners, the 
Assembly took a more independent tone, and the Virginians, encour- 
aged for a moment to believe that they had gained something of that 
redress for which they had hoped, gradually settled back into the quiet 
pal ae life of their plantations. Bacon’s rebellion had cost the col- 
the rebel- ONY @ hundred thousand pounds, the loss of many lives, and 

i months of anarchy ; but it had shown the people their own 
power, and had developed an independence that was to bear fruit 
long after. When, in October, 1677, the royal Commissioners seized 
the Assembly’s Journals for investigation, and that body indignantly 
protested that ‘“‘such a power had never been exercised by the King 
of England, and could not be authorized even by the great seal,” they 
virtually asserted the principle of colonial legislative rights for which 
their descendants fought a hundred years later. 

When the fleet of the Commissioners returned to England in April, 
Berkeley went with it, leaving Jeffreys Governor. The old cavalier 
was ill and broken in spirit. The bitter outbreak of his revenge 
was possibly, as it was urged on his behalf, a result of the ‘ peevish- 

ness’ and irritability of age. He had one longing left, — 
returton S60 justify his conduct in the eyes of the King, whose approval 
“een would have consoled him for all else. But he seems to 
have been altogether disappointed. Opinion both in Parliament and 
at court he found to be bitterly against him. It is said by one writer 
that he was received by Charles with kindness; but it was generally 
believed that he was treated with entire neglect, and did not see the 
King at all, —sinking rapidly from the time of his arrival, until, in 
a few weeks, he died broken-hearted and disgraced. ‘There came back 
to Virginia one who had been his servant on his voyage and till his 
His iliness Ceath, “from whom a report was whispered about, that the 
and death. King did say, ‘that old fool has hanged more men in that 
naked country than he had done for the murther of his father.’ ” 
This speech, says the gossiping writer who records it, coming to the 
old Governor’s ears, hastened his death: So that ‘* he dyed soon 
after without having seen his Majesty ; which shuts up this tragedy.” 


an 


ae Se 








CHAPTER XIV. 
NEW YORK. 


Quiet BEGINNING OF THE ENGLISH RULE.— THE ADMINISTRATION OF NICOLLS. — 


Tue New JERSEY GRANT. — ARRIVAL OF CARTERET. — SETTLEMENT OF NEWARK 
AND ELIZABETH. — THE CONNECTICUT BouNDARY. — THE NAMES AND DIVISIONS 


OF THE Provincr.— THE “ DuKke’s Laws.’ — Enexuisu Orriciats. — THe War 
BETWEEN ENGLAND AND THE NETHERLANDS. — DISCONTENT IN Lone ISLAND. — 
New York anp CANnapA.— THE FRENCH AND THE Monawks. — THE PEACE OF 
Brepa. — ADMINISTRATION OF LOVELACE. — PROGRESS OF THE PROVINCE. — THE 
Town oF NEw York.— RENEWED WAR IN Europes. — THE RE-CONQUEST OF TEW 
NETHERLAND. — COLVE’S ADMINISTRATION. — NEw NETHERLAND CEDED TO ENG- 
LAND BY THE PEACE OF WESTMINSTER. 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































THE people of New Amsterdam 
learned, almost as soon as the garrison 
of the fort had disappeared down 
Beaver Street, and the English flag 
View in the Kills. was recognized as flying from its flag- 
staff, that the change which had taken place was not, to their dull sen- 
sitiveness, a very essential one. Stuyvesant, no doubt, when Quiet negin- 
he had seen his troop safely embarked for Holland, stumped eae 
back into the town in profound depression. But depres- ™* 
sion may have turned to rage as he met the cheerful burghers who 
had insisted on his surrender, and who could congratulate themselves, 


320 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XLV. 


and almost reproach him, upon the faithfulness with which the Eng- 
lish were observing its terms. There was no plundering, no disorder; 
the Connecticut men, whom the Dutch had the most reason to fear, 
were kept on the other side of the river; private property was every- 
where respected ; the property of the Company was protected from 
molestation ; the course of trade was no more interrupted than in any 
other brief interval of unusual excitement; and the ordinary affairs 
of life returned almost immediately to their usual channel. Nicolls 
wisely acted as if he were receiving a repentant province that had for 
a season forgotten its true allegiance, rather than as taking possession 
of one he had conquered. Perhaps the Dutch made no very nice dis- 
tinctions ; but they could remember some heavy grievances under the 
rule of the Company ; this new power promised, at least, that things 
should be no worse, and it was clearly meant that the promise should 
be kept. 

A provincial government of Englishmen was presently organized, 
but it was chiefly of those who had not before had to do 
with New Netherland affairs, and had no prejudices. Cap- 
tain Matthias Nicolls was made secretary ; Captains Need- 
ham and Delavall, of England, and Thomas Topping and William 
Wells, of Long Island, were counsellors, —two of the former Dutch 
officers also being sometimes called into consultation. But, as the 
articles of surrender provided, the municipal government was un- 
changed; and the municipal court met and transacted current busi- 
ness on the very day after English occupation. At Fort Orange — 
now Albany — and at Esopus the same general course was pursued ; 
at Rensselaerswyck Jeremias van Rensselaer was only compelled to 
renew his patent under the Duke of York, his people taking the oath 
of allegiance to England. This oath was also required of the Dutch 
The oath of 1 New York; and although it excited some opposition at 
ulegiance. first because it was not prescribed in the articles of capitula- 
tion, it was taken in October by all the leading Dutch inhabitants. 
Even Stuyvesant and his immediate followers consented to this when 
satisfied that it did not affect the terms of capitulation. Nor was this 
frank acceptance of a new allegiance the only evidence of the general 
content; the city magistrates sent an address to the Duke of York 
avowing their warm approval of the new Governor, and of their hopes 
of prosperity under his rule. 

No sooner was the province fairly in English hands than new names 
Grants to . Were given to different portions, its boundaries were as far as 
Englishmen. Hossible defined, and grants of land were made to English- 
men. That region lying between the Hudson and the Delaware was 
named Albania, and grants and purchases were made within its boun- 


Organiza- 
tion of Nic- 
olls’s Goy- 
ernment, 





‘AHSUAL MAN NI LHYALUVD AO DNIGNVT FHL 























1665. | THE NEW JERSEY GRANT. o21 


daries from Sandy Hook to the mouth of the Raritan, and from the 
Raritan to the Achter Cul, now Newark Bay.! But before Nicolls, in 
the name of the Duke of York, had taken possession of all New Neth- 
erland, the Duke, in anticipation of that event, granted in June, 
1664, the whole country, from the Hudson to the Delaware, and from 
latitude 41° 40’ to Cape May, to two favorites of the court, Lord 
Berkeley and Sir George Carte- 
ret. Thus New Netherland, be- 
fore it passed into the hands of 
the English, had been divided 
into two provinces, and the divis- 
ion, it 1s supposed, was made at 
the instigation of that Captain 
John Scott, who, not long before, 
and on doubtful authority, had 
attempted to wrest Long Island 
from the Dutch. To the new 
province the name of New Ceesa- 
rea, or New Jersey, was given, 
in commemoration of Carteret’s 
defence of the Channel island of 
Jersey against the forces of the 
Commonwealth in 1649. 

Of this grant, however, Nicolls knew nothing till June, 1665, when 
Captain Philip Carteret arrived as governor of the new aye sant of 
province. ‘There was, of course, no alternative but to re- ev Jee: 
ceive with courtesy one coming armed with such credentials, though 
Nicolls represented to the Duke that he had hastily given away the 
fairest portion of his dominions. ‘ But I must charge it upon Cap- 
tain Scott,” he wrote, ‘‘ who was born to work mischief as far as he 
is credited, or his parts serve him.” 2 

A storm had driven Carteret’s ship, the Philip, into Chesapeake 
Bay, but in July she arrived at New York, and a few days ayival of 
later anchored off the point now known as Elizabethport, “TS 
New Jersey, and landed her thirty emigrants. At the head of these 
people, Carteret, with a hoe over his shoulder, marched tothe spot he 
had chosen for a settlement, two or three miles inland, and to which, 
in honor of the Lady Elizabeth, the wife of Sir George Carteret, he 
gave her name. He found at the point where he and his people 








































































































Seal of the Carterets. 


1 Achter Cul, or Kol—the cul achter (behind) the great Bay ; corrupted into After Cul, 
and then Arthur Kil, and now applied to Staten Island Sound. 

2 Letter of Nicolls to the Duke of York in the State Paper Office, cited by Chalmers 
and others; also Letter to the Earl of Clarendon. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 1869. 

VOL. II. 21 


322 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


landed four families who had taken possession of lands under the 
grant which had been made by Nicolls! The new-comers brought 
with them the title of a new English province, and, though more 
than one settlement had been earlier made by the Dutch on this side 
the Bay of New York, this was the actual beginning of the State of 
New Jersey at Elizabeth. 

Four years before, the West India Company had discerned and 
previous ne. SOUGht to take advantage of the discontent and apprehension 
gotiations of felt by so many of the English, both at home and in the col- 
Haney Oe onies, at the restoration of Charles II. The Directors in- 
nea Jer- vited them to settle on the Raritan, or in its neighborhood, 

and offered them most favorable terms. Three of the mag- 
istrates of New Haven,— where this discontent was very general, — 
Matthew Gilbert the Deputy Governor, Benjamin Fenn, and Robert 
Treat, entered into negotiation with Stuyvesant upon this subject, on 
behalf of some New Haven people, and found no difficulty in getting 
from the Dutch governor the promise that a hearty welcome would be 
given and religious freedom be secured to any Puritan colony that 
should plant itself within the Dutch jurisdiction. But the English 
asked also for political independence, and the negotiations were sus- 
pended. The question of civil relations Stuyvesant felt must be re- 
ferred to his superiors at home. 

Even that concession, he was instructed, the Directors were disposed 
to make to almost any degree, provided that Dutch supremacy was 
acknowledged in the last appeal. The New Haven people were the 
more eager to set up anew for themselves when the Winthrop charter 
brought them within the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and they would, 
perhaps, had there been time enough, have yielded somewhat in their 
demands. But while diplomacy hesitated events made no halt. Be- 
fore any agreement could be reached, satisfactory to both parties, New 
Netherland ceased to be a Dutch colony, and the Duke of York had 
granted to its new proprietaries the whole region from the Hudson to 
the Delaware. 

Treat and his friends, nevertheless, were not turned from their pur- 
Their design POSe. They could at least free themselves from obligations 
continued and ties that had become intolerably irksome, though new 
fond ones had to be made. But the constitution Carteret brought 
with him was as liberal as a proprietary government could be; relig- 
lous liberty was guaranteed, with the usual reservation providing 


1 In the litigation which arose out of these conflicting claims, it was asserted on behalf 
of the first settlers, that the place was named for Queen Elizabeth. But this was an after- 
thought. Carteret undoubtedly called the place Elizabeth, in honor of his brother’s wife. 
East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments, by William A. Whitehead. 


1666. | NEWARK, NEW JERSEY. O23 


against license and civil disturbance, but granting to all the ministra- 
tions they preferred; a popular Assembly was to have its share of 
power; the grants of lands to actual settlers were liberal.1 

In the spring of 1666 the site of Newark was purchased of the In- 
dians, and possession taken by a party from Milford, Connecticut, 
led by Treat.2 In the autumn others joined them from Guilford 
and Branford. A preliminary agreement had been entered into be- 
tween Carteret and Treat, but its precise character is not 
known.? That it secured, however, to the new colony self- 
government, independent of the proprietaries and their promise of 


Settlement 
of Newark. 










































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of Newark, New Jersey. 


religious freedom to all comers, is probable. For the Branford people 
made it a condition of their joining the company that none should be 
admitted as freemen, or should have the right to hold office, or to vote, 
who were not members of a Congregational Church. To this the 
emigrants from Milford assented. Abraham Pierson was, chosen min- 
ister of the first church, and the place was named Newark in his 


1 Gordon’s History of New Jersey. 

2 The price paid for the tract purchased of the Indians — which included the present 
villages of Bloomfield, Belleville, Orange, and Caldwell — was “ fifty double hands of 
powder, one hundred barrs of lead, twenty axes, twenty coats, ten guns, twenty pistols, tem 
kettles, ten swords, four blankets, four barrels of beer, two pairs of breetches, fifty knives,, 
twenty hoes, eight hundred and fifty fathoms of wampum, two ankers of Liquors, or: 
something equivalent, and three troopers coats.” 

8 Whitehead’s Historical Memoir of Newark. Coll. N. J. Hist. Soc., vol. vi. 


324 NEW YORK. [CHap. XIV. 


honor, as he came from that place in England.! Pierson came to the 
new settlement at the head of nearly all his parishioners, for Bran- 
ford — whose church was the town — refused to be annexed to Con- 
necticut under the Winthrop charter, to which New Haven and other 
towns had by this time assented.” 

In later years the title of Berkeley and Carteret to lands occupied 
Questions as DY Elizabeth and Newark was disputed. In both cases they 
OL beke had been purchased of the Indians, — at Newark by consent 
leys ttle. of Governor Carteret ; at Elizabeth, before Carteret’s arri- 
val, and under warrant from Governor Nicolls. To the division of 
the province he was appointed to govern, Nicolls had no alternative 
but to submit. The Duke, his master, was as much the source of 
power in New Jersey as in New York. 

Elsewhere, however, there was room for anxiety and negotiation. 

New Haven and the other towns along the Sound, which 
New Iaven had strenuously resisted annexation to Connecticut under 
Duke's the Winthrop patent, ceased all opposition to that measure 
sar when confronted by one far more to be dreaded. ‘The grant 
to the Duke of York included all the country from the west side of the 
Connecticut River to the Delaware. Local differences were put aside 
to meet this common danger. Puritan New England could hardly 
conceive of a greater calamity than to come under the rule of the 
popish brother of the king. 

No feeling of this kind, however, was permitted to interfere with 
the friendly reception given to Nicolls. He had, as we have seen, the 
cordial codperation of the Connecticut people in the subjection of 
New Netherland. It was only Massachusetts that held back. There 
was little sympathy in Boston with the impatience felt in the colonies 
along the Sound at the presence of the Dutch. But there was un- 
ceasing vigilance lest the government at home, whether king or par- 
liament, should interfere with that independence which Massachusetts 
always aimed at and so often abused. While that colony, therefore, 
from the outset received the commissioners with coldness and distrust, 
Connecticut, New Haven, and their neighbors, gladly gave their aid 
against the Dutch, and then combined to preserve the integrity of 
their own territory against the claim of the Duke of York. 

The General Assembly of Connecticut voted that five hundred 
Pb ire bushels of corn should be presented to the English commis- 
in Connecti- Sioners. A further gift of horses was made when Governor 
ste Winthrop with six associates went to New York to enter 
upon negotiation with regard to the boundaries. In our less austere 


1 Whitehead’s Memoir. 
2 Trumbull’s History of Connecticut. 





1664.] THE CONNECTICUT BOUNDARY. 325 


age such offerings would have been presented on the one side, and re- 
ceived or rejected on the other, as a bribe. The result in this case 
justifies no such suspicion. Both parties seem to have been disposed 
to make an honorable compromise between conflicting claims. The 
Connecticut patent and the grant to the Duke of York covered the 
same territory. Connecticut had, besides her patent, the right of 
possession. Should she be deprived of this, gained by so much toil 
and sacrifice, by virtue of a sheet of parchment and a royal seal ? 
But the Duke had wrested by force of arms a portion of his grant 
from a foreign power. What just claim could Connecticut offer to 
territory she had never occupied though covered by her patent ? 


QE 


EER 
























To these considerations 

due weight, apparently, was 

7 given. The Connecticut del- 

pc Sa rai ian DU ae egates conceded that all Long 

Island, — which was granted 

expressly by name to the Duke, and much of which was a part of New 
Netherland, — properly belonged to New York. 

But in the settlement of the boundary on the mainland a singular 
want of knowledge of the topography of the country Was. pjscussion 
shown on both sides, unless there was, as has sometimes been eee aaa 
suggested, a sharp advantage taken by one side of the ig- ™ 
norance’of the other. The line, it was understood in general terms, 
should be run about twenty miles east of the Hudson River. That 
agreed upon was to start at tidewater on the Mamaroneck creek and 


326 NEW YORK. (Cuar. XIV, 


run thence north-northwest to the southern boundary of Massachu- 
setts. But the mouth of Mamaroneck creek is much less than twenty 
miles from the Hudson, and a line drawn from it north-northwest 
would cross that river within fifty miles of New York. 

This boundary would give to Connecticut a large, and the most 
the settle. Valuable, portion of the late province of New Netherland. 
<t's That Winthrop and his associates understood this, and pur- 
posely imposed upon the ignorance of the English Commissioners, is 
incredible. They were anxious to retain the territory they already 
occupied ; they were willing to release all claim to Long Island if 







































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Mouth of Mamaroneck Creek. 


they were not disturbed on the mainland; and they were neither 
knaves nor fools. As a blunder! it was very soon exposed, as it was 


1 That the beginning was twenty miles from the Hudson was clearly a mistake. It is 
not quite so clear that the commissioners did not understand that the line crossed the 
river and agreed to it with their eyes open. Nicolls in a letter to the Karl of Clarendon 
(see Clarendon Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 76), writes :“ Your L4pp will allsoe 
perceiue by this inclosed determinacon, betweene the Comission’® with the Governor & 
councell of Conecticutt that those Townes upon the maine to the Eastward of N. Yorke 
did properly belong to their precedent pattent, soe that there remaynes only, One small 
Towne to his Royall highnesse of all that tract of land from Conecticut Riuer to Hudsons 
Riuer which is all the North part, and soe cold that few or none will bestow their Labours. 
Only one Towne is seated wtt Planters to which or very neare the Indenture reacheth. 
aboue that 70 myles is Albany seated, who are noe planters but only atowne of Trade, with 
the Indians, Thus the extent of the Dukes Pattent is described to yor Lapp.” 

sy the one town “ to which or very near the Indenture reacheth,” seventy miles below 
Albany, the Governor must have meant Esopus. A line from the mouth of the Mamaro- 
neck running north-northwest and touching Esopus would necessarily if produced cross the 
river at that point. Believing this “ north part so cold that few or none will bestow their 
labors” upon it, he may have thought it of little consequence to which jurisdiction the 


7. 


1665. ] “THE DUKE’S LAWS.” 327 


certain to be even had it been a fraud. What was done in haste was 
considered at leisure, and the Duke of York refused his assent to the 
agreement. ‘l'wenty years later, a new line was drawn and surveyed 
beginning at Byam River, which is essentially the present boundary 
of the States of New York and Connecticut. 

To Long Island, thus made, as it has ever since remained, a part of 
New York, the name of Yorkshire was given. That, with the neigh- 
boring country, was afterward divided into three judicial districts or 
ridings, in each of which a court was to sit three times a year. The 
present Queen’s County (excepting the town of Newtown) and West- 
chester formed the North Riding; Newtown, the present 
King’s County and Staten Island made the West Riding; ees 
the present Suffolk alone was the East Riding. There DREOe ibn. 
was, however, some question whether Staten Island _ be- ee 
longed to New Jersey or New York, which was not settled till 1668, 
and seems to have been referred to the proprietary in England. Sam- 
uel Maverick, one of the commissioners, writing in February, 1669, to 
Governor Winthrop, says, on the authority of a letter from Nicolls — 
who returned to England the previous autumn: “ Staten Iland is 
adiudged to belong to N: Yorke.” Itis, he says in another letter, 
“the most commodiosest seate and richest land I haue seene in Amer- 
leaev 7s 

The Indians parted with it so reluctantly that the Dutch had been 
compelled to make repeated purchases; but the chiefs gave a final 
and lasting title in 1670 to Governor Lovelace, Nicolls’s successor, 
recelving as recompense four hundred fathoms of wampum and a 
number of guns, axes, kettles, and watch-coats. 

The King in his grant to the Duke of York had empowered him to 
make all laws for his new territory, with the usual proviso preparation 
that these be not contrary to the laws of England. The Duke 9%, i? 
in turn had granted this power to Nicolls as his deputy. #*” 
Having settled the boundaries of New York for the time, renamed its 
different parts, put English garrisons and officers at Albany, Esopus, 
and elsewhere, and brought the affairs of the distant Delaware region 
into proper train, the Governor assumed the duties of a legislator. 
He took for his guidance the Codes of the New England’ colonies in 
civil affairs, but disregarded their severe provisions relating to religion. 

“The Duke’s Laws” —as the code prepared by Nicolls and his 





territory belonged. But as if doubting the wisdom of this settlement of the boundary he 
adds: “I humbly begg your L4pp. to take the whole matter into serious consideracon, for 
if the Duke will improove this place to the vtmost, Neither the trade, the Riuer, nor the 
Adjacent lands must bee devided from this Collony, but remayne Entire.” 

1 Maverick’s Letters in the Winthrop Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series. 
vol. vii. 


328 NEW YORK. Gap. XIV 


councillors was called — were promulgated at a meeting of delegates 
‘ from the towns of Yorkshire, held at Hempstead on Febru- 
peered ary 28, 1665. ‘The people of these towns alone — the great 
rae pale majority being Englishmen — seem to have felt much intev- 
ae est in the character of the new government about to be 
established. For this reason, no doubt, they only were summoned to 
send representatives. Certainly the code had been drawn up more 
with a view to their wants, as Nicolls understood them, than to those 
of any other portion of the province. Being emigrants from New 
England, the Long Islanders especially hoped for the concession of 
all the popular rights which the people of Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut enjoyed. They did not gain them; it was not within Nic- 
olls’s power to grant them, indeed; but they received, with consider- 
able grumbling and discontent, the next best system — as wise and 
liberal a code, perhaps, as it was possible for the deputy of a propri- 
etary government to bestow. 

The Duke’s Laws prescribed the annual holding, on the last Thurs- 
arash hd day in September, of a court of assizes at New York, which 
the Duke's should be the court of Inghest resort in the province; the 
itr holding of courts of sessions, next in rank, in each of the 
Yorkshire “ridings” thrice a year; arbitration was allowed in tri- 
fling cases, but a local court of a constable and six overseers might be 
held for the trial of cases involving less than five pounds. ‘The exec- 
utive power in Yorkshire was in the hands of a high sheriff appointed 
annually by the Governor, the three ridings in turn furnishing the 
candidate. Each town had eight overseers, chosen by the freeholders, 
the freeholders selecting one of the eight to act as constable. ‘The 
town officers made the assessments for taxes. Old land grants were 
to be looked upon as valueless unless submitted to the provincial 
authorities and confirmed by new patents issued by the Governor in 
the Duke’s name. Trade with the Indians was restricted — that in 
arins, ammunition, liquor, and furs being permitted only under spe- 
cial license. Disputes between Indians and whites were to be fairly 
adjusted by the authorities as if between Christians. Slavery was 
recognized as legal, as there were many negro slaves already in the 
province ; but kind and humane treatment for them and for servants 
was enforced by penalties. The militia law included all persons over 
sixteen years old, the militia expenses to be equitably shared by all 
the towns. One form of blasphemy (‘*denying the true God”’), 
treason, murder, some offences against nature, the striking of parents 
in case the offender were over fourteen, and kidnapping, were capital 
crimes. A very great number of regulations provided for all minor 
matters of discipline, for licenses, trading and shipping laws, and so 





1665. | ENGLISH OFFICIALS. 329 


on. ‘Trial by juries was provided for; but, except in capital cases, 
the jury was not to exceed seven men. No person who ‘ professed 
Christianity’ was to be molested for minor differences of opinion. 
There were a few regulations about church matters, applying equally 
to all sects, but no Indian was to be permitted “to powow, or per- 
form outward worship to the devil.” 

Nicolls enforced this code immediately and thoroughly in Yorkshire 
only, leaving the changes to be very gradual in New York gy coae in 
and along the river, where the Dutch could not conform ‘ev Yo 
at once to English ways. In the city there was for a little while 
loud complaint that the English official titles of mayor, alderman, and 
































Inauguration of the First English Municipal Government at the Stadt Huys. 


sheriff were substituted for the old Dutch terms of schepen, burgo- 
master, and schout ; and when, in June, 1665, Thomas Willett was 
appointed mayor, and other Englishmen were put upon the board of 
aldermen, Nicolls was accused of disregarding the articles of capitu- 
lation. Such complaints the Governor met by pointing to his instruc- 
tions, which required him to conform to English custom in his rule 
of the province. In the appointment of Englishmen to office pyc ofi- 
his wish was, he declared, to provide for the peace and quiet °** 

of the whole community by having in office men of both nations. The 
discontent was speedily allayed, for no fault could be found with the 
selection of officers made among the English. The mayor, Willett, 


330 NEW YORK. [CHap. XIV. 


especially, was greatly esteemed among the Dutch, whom more than 
once he had served in important trusts in the time of the late gov- 
ernor. Moreover, there could be little real fear of injustice, for the 
sheriff, or schout, and the majority of this new board of aldermen, 
were still Dutch. 

Only on the day before the inauguration of this first municipal 
Breaking government in the town so lately called New Amsterdam, 
cut of thesia aD ihely aid English at home were fighting the great 


war between 


jogane 2d naval battle off Lowestoft in the North Sea. The furious 
note cannonading was heard on the banks of the Thames in Eng- 
land — almost in London. While Nicolls peacefully debated with the 
burghers in the Stadt Huys, the Duke of York was face to face with 
Dutchmen in quite another way, and one that came well-nigh giving 
to the Governor a new master; for as the Duke, who was in com- 
mand of the English fleet, stood on the deck of his flag-ship, the 
Royal Charles, three of his officers were shot down at his side, so that 
their blood * flew in the Duke’s face.” } 

The war had at length come, to which the disturbed relations of 
the two governments had been gradually leading since the restoration 
of Charles, and which now the conquest of New Netherland made 
inevitable. Angry competition on the coast of Africa had given rise 
to actual conflicts, and the English had driven the Dutch out of the 
forts they had built. In the East, the Dutch East India Company 
and the English merchants were virtually at war. The news from 
Africa and from Manhattan had reached England in the same week, 
to be received with open approval at court. Carteret told Pepys that 
“the king did joy mightily at it,” but asked him, laughing, ‘* How 
shall I do to answer this to the embassador when he comes?”’? He 
answered it by the insolent claim of priority of ownership of the 
New Netherland territory, and the English ambassador at the Hague 
treated the matter with an equally high hand. De Witt, the Grand 
Pensionary of Holland, answered sharply for the States General that 
the American province must be given back; at the same time the 
Dutch admiral, De Ruyter, was secretly ordered to retaliate upon 
the English on the Guinea coast — which he did effectually a short 
time after. The Englsh seized such Dutch vessels as were in their 
ports, and thus the two nations were already at war, though this was 
only December, 1664, and no formal declaration was made till the 
fourth of March following, after considerable further negotiation on 
Holland’s part had proved fruitless. 

It was in this war that the battle off Lowestoft had been the first — 
though a useless — English victory. ‘These events belong to Euro- 


1 Pepys’s Diary. 2 Tbid. 


1666.] THE FRENCH AND THE MOHAWKS. 331 


pean, rather than to American history, except that by the treaty of 
Breda — 1667 —the possession of New York was confirmed eens 
to the English. ‘The only immediate effect of the declara- ‘ev 
tion of war upon that province was to compel Nicolls to take all pos- 
sible measures for its defence, lest De Ruyter should come that way 
on his mission to “inflict ....as much damage and injury as possi- 
ble”! upon the English. The apprehended attack, however, never 
came. There were no dissensions between-the old and new masters 
of New Netherland, and through the summer and autumn of 1665 
Nicolls was left unmolested to quietly bring the whole province into 
obedience to his rule. 

The next spring, however, brought the necessity of quelling some 
disturbances in eastern Long Island, where there was still _ 

: . : : Discontent 
much dissatisfaction because the Duke’s code denied the peo- in Lope 
ple the popular elements of New England, especially of Con- ~ 
necticut, government. When the Governor had quieted these disor- 
ders by tempering vigorous measures against the chief offenders with 
indulgence to the rest, new trouble arose in the same region in resist- 
ance to the enforcement of the law of renewal of patents —a matter 
requiring the wisest management. ‘The Court of Assizes decreed in 
September that the neglect of the Long Island towns and of individ- 
uals to renew their land grants under the Duke of York could be no 
longer tolerated. It required all Nicolls’s skill and firmness to carry 
out the measure, accompanied as it was by the exaction of fees and 
quit-rents. After much discontent, however, all the towns of conse- 
quence, except Southold and Southampton, yielded, and these com- 
plied with the conditions a year or two afterward. 

Though the war in Europe left Nicolls thus free to establish order 
in his new government, it was not to pass away without dis- yoy york 
turbance to the American colonies. The alliance of Louis *™¢o"* 
XIV. with the Dutch against England, in January, 1666, had of 
course made enemies, nominally at least, of those colonies and the 
French in the new world. King Charles sent out letters in Febru- 
ary directing his American subjects to begin whatever hostile meas- 
ures they could against Canada, doubtless expecting that New Eng- 
land and New York would undertake at once a vigorous campaign 
against their northern neighbors. But he little understood the com- 
parative indifference to European affairs felt by the colonists. His 
instructions were received with little enthusiasm, and the only meas- 
ures taken were some attempts to excite the Mohawk Indians to 
enmity against the French settlers. Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
Nova Scotia agreed that it would not be wise to undertake an expe- 
dition against the French settlements in Canada. 


1 Dutch document cited in Brodhead, ii., 58. 


3382 NEW YORK. [CHap. XIV. 


Before any news of the French declaration of war had reached 
eevee America, however, — indeed, before it had been formally 
of Cour- made, — Courcelles, the Governor of Canada, had started 

from Quebec with some five hundred men, and marched into 
the Mohawk country, to reduce that powerful tribe to the subjection 
which several of the other Indian nations beyond the great lakes had 
already acknowledged. The Canadians did not yet know that New 
Netherland had passed from Dutch into English hands. But when 
Courcelles reached Schenectady (which the French called “ Cor- 
laer,” from a settlement the Dutch commissary Arendt Van Curler 
had formerly made there), he was met, to his great surprise, by del- 
egates from Albany, who had been sent out, on a report from the 
Mohawks, to know the purpose of Courcelles’ invasion. 

Though he already knew the probability of a war between France 
se and England, the Canadian governor did not dare to make 
ee ety hostile demonstration against the comparatively strong 

Albany garrison. He declared that his purpose was only to 
subdue the Mohawks, and the Albany people charitably gave succor 
to his wounded men, and supplied provisions to his worn-out troops, 
who had suffered terribly from the long winter’s march through deep 
snows. Beyond a few indecisive skirmishes with his Indian foes, most 
of whom kept out of sight, he did nothing, and soon after began his 
homeward march, about the time that news of his expedition reached 
Nicolls at New York. The Governor, though he expressed some indig- 
nation at the inroad, fully approved of the friendly reception given 
rrench ne. tO Courcelles at Albany, and even exerted himself in com- 
cee fo. Mon with them to bring about a treaty of peace between 
mais ae the. French and Mohawks. This was at last so far success- 
ful that the Indians expressed their desire for peace to the wounded 
French left behind at Albany, and letters were sent announcing this 
to the officers at Quebec,— certain Oneida chiefs undertaking to 
carry and deliver the important news. 

This was toward the end of March, but the slow messengers did 
not reach Canada till the beginning of July. Meanwhile another 
expedition of four hundred men had marched against the Mohawks. 
But this was now recalled, and messengers were sent by Tracy, the 
French commander at Quebec, with a treaty to be ratified by the In- 
dians. 

This friendly deputation had been gone a few days only when they 
ware also were recalled to Quebec. . The Mohawks had shown 
French ex- that their offers of peace and friendship meant nothing. A 
rae os, hunting party of French officers had been surprised by an 
Indian band on or near Lake Champlain, who treacherously murdered 


1666. | THE FRENCH AND THE MOHAWKS. 333 


several of them, —of whom one was a nephew of Tracy, the Sieur 
de Chazy, —and had carried off the rest as prisoners. A fresh force 
of three hundred men started at once to carry destruction into the 
Mohawk country. 

The exasperated Frenchmen had almost reached the Mohawk vil- 
lages when they were met by an Indian deputation. They begged 
for peace. The attack upon the hunting party, they declared, was 
neither ordered by nor approved by their chiefs and people ; the cap- 
tives, they promised, should be 
restored, and reparation made for 
those who were killed. The ex- 








































planation was accepted, and the 
troops returned quietly to Que- 
bee, taking the Indians with them. ee 

It was only to find that they had 
again been overreached by savage treachery and cunning. It, was one 
of these very Mohawk ambassadors who had buried his 
tomahawk in the brains of Tracy’s nephew. The boastful batharey 
spirit of the savage, aroused probably by drink, led him to “~~ 
avow at Tracy’s own table that it was he who split the head of that 
young officer. He was seized and hanged on the instant, and his com- 
panion thrown into prison. 

Tracy, thus repeatedly betrayed and baffled, wrote bitterly to the 
Albany authorities who had sent him the first overtures of peace, 


Arrest of Chazy’s Murderer. 


334 NEW YORK. [CHap. XIV. 


complaining that they had deceived him intentionally. A few weeks 
later he set out in person at the head of twelve hundred 
whites and a hundred Indian allies, passed down Lake Cham- 
plain in fleet of boats and canoes, and in the month of October 
marched through the Mohawk country, burning the villages, which 
were generally deserted at his approach, and setting up the arms of 
France in the chief fort. Returning to Quebec, he now sent by his 
prisoners such terms of peace as he would grant to the tribe, which 
they had till the next summer to consider. 

In this expedition the French had made no hostile demonstrations 
against Albany, though the question of doing so had been 


Tracy's re- 
venge. 


Correspond- 


ence be- debated before the march was commenced. Indeed, Nicolls 
tween Tracy . . ° es r . 
and the had written in a moderate and friendly spirit to Tracy in 
English. a 


reply to his letter accusing the Albany officers, and had told 
him that he should always prefer the ‘“ European interest” as against 
the ‘* heathen,” provided the English possessions were not invaded, as 
in the case of Courcelles’ expedition, at which he again expressed sur- 
prise. Tbe Albany authorities also wrote to explain their conduct in 
the matter of the Mohawk proposals for peace. ‘Tracy answered both 
letters civilly in the spring, acknowledging that he had judged too 
hastily. Friendly relations were thus again apparently restored be- 
tween New York and its northern neighbor. - 
Nicolls, however, not knowing how far the French were to be 
nai: trusted, could neglect no precaution, and was kept in a state 
vice to the of constant anxiety. After strengthening the river garri- 
sons, he advised the Mohawks, who sought counsel at Albany 
in regard to the French terms of peace, that they should stipulate for 
the destruction of the posts the Canadians had planted along Lake 
Champlain; and should declare that they (the Mohawks) acknowl- 
edged English rule, and would make no peace unless it should be 
agreed that no more armed forces should enter the English territory. 
Many were the debates held with the Indians during the winter. 
The English were earnest in their assurances of protection ; eloquent 
in portraying the advantages an alliance with them would be against 
a common enemy. But with the Indians, the memory of recent 
calamity was more vivid than any promise of future good. They re- 
called their dismantled ‘ castles” and burning villages; their women 
and children flying to hide themselves in the forest ; their stores of corn 
destroyed or eaten by the French, while they were left to starve; 
their young men lying dead with only the leaves of autumn to cover 
them. Then their ears were closed to the words of the English ; it 
was wiser, they thought, to be friends with these terrible Frenchmen 
who could fight better than an Indian, and were quite as much at 
home in the woods as he. 


1667. | THE PEACE OF BREDA. 335 


When the summer came a deputation of Mohawk and Oneida chief- 
tains appeared at Quebec, with promises of submission. The war in 
Europe had recalled Tracy to France, where the services of the brave 
old man were more needed than in Canada, and Courcelles had suc- 
ceeded to the command at Quebec. The Indians brought their fami- 
lies with them as pledges of their sincerity, and the new y,ncn 
Governor had no difficulty in securing a treaty by which (ey wi 
they promised allegiance to the King of France, and con- 2” 
sented to accept the teachings of the Catholic priests. It was a treaty 
meant to be kept, and for many years the English, whose whole north- 
ern frontier was now left exposed, had reason to remember it. 




















































































































































































































SS 


‘S 
S 


SA) 


Sa 
a 4}. 





The peace of Breda, between 
England and Holland — 
== negotiations for it having 
=== been long in progress —was signed 

Sty Manna Mere on the last day of July, 1667; and 

a separate treaty of the same date closed the war with France. To 
the colonists in America, whose intercourse with England was se- 
riously interrupted while the war continued, this seemed a sudden 
as it was a welcome termination of the struggle. To those at home, 
however, disgusted with the subserviency of their own King to the 
King of France, the profligacy of the court and the corruption of the 
government, it brought little satisfaction. Englishmen found no 
pleasure in a treaty which gave up two colonies in the East Indies, 
and Nova Scotia in America, and secured in return only New Neth- 
erland, the value of which was as yet but little understood. In 
Northern New England, at least, it was a question, whether such an 
acquisition was not dearly paid for by the surrender of Nova Scotia, 


















The peace 
of Breda. 








336 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


which brought the Canadian frontier so much nearer to their outlying 
settlements. 

However, the war was over, and immediate danger was past ; and 
if this news was welcomed with pleasure anywhere outside of Hol- 
land, it was among both Dutch and English in New York. 
ro ‘ On the first of January, 1668, Nicolls caused the glad tidings 
Tene omete be proclaimed throughout the province. ‘The English had 
good reason to rejoice that the question of jurisdiction was now set- 
tled by treaty. The Dutch were quite reconciled by the judicious 
rule of Nicolls to the change of masters ; but they heard with satisfac- 
tion, that for seven years a limited trade with Holland would be per- 
mitted. For this they were indebted to their old governor, Stuyves- 
ant, which made it, no doubt, the more generally acceptable. He had 
returned in the spring of 1665, to Holland, to answer for his conduct 
at the time of the surrender, for which the directors of the West India 


Company were disposed to blame *him without measure. 
Trade with 


Holland But the treaty ended all discussion of that point. Stuyves- 
concede 
to the ant thoroughly understood the wants of the colony, and be- 
colony. 


fore returning thither — for he meant it should still be his 
home — he secured in England this concession of trade for the benefit 
of the colonists, to whose comfort certain kinds of goods from the 
Fatherland were indispensable. | 

Nicolls had more than once asked that he might be relieved from 
en his government and permitted to return home. After the 
ceeded by loss of New Jersey, he seems to have thought the remainder 
nay) ofthe erant to the Duke of York hardly worth possessing 
—much less governing. His request was at length listened to, and 
Colonel Francis Lovelace was appointed to succeed him. 

Lovelace was not unfamiliar with affairs in America, and had been 
both in New Netherland and Virginia. He arrived in New York in 
the spring of 1668. But he and Nicolls spent the summer in arrang- 
ing the affairs of the government which was about to be transferred 
from one to the other; and it was not until the end of August that 
the freemen of New York mustered under arms and in military order 
at the lower part of the town, to bid a ceremonious as well as a heart- 
felt farewell to the Governor, who had ruled them so justly that he 
left no enemies behind. For four years (his fellow-commissioner 
Services of | Maverick wrote) he had served in the province “ with great 
Bt eri reputation and honor.” He had done “ His Majesty and 
his Royal Highness very considerable service in these parts,” indeed, 
“ having, by his prudent management of affairs, kept persons of dif- 
ferent judgments and of diverse nations in peace and quietness, dur- 
ing a time when a great part of the world was in warrs.” He had 





1668.] DEPARTURE OF GOVERNOR NICOLLS. 337 


brought the “several nations of the Indians”... . ‘into such a 
peaceable posture and faire correspondence ”’ as had never been known 
before. 

On the 28th of August he left New York, bearing with him an 
address from the people to the Duke, setting forth his good };;, 
service and the peacefulness of the province, and leaving “* 
behind a name which stands preéminent among the royal governors 
in America for moderation, justice, and wise forbearance. He had 
spent much of his own means 
in promoting the welfare of his 
‘station,’ and had once at least 


depart- 
























































































































































= 


Departure of Nicolls 


been obliged to pledge his personal credit to secure funds for the de- 
pleted provincial exchequer. 

The province had now reached the period most favorable to the 
growth of a new state. The hardships of the first years of ane 
settlement, the trials of early misgovernment, the difficul- i orom 
ties of a change of masters, and the perplexities attending 
a new code of laws, had all been in great measure overcome. The 
individual citizen felt secure in person and property. Sixty years of 
slow but constant growth had brought the * village at the Manhat- 
toes”? to a size and importance which almost entitled it to its new 
name of “city”; ‘*the best of His Majesty’s towns in America,”’ as 
Nicolls had called it on his arrival, was beginning to give tokens of 
its future leadership in commerce —a fact, said its Governor, of 
which ‘the brethren of Boston were very sensible.” 


The little sea-port, in this time of its transition under the earlier 
VOL. II. 22 





338 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


English governors, had characteristics not belonging to any other of 
the colonial towns— peculiarities arising partly from its singular min- 
gling of races, and partly from the reproduction of the manners and 
customs of another nationality. Looked back upon through two cen- 
turies, the life of New York in these first days of its English name 
has a picturesque quaintness that is sharply marked against the colder 
background of New England. 

Though a good deal of English energy and activity had already 
aye begun to pervade its streets and wharves, yet its customs 
city of New long remained those which its first settlers had brought with 

them out of the Dutch fatherland. Its architecture, most 
of its local names, and even its more common speech, were Dutch. 
Its domestic and social life was regulated by the customs of Hol- 
land. If it was simple and somewhat heavy, it was at the same time 
healthy, virtuous, and full of kindliness and hospitality. If the stout 
burghers moved slowly, thought only of the practical side of things, 
and went to bed at nine o’clock, they also worked steadily, governed 
their households wisely, and persecuted nobody. If they introduced 
for a brief period into their new home the law they brought from Hol- 
land, of the great burgher-right and the lesser burgher-right, those 
who received the former were worthy of the dignity, and those who 
were confined to the latter valued their citizenship and educated their 
children none the less carefully. The town that now occupied the 
lower end of Manhattan Island, with its substantial brick houses and 
its clean streets, had been their work. It is worth while to recall 
what kind of city they left to their successors as the nucleus of a 
metropolis. 

During the decade between 1660 and 1670 New York covered that 
Topography Part of the island which lies below the present Wall Street, 
of the town. which still commemorates by its name the line of stout pal- 
isades that there formed the northern limit of the thickly settled por- 
tion of the town.! <A gate in the palisade — the ‘“ Land-gate,” which 
the city watchmen shut at meghtfall—gave entrance to the wide 
road called the ‘‘ Heere Wegh” without and the ‘“ Heere Straat” 
within the wall. This was the thoroughfare that has become the 
Broadway of the present city, its name preserving a literal translation 
of the old Dutch title. The ‘compact and oval” group of houses in 
which the burghers lived was divided into two nearly equal parts 
by this street. Altogether there were about four hundred buildings ; 
“the meanest house therein,” says one old writer, “ being valued at 
one hundred pounds,’’? so that they must have been solid and well 
constructed, ‘*much after the manner of Holland.” They were * built 


1 Vol. i., p. 462. 2 Josselyn’s Two Voyages to New England, 1672. 





16°0.]° THE TOWN OF NEW YORK. o39 


with Dutch brick, alla-moderna,” “‘ covered with red and black tile,’ 
and their gable-ends faced the streets after the fashion of the father- 
land. 

Solid citizens, men of much consideration, occupied the greater 
part of this, the town proper, the majority of the poorer class of colo- 
nists being scattered on farms 
or in hamlets outside. Yet GG eo oe 
there was a distinction be- peal ite 
tween the west side of the | 
Heere Straat, where all the . 
land was good, and the east —“=" 48 
side, where were all sorts of 
disadvantages which modern 
New York long ago covered 
up, so that they have left no 
traces but in local names. 
On the west, from the West 
India Company’s great gar- 
dens (which stretched from 
the Heere Straat to the Hudson, and covered the ground where Trinity 
Church now stands),? to the fort just below the Bowling Green, were 
the dwellings of the leading men, and their great gardens and orchards 
that often stretched across all that half of the town and overlooked 
the water. Here was the churchyard,’ and the Dominie’s house, and 
the schoolmaster’s ; and along a part of the river-bank behind the 
Company’s ground were “the locust trees,’ + shading a path which 
was a favorite resort for all classes, and an admirable outlook over 
the river and the bay. 

The region between the Heere Straat and the East River, on the 
contrary, was covered with marshes and a tangle of water- eran! 
courses, of which the city of to-day shows no trace what- 4: 
ever. <A group of little hills, hardly more than knolls, surrounded a 
low boggy pasture, — the “ Company’s Valley,” or “the sheep pas- 
ture,’ — which of itself might have made the quarter untenantable 
for any but true Hollanders. But they contented themselves by par- 
tially draining it by a ditch along the Bever-graft (Beaver Street), 
and one along the upper part of the present Broad Street, — the 
lower part of which was occupied by something still more character- 
istic of the fatherland, — a canal from tidewater, extending up to Ex- 
change Place. The busy place was then traversed chiefly by the cattle 
coming up from the meadow, marking out the future street by their 







































y, si 
San er 
I! hi 


so AN 
ist 


~ ANNRZZ A 
My AUNTY i$ 















































Old House in New York, built 1668. 


1 Denton’s Description of New York, 1670. 2 Gerard’s Old Streets of New York. 
8 But it was not so used after 1677. Gerard, 20. * Ibid. 


340 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


muddy trail. Between the Heere Straat and the Company’s Valley 
the ground was high; and the boys of New Amsterdam used, in the 
winter, to bring out their sleds to the ‘+ Verlettenberg,” and _ slide 
down hill directly over the site of the New York Stock Exchange; 
while in summer they ran down the slope to drive home the cows that 
fed where the eustom-house stands, or collect the sheep that pastured 
where the vaults of the sub-treasury now undermine the street. 

The central point of commercial matters was, however, then as 
now, in this neighborhood ; for Governor Lovelace, to facili- 
tate the business of the town, ordered in 1670 that the 
bridge over the canal, at the corner of Bridge and Broad streets, 
should be a meeting-place —an Exchange, or a kind of Rialto — for 

ae the New York mer- 
2 22 chants. ‘There they 
met every Friday, 
between eleven and 
twelve o'clock, to 
discuss and to trade. 
Near them were the 
chief warehouses, — 
the five stone build- 
ings of the West 
India Company on 
the Winckel Street, 
which ran from 
Bridge Street to 
what is now Pearl 
Street, but what 
was then a road 
along the edge of 
the East River, 
from which a stout 
J a | planking defended 
View of Wall Street. its outer side. This 
was *“ I’ Water,” or “ Waterside;’’! but some parts of it had dif- 
ferent names, from one of which — Paerel Straat — the present 
title comes. On. Bridge Street —so near the ‘ Exchange” as to 
overlook it —lived many of the merchants and traders ; and close by 
were the most prosperous industries of the little town, the breweries, 
enough to give their name to a street — Brouwer Straat, now Stone 
Street, — the tannery, and the shops of smiths and shipwrights. 
But though the exchange had its one busy day, the real centre of 


The business 
centres. 














































































































1 Gerard, 36, 37. 








1670.] THE TOWN OF NEW YORK. 341 


bustle and activity was only reached when one had passed the stone 
house of the Governor, built by Stuyvesant to replace the one for- 
merly used in the fort, and called by the English “ the Whitehall ’” — 
whence Whitehall Street, — and had come to the Marckvelt — the 
market-place of the town. This included a large space just east of 
Whitehall Street, and south of Beaver; and here the farmers, when 
they had left their wagons ranged side by side, and their horses 
picketed to graze on the Common (now the Bowling Green), spread 
out their goods for sale. Some came by boats which they brought up 
the Broad Street canal and tied to the bridge ; others came only so 
far as the single dock which New York then had, on the East River, 
a little below the mouth of the canal, where was a smaller market 
and a weigh-house.!. Barter went on briskly, but little coin changed 
hands; wampum and beaver skins were the currency, and their value 
varied with the supply. 

Overlooking all this busy quarter was the fort — Fort Amsterdam 
under the Dutch, and Fort James under their successors. a Ras 
Bridge, Whitehall, and State streets, and the Bowling 
Green, now bound the square which it occupied with its imposing, if 
not very formidable walls. It was ‘capable to lodge three hundred 
soldiers and officers ;”’ 1t had ‘* four bastions, and forty pieces of can- 
non mounted ;” and was “of stone, lined with a thick rampart of 
Earth ; well accommodated with a spring of fresh water, always fur- 
nished with arms and ammunition against accidents.” 2. Within it was 
the stone church,—the one which Kieft had built, — with double 
roof, and a little tower between the two gables at the end toward the 
bay.2 The old brick mansion of the Governor also was within the 
walls, and houses for the garrison. In one bastion towered a wind- 
mill; though the chief windmill was probably outside, near the Hud- 
son, about the foot of Battery Place. As a structure the fort lent 
considerable dignity to the little island town. But as a fortification 
it was almost ludicrously useless, and its garrison might have been 
picked off with pistol bullets from the high ground near by. A. block- 
house would have been as good defence against the Indians as its elab- 
orate bastions and stone-faced walls; how useless they were against 
a civilized foe there was evidence enough on two occasions. 

“His Majesty’s town of New York,” which thus covered the point 
of Manhattan lying below the line of palisades, was hardly gy environs 
more quaint than its surroundings. Along the Heere Wegh °°“ 
toward the upper end of the Island the houses and bouweries stood 
close together for a little distance outside the wall. Then came 
the thickly-wooded and wilder region to the north. ‘The pleasant 


1 Gerard, 22. 2 Ogilby. bid: 


342 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 





valley-road called the Maagde-Padtje — Maiden Lane ; the deep, still 
pond surrounded by green hills, which lay where the prison of the 
Tombs now stands; the ‘ Flats” or ‘*Common,” covering the site 
of the City Hall and its park; the “ Kissing Bridge” about the cor- 
ner of Chatham and Roosevelt streets—over which no right minded 
young Hollander suffered his buxom companion to pass unsaluted ;1 
all these were near enough to be favorite resorts of the burghers and 
their English fellow-townsmen. Then came the farms; and after a 
long interval of partly cleared land, the “ Great Bouwerie” (rom 
which the present Bowery takes its name) of Governor Stuyvesant. 
Here the old Dutch Governor retired after his return from Holland 
and England, to take no part in government matters under the Eng- 
lish, but to live for a few years in quiet, until, in 1672, he died 
at the ripe age of 
eighty,and his 
towns-people buried 
him in the little 
chapel he had built 
here upon his farm. 
The Governors 
house must have 
stood near ‘Tenth 
Street of modern 
New York, and a lit- 
tle east of Third 
Avenue. Beyond 
it stretched swamps, 
= woods, and clear- 
+ a St ings, interspersed 
The Bowling Green. 
with outlying plan- 
tations, over the rest of Manhattan, to New Haarlem, a little village 
at the junction of Harlem and East rivers. 

From the Westchester villages along the Sound, the people al- 
Titee eee reached New York by water, preferring to the woods 
and Hast and marshes, the terrible perils of Hell-Gate. The old de- 

scriptions of this dreaded strait show careful observation. 
‘A place called Hell Gate,” one calls it; ‘*‘ which being a narrow 
passage, there runneth a violent stream, both upon flood and ebb, and 
in the middle heth some Islands of Rocks, which the Current sets so 
violently upon that it threatens present shipwreck; and upon the 
flood is a large Whirlpool, which continually sends forth a hideous 
roaring, enough to affright any stranger from passing any further, and 























1 Gerard, pussim. 








1670. ] : OTHER TOWNS AND SETTLEMENTS. 343 


to wait for some Charon to conduct him through; yet to those that 
are well acquainted little or no danger ; yet a vile of great defence 
against any enemy coming in chee way, which a small Fortification 
would absolutely prevent, and necessitate them to come in at the West 
end of Long Island by Sandy Hook, where Nutten Island doth force 
them within 
command of the 
Fort at New 
York, which is 
one of the best 
Pieces of De- 
fence in the 
North parts of 
America.” } 
With the near- 
est part of Long 
Island, the *enrniianteniore was by a ferry near the present Peck Slip, 
where such passengers as would cross might summon the ,, | fs 
ferryman by blowing a horn that hung to a neighboring Island 
tree. The ferryman’s boat carried its passengers to Breuke- 
len, described as a village with ‘“‘a small and ugly church standing in 
the middle of the road;” whence the traveller might turn to the 
right to go to Gouanes — Gowanus, — to *t Vlacke Bos — Flatbush, 
—to Rust-dorp — Jamaica, — Heemsteede, and the hamlets and 














































































































































































































Hell Gate (from an Old Dutch Print). 


farms beyond. 

Along the bank of the Hudson, and kept in communication with 
the capital by the little shallops of the settlers, or the larger | 
vessels that constantly passed up and down with goods and pe copie 
peltries, were scattered farms and little Wrtomenta ; while 
Esopus, Rensselaerswyck, and Albany were garrisoned places — the 
latter already beginning to present some evidences of rapid growth. 
To the northwest of Albany, on the beautiful Mohawk, lay the very 
outpost of civilization, the hamlet of Schaenhechstede — Schenectady, 
— which had been laid out in 1664 by Arendt van Curler, the former 
manager of Rensselaerswyck, and who was so popular -avith the 
Troquois that they called the governors of New York ‘ Corlaers”’ 
from his name. Regretted by Hollanders, English, French, and In- 
dians alike, he met his death in a storm on Lake Champlain, in 1667, 
while on his way to Quebec as an ambassador from Nicolls. 

It was long before the English conquest made any essential impres- 
sion upon the aspect or character of these Dutch towns. The col- 
onists were faithful to the customs, the traditions, and the habits of 


1 Denton’s Description of New York, 1670. 


O44 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


the Fatherland. Everywhere was the same Dutch picture. It has 
been often enough described. The Hollander, and his son, 
Dutch wi. and his son’s son after him, for generations, sat by the same 
sa large tiled fire-place; in his hand was his long clay pipe ; 
the floor about him was strewn with clean sand swept into curves and 
figures, and the low-studded room scrupulously clean with frequent 
scouring ; his garden was filled with tulips and hyacinths; over the 
Dutch gable of his house swung the traditional weather-cock ; the 
porch or stoep had its benches, where the family collected on summer 
evenings. Within, in the living room, the settle and straight-backed 
leather chairs, the great glass-doored cupboard for delft and plate, 
the huge linen-chest, the ponderous curtained bed shut into its alcove 
or closet, replaced in the poorer houses by the mere ‘+ banck ” or bunk 
along the wall, —all recalled the furniture of Holland, whence, in- 
deed, most of it had been brought. The pages of Knickerbocker’s 
History rather reproduce than caricature these homes of the early 
Dutch colonists. Hospitality was boundless; and with the hard work 
of every-day life was mingled a good deal of jovial festivity. In the 
winter were the quaint tea-parties for the elder people, and the balls 
for both young and old at the town tavern — afterward the Stadt-Huys 
—on Paerel Straat, from five until the watch made their round at nine 
and warned all to go home. Even the staid city and provincial offi- 
cials had their times of unbending. ‘* There is good correspondence 
kept between the English and Dutch,” wrote Commissioner Maverick 
in 1669; “and to keep it the closer, sixteen (ten Dutch and six Eng- 
lish) have had a constant meeting at each other’s houses in turns, twice 
every week in winter, and... . in summer once. ‘They meet at six 
at night, and part about eight or nine.” + And other authorities speak 
of the ** Fiall, Passado, and Madeira,” to say nothing of punch, both of 
brandy and of West India rum, which the Dutch called ‘ kill-devil.” 
There were out-door sports in the day-time on the snow and ice. If 
they had not the canals of Holland, New Amsterdam was a place 
of ponds, and the undisturbed waters of the two rivers and the bay 
were no doubt much oftener covered with solid ice than now. ‘ Its 
admirable,” wrote the English chaplain of the fort, ‘* to see Men and 
Women as it were flying upon their Skates from place to place, with 
Markets upon their Heads and Backs.” 2 
In the summer were excursions to gather peaches and strawberries 
—the trees of the villages of the rich virgin soil about New York 
being literally borne down with the former fruit, and the ground 
covered with those that had fallen. As for the strawberries, on Long 


Domestic 





1 Quoted in Brodhead, ii., 153. 
2 A Two Years’ Journal in New York, by Charles Wooley, 1679. 








1670.] GOVERNOR LOVELACE. 345 


Island there was such abundance “ that the fields and woods are died 
red: Which the country-people perceiving,” says an old writer, ‘ in- 
stantly arm themselves with bottles of wine, cream and sugar, and, 
instead of a coat of Male, everyone takes a Female upon his horse 
behind him, and so rushing violently into the fields, never leave ’till 
they have disrob’d them of their red colours, and turned them into 
the old habit.” } ; 
Contrasting the simplicity, the contentment, the easy-going in- 
dustry, and the love of harmless amusement in these Dutch com- 
munities with the 
restless character 
which belonged to 
the Southern colo- 
nies, and with the 
bitter theological 
and political con- 
troversies which 
shook those of New 
England, it is plain 
that New York 
must have been at 
this time the hap- 
piest, though not 
the most progress- 
ive of the American 
provinces. Love- 
lace’s rule was ju- 
dicious and for the 
most part quiet. 
But some disputes 
between the Ene- 
lish and Dutch at 
Albany called for the sending of commissioners thither in the spring of 
1670, and their report was followed by the dismissal of the rae FY 
English commander, Captain Baker. There was some dis adaninistra- 
content in the Long Island towns, several of which refusing 
to contribute to renew the New York fortifications, Lovelace ordered 
their votes to be publicly burned. This arbitrary measure, however, 
was only a temporary disposition of a question which was a source 
of subsequent trouble. On the northern and northwestern borders of 
the province, the movements of the French and their great progress 
in the exploration and occupation of the country also gave the Gov- 


1 Denton’s New York. 











Burning the Votes. 


5346 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


ernor soine uneasiness, though less, perhaps, than they caused in New 
England. But there was neither opportunity nor excuse for action in 
the matter, and he contented himself with reassuring the Albany 
people that it was very improbable that when there was no war in 
Europe, Courcelles would begin one in America. On the whole, the 
few disquieting matters of Lovelace’s administration may be said to 
have happened on the frontiers, while at the capital all went well, 
and the province daily grew in strength and numbers. 

tecommendations from England to be prepared against all attacks, 
which reached Lovelace in February, 1672, were followed during the 
next month by explicit instructions from the King to erect an addi- 
tional battery in New York, and to see that ships going to Europe 
should sail in companies for safety. Excepting vague rumors, this 
was the first news that reached the colony, that war had broken out 
again between England and Holland. 

Charles I. had nace abandoned the famous Triple Alliance py 
Bie Nas which, in 1668, the plans of Louis XIV. had been thwarted, 
Bees in and England had joined with its Dutch rival in one of the 

strongest combinations ever formed against a European 
power. The es had been entirely peta lk in its objects, and 
was universally naanlare ; in the House of Commons it bad been called 
“the only good publick thing that hath been done since the King 
come into England;”! yet Charles’s heart had never been in it, 
nor had he ceased for a moment to treat secretly with the French 
king. In May, 1670, he concluded with Louis the infamous treaty 
of Dover, according to which, in consideration of large subsidies 
and military aid from France, Charles was to declare himself a 
Roman Catholic, and use his, utmost endeavors to change the “ state 
of religion in England for a better ;” 2 while France and England 
were to join in a war against Holland. ‘The opposition of Par- 
lament was the only remaining bar to the carrying out of the latter 
design, which was to precede the fulfillment of the other; but a way 
was found by which Parliament was deceived. A large appropriation 
was asked of it, ostensibly to strengthen the fleet for the purposes of 
the Triple Alliance; and no sooner was this subsidy obtained than 
parliament was prorogued (April, 1671). Charles, with character- 
istic effrontery, openly declared that he meant to keep it apart for 
nearly a year. Then, for the sake of additional supphes, followed 
Ona, aR URE iniquitous measure of closing the exchequer. The King’s 
war against object was attained. France and England declared war 

against the Netherlands on March 17, "1672, and the first 
battles, Beth by sea and land, followed soon after. In the first naval 


1 Pepys. 2 Green’s Short History of the English People. 





’ 


1673. ] THE DUTCH BEFORE NEW YORK. S47 


conflict, in the Solebay in Suffolk, where De Ruyter attacked the 


French and English ships, Richard Nicolls was standing near his 
master, the Duke of York. In the midst of the action he was shot 
down by a cannon ball from one of the Dutch fleet. 

The news of the war, and the explicit instructions that came with 
it, might well excite the anxiety of Lovelace. But he did not foresee 
— indeed he had no reason to look for — the serious consequences that 
were to follow to his own province. ‘The remainder of the year 1672 
passed away quietly enough, but in the spring of 1673, when the 
Governor was temporarily absent, his heutenant, Manning, sent for 
him in haste to come back to New York, for a rumor had reached 
the town that a Dutch fleet was already on its way northward from 
the West Indies. The Governor thought fit to “slite” the intelli- 
gence, and characterized it as ‘‘one of Manning’s larrums.”! But 
he nevertheless concentrated a considerable force at New York, only 
to be dispersed again when the ramor came to nothing. Only about 
eighty men were left in the dilapidated Fort James. The blow was 
coming, and was to fall upon the English with even more sudden- 
ness than theirs had fallen on Stuyvesant nine years before. 

On the seventh of August, 1673, twenty-three Dutch ships, carry- 
ing sixteen hundred men, under command of Cornelis Evert- drs 
sen and Jacob Binckes, anchored in the outer bay of New fieet before 
York, just below Staten Island. The fleet was last from ak ak 
Virginia, where it captured a number of English merchantmen, some 
of which were burnt, and others added to their own force. ‘The ships 
were in need of wood and water, and would have run, could pilots 
have been procured, into Delaware Bay. It was accident, therefore, 
rather than design, which took them to New York; for though they 
were assured by one of their English prisoners that the place was 
incapable of defence, another declared that there were a hundred and 
fifty guns mounted at the fort, and that five thousand men could be 
mustered in three hours. The necessity of recruiting compelled the 
Dutch to seek the nearest port, and they entered the bay, “rather 
afraid,” says a contemporary writer, “of receiving some disturbance 
from New Yorke than giving any to it.” ? gf 

The Dutch on shore hailed the arrival of their countrymen with 
delight, and soon made them acquainted with the real state of things. 
The fort was garrisoned by only seventy or eighty men; the guns 
were either dismounted or their carriages rotten ; the Governor was 
absent, and no efficient commander was in his place; and the people 
generally were discontented with English rule. Encouraged by such 


‘ Manning’s answer to charges against him. Documentary Hist. of N. Y., vol. iii., p. 57. 
2 Letter of Richard Wharton (contributed by George H. Moore), Hist. Mag., Second 
peries, vol. L., p. 297. 


3-48 NEW YORK. [(Cuap. XIV. 


intelligence, the fleet was taken within the Narrows and anchored off 
Staten Island.! 

Manning, meanwhile, was not idle. Messengers were hurried off to 
Attempts at Fecall Lovelace ; orders were issued to the military captains 
defence. of the towns to hasten to New York with their companies ; 
the drums were beaten through the streets for volunteers ; the smith 
was set to work to repair the arms; the commissary was sent out to 
gather provisions to victual the fort in case of siege; and to gain 
time, a deputation was dispatched to the fleet to demand the meaning 
of the approach of this hostile force. Manning —it was afterward 
eranted, when courts sat in judgment of his acts — was not a coward, 
and, no doubt, he did all that any man could do under the circum- 
stances in discharge of his duty. But his efforts were in vain ; there 
was not time for the Governor to get back from Connecticut ; the 
militia of the country towns refused to rally, even where —as was 
the case in only two or three instances — their captains responded to 
the summons from Manning; the drums stirred no martial ardor in 
the breasts of the citizens; the labors of a single smith on firelocks 
could avail but little in a fort where nobody would come to use them, 
where six only of the large guns were on platforms, and to the whole 
there were only four sponges and four ladles. Even his attempt to 
gain time by sending a flag to the fleet probably only betrayed weak- 


ness and fear to the enemy. The next day their guns were frowning 


upon Fort James from as many ships as the stream in front could con- 
veniently float. 

To the repeated demand for surrender Manning could only ask a 
New York little more time. The Dutch commanders would give at last 
surrendered. but thirty minutes, and turned over an hour-glass to mark 
the time. As the last sand ran out they opened fire, and some in the 
fort were killed and some wounded. Any defence, of course, was 
utterly hopeless, though the fire seems to have been returned ; but at 
the same time a force of six hundred Dutch landed on the banks of 
the Hudson in the rear of the present Trinity Church in Broadway, 
and moved to the assault. There was nothing left but immediate 
capitulation. Just as the sun went down the Dutch troops marched 
into the fort out of which Stuyvesant had stumped nine years before 
at the head of his men. How happy would he have been could he 
have lived to see that sight ! 

Again with a change of rulers came a change of names. The 
anegntiy province of New York was once more New Netherland ; 
= toon Fort James received its third designation, and became Fort 

William Hendrick, in honor of the Prince of Orange ; the 
town itself, a few days later, was declared to be for the future New 
1 Colden’s Letters. .N. Y. Hict. Soc. Coll., 1869. 





1673. ] RE-CONQUEST OF NEW NETHERLAND. © 349 


Orange, instead of New Amsterdam, as it had been under the rule of 
the West India Company. Mayor, aidermen, and sheriff, gave place 
in name as well as officially, and burgomasters, schepens, and schouts, 
were again hailed as magistrates. Dutch supremacy was asserted, 
and Dutch influences were again felt to be paramount in all the rela- 
tions of society. 

But the affairs of every-day life soon resumed their usual channels. 
Personal hostilities, perhaps, may have seized such an opportunity for 
their indulgence, but now, as nine years before, there seems to have 
been little disturbance of the neighborly harmony and friendship ex- 
isting between the two peoples. Here, indeed, was then no large 



















































































The Dutch Ultimatum. 


city ; no dangerous class was hidden away in dark cellars and ob- 
scure attics, to swarm in unexpected numbers, ready for bloodshed 
and plunder at the first sign of temporary anarchy. But, neverthe- 
less, the capture of New Amsterdam by the English, and the recap- 
ture of New York by the Dutch, are among the most remarkable in- 
stances in history of peaceful revolutions. There was the confisca- 
tion of public property, and its conversion to the use of the victorious 
party, which, if not absolutely necessary, is not surprising. But the 
private suffering seems to have been hardly enough to be counted as 
an act of war. It is doubtful if any private property was molested, 
except that the houses of Lovelace and Manning were plundered ; and 
to this — which was done by some disorderly soldiers —a stop was 
speedily put. Thus in those times as in ours, it seems almost to have 





300 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


been accepted as a decree of Providence that New York should always 
be open to occupation by any alien race that thought it worth its while ; 
and that any rule should be acceptable to its citizens, provided there 
was no personal outrage, and that robbery should be disguised under 
the form of municipal government. 

The Dutch had retaken New Netherland; and the two command- 
The prov. €FS Who had accomplished the conquest, after they had ap- 
een pointed Anthony Colve to be temporary governor, and is- 


in Dutch 


possession. sued provisional instructions to him pending advices from 
the Hague, leaving him two ships of war for protection, sailed away 
at the end of September with the two departments of their fleet — 
Evertsen for the West Indies, and Binckes for home. Colve issued 
provisional instructions to his new subjects. The towns on the Hud- 
son had submitted without resistance to a small force sent against 
them; New Jersey and Delaware had quietly acknowledged, through 
delegates from the chief towns, the Dutch restoration. The six 
towns at the western end of Long Island had done the same ; others 


had submitted upon being sharply summoned ; and finally, even those 


at the eastern end were forced to yield. Lovelace imprudently ven- 
tured back to New York after some parley, and arrived there three 
days after the surrender. He was kindly treated, and not held as 
a prisoner by the commanders and their council of war; but though 
the hand of military law spared him, he had been only three days 
in the town when he was arrested for debt; and during all the rest 


of the Dutch negotiations he remained virtually a captive among 


the new masters of the province. A few days before their depar- 


ture, the commanders, after some consideration, issued a decree con-- 


fiscating all the property they had formerly attached; and 
tense? the unfortunate Lovelace, thus stripped of his last guilder, 
property. 
would in six weeks be permitted freely to leave the country. But 
though the property of his subordinate officers and of some other 
Englishmen was taken, and the right of confiscation against all Hol- 


land’s enemies in America was assumed, it was declared that “for 
sufficient reasons” that of ‘actual inhabitants” of New England,’ 


Virginia, and Maryland, might be for the present exempt. 

At the end of September Governor Colve found himself left in 

Ls undivided authority over the mixed population of New Or- 
ren eae ange ; the ‘“ Achter Col” (such was the new name of New 
poh Jersey); the Hudson River villages, with ‘ Willemstadt”’ 
(Albany), and Esopus; Westchester and Long Island; and all the 
rest which had made up the ancient domain of New Netherland un- 
der his Dutch predecessors. He might well assume the state of “a 
coach and three horses;’’ yet he and his compatriots, exultant as they 


was quietly told that if he would now pay what he owed, he 


o_o 





1673.] COLVE’S ADMINISTRATION. 301 


were over the restoration of its lost jewel to the Fatherland, trembled 
when they thought of their weak condition, surrounded by and min- 
gled with the enemies over whom they had achieved their victory. 
Reinforcements, which the schout and schepens of New Orange had 
already written for, must be sent out at once, and Holland must 
take them under its especial protection ; for it was not to be ex- 
pected that the few thousands of subjects which the States had in 
America could long withstand the anger and the retaliation of the 
French and English, by whom New Netherland was surrounded. Sec- 
retary Van Ruyven, sailing for home in September, had been charged. 
with these urgent appeals; but his vessel, having almost suffered 
shipwreck, had to put into Nantucket, whence the secretary, to the 
surprise and disappointment of every one, made his reappearance in 
New Orange during the following November. The news he carried 
was destined to reach Holland by other hands. Would it arrive in 
time to secure the province from the possibility of English recapture ? 
New England was naturally both indignant and alarmed to hear 
that the Dutch were again established on its borders. The ee Fit 
commissioners of its colonies met at Hartford early in Sep- recapture 
tember, less than a month after Evertsen’s easy conquest, New Eng 
and passed a recommendation that each member of the New . 
England confederation make preparations for defence against a possi- 
ble Dutch attack. Nor were those wanting who urged upon the meet- 
ing a more ageressive policy. But want of union, and a natural 
disinclination for war, prevented. Massachusetts refused to take ad- 
vantage of the offer of an English captain, whose ship lay at Boston, 
to retake New York with no other aid than that of supplies and a 
reinforcement. Unless the conquered region could be annexed to 
her own territory, that colony did not care to engage in any efforts for 
the recapture of New York. Plymouth was indifferent in the mat- 
ter, so long as freedom from Dutch interference with her coasters was 
secured. Connecticut resolved to do what she could to re- . 
tain eastern Long Island, at all events. The authorities at anita 
Hartford sent a threatening letter to Colve, by a special Bini 
messenger; and at the same time two commissioners were vee 
appointed to visit the island, ascertain the state of affairs, and warn 
such Dutch‘authorities as they might find there of the possibility of 
extreme measures. To the letter Colve replied sharply that it was 
“impertinent and absurd,” and that he could hardly credit its coming 
from Winthrop. The commissioners were met off the Long Island 
coast by three officers whom Colve had previously sent out to visit 
the eastern towns, and receive their submission. Treating each other 
civilly, the two parties of commissioners went together to Southold, 


352 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


where the Englishmen triumphed in so far as to find the inhabitants 
almost unanimously in their favor, so that Colve’s men retired with- 
out accomplishing anything. The Connecticut messengers returned 
to Hartford and reported, and some volunteers were sent over to help 
the Long Islanders. But no conflict followed, and the whole matter 
went over quietly until it was swallowed up in the more important 
events which were soon to follow. 

So also passed a momentary prospect of direct conflict with Mas- 
sachusetts, excited by Colve’s prompt confiscation of four Massachu- 
setts coasters, in retaliation for the carrying away of the wreck of 
Van Ruyven’s vessel from Nantucket, as the prize of an English 
privateer. Massachusetts fitted out a war vessel, and made some 
preparations for reprisals. But she did nothing more ; nor did Plym- 
outh, in spite of the urging of Connecticut. Rhode Island — not be- 
longing to the New England confederacy — looked after her own de- 
fence. The year 1673 closed with the rivals in America occupying 
this position of passive hostility ; but it was threatening enough to 
the Dutch at New Orange to make them long the more anxiously for 
aid from home. 

Once more, as in the past, the course of events in Europe was to 
Rumors of Gecide the fate of New Netherland without the knowledge of 
eeten its people or its neighbors. During the first few days of 
Netherland. “May, 1674, while Colve and his officers were hard at work 
at the labor which had chiefly occupied their minds throughout the 
spring —the strengthening of the town against a possible “ New Eng- 
Jand army,’ —two men came to Manhattan from Connecticut, de- 
spite an edict forbidding the coming of New Englanders without pass- 
ports, and brought the first rumor of a treaty restoring the Dutch 
province to the English crown. So enraged were the citizens of New 
Orange at the mere report, that they arrested and punished these 
bearers of evil tidings. They collected in excited groups in the 
streets, cursing the rulers at home who would give up so readily the 
greatest colony of the Fatherland. One of the messengers, returning 
to Connecticut, declared there that the New Netherlanders vowed in 
their wrath that no demand or authority ‘‘ of the States or Prince” 
should make them surrender again; but that they would keep their 
territory “ by fighting, so long as they could stand with one leg and 
fight with one hand.” 

This warlike ardor cooled with time, however, and the rumor proved 
New Nether. too true. On the sixth of March, the treaty of Westminster 
sven esto had been proclaimed at London, and at the Hague, whereby 
England. New Netherland was surrendered to England. On the 
eleventh of July, the Governor gave official notice at the Stadt Huys 





1674. ] NEW NETHERLAND CEDED TO ENGLAND. 353 


that peace was made between England and Holland, and that on 
duly authorized demand he must give up the province over which he 
had ruled for less than one short year. 

The events which brought about the Peace of Westminster are 
familiar passages of English history. In the hot conflict be- gyonts in 
tween King Charles and his party on the one hand, and the *2!"* 
Commons and people of England on the other, over questions that 
were believed to 
involve the safety 
of Protestantism in 
the kingdom, 
Charles had been 
for the moment 
worsted. At first 
forced into recall- 
ing his ‘“ Declara- 
tion of Indul- 
gence,” whereby all 
“penal laws on 
matters ecclesiasti- 
cal against what- 
ever sort of Non- 
conformists or re- 
cusants ’’ were suspended, he had been 
at once closely pressed by the passage 
in Parliament of the *“* Test Act,” which Ly 
compelled all holding civil and military | =“22i77 GZ, pn 

es Se I 
office under government to take an oath ee 
which was impossible to Roman Catho- 
lics. This compelled the resignation of 
the Duke of York as Lord High Admiral of the fleet, of Sir Thomas 
Clifford as a cabinet minister, and of many others. Some of the cab- 
inet would have carried resistance to this act to any length; but the 
King, once driven to yield, refused his support. He only turned savy- 
agely upon his chancellor and most able minister, Lord Shaftesbury, 
who had aided the Parliament, demanded from him the seals, and so 
drove his strongest adviser into a determined opposition. The effect 
of this was quickly seen in the increased bitterness and strength of 
the Protestant measures now pressed by Parliament. ‘The war against 
the Protestant Prince of Orange and his nation, which even in a mil- 
itary point of view had been unsuccessful, grew more unpopular every 
day. Defeated at home by the masterly use made by Shaftesbury of 


the opposing elements, discouraged by events abroad, and unable to 
VOL. Il. 23 






























































































































































































































































Old House, Southold, Long Island. 


354 NEW YORK. [Cuap. XIV. 


sufficiently repair his exhausted resources even by his old shameless 
means of a resort to France, Charles was driven into a third surren- 
der. He adopted a policy of concession and conciliation at home; and 
he consented to make peace with Holland. 

These were the events which had unexpectedly Redcta on the fate 
New York Of the Dutch province in America. New York was to re- 
ieekwich Main in English hands from this time forth ; and though 
ar virtually winners of a peace on their own continent, the 
Dutch were to give up for it their only stronghold on this. A new 
patent to the Duke of York was issued in June, 1674. He ap- 
pointed as his governor Major Edmund Andros, an officer of dis- 
tinction, whom the King had already in March appointed to receive 
the surrender of New Orange under the treaty ; and on the first of 
November the British frigates Diamond and Castle made their 
appearance at the anchorage off Staten Island. 

On the ninth of the month, Colve, who had asked a week’s delay to 
make all final arrangements, absolved the city officials, in solemn con- 
clave at the Stadt Huys, from their oaths of allegiance to Holland ; 
and on Saturday, the tenth, ‘‘ the New Netherland and dependances” 
were formally given over to “Governor Major Edmund Andros on 
behalf of His Britannic Majesty.” The English names were restored, 
the English laws reéstablished, as they had been under Nicolls and 
Lovelace. A great number of the provincial and local officers were 
reinstated; the Mayor’s Court was again convened at New York; the 
routine of public business and private life went on as before. The 
few months of Dutch occupation had hardly left a trace on the goy- 
ernment which Nicolls had been the first, since the settlement of 
Manhattan Island, to bring into a really smooth, continuous course of 


prosperity. 












Th QisVault lies buried 
' PETRUS STUYVESANT 









= InNewNetherland now called. New= Yorlc 
And fhe DutehWest Indialslands.DiedA.D.167 5} 
Aged 80 years. 







pe a cs 


Tomb of Stuyvesant 














GTA UE Ra XeV: : 
NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. 


CHARLESTON FouNDED.— WAR WITH THE INDIANS. — GOVERNOR MORETON. — Jo- 
sEPpH BLAKE.— Lorp CarbDROSS’S SETTLEMENT AT Port Roya. — PIRACY AND 
SpanisH Hosritiry. — CARDROSS’S COLONY DESTROYED —SOTHEL DEPOSED AND 
BANISHED FROM ALBEMARLE.— HE LEADS A REVOLUTION IN THE SoutTH.— His 
CAREER. — THE COLONIES UNDER ONE GOVERNOR. — INTRODUCTION OF RICE. — 
JoHN ARCHDALE GOVERNOR. — PROSPERITY OF THE COLONIES UNDER HIS RULE. 


WHILE northern Carolina had been passing through a time of 
such disturbance and adversity, the people at the south had Eee 
enjoyed a period of quiet and comparative prosperity under ern Colon- 
the skilful rule of Joseph West. Not that the settlements ™ 
at Cape Fear and Ashley River were free from the troubles which 
disturbed every American colony — differences of religion, and feuds 
between the Puritans of New England and the Royalists who had 
come out under the Proprietors’ patronage ;— but these were held in 
check by the Governor, and were little interruption to the general 
course of affairs. There was a steady flow of emigrants from Ene- 
land; and Huguenots from France sought a refuge from persecution 
at home in a region whose pleasant climate had for them a_ peculiar 
attraction. In April, 1679, the King gave a token of favor to the 
Proprietaries and the new colony in sending out at his own expense 
two vessels with a band of Frenchmen skilled in vine growing and 
silk-producing, who brought with them vine-slips and silkworms’ eggs 
for the establishment of those industries. 

During the years that had passed since their first settlement, the 
Ashley River people had not failed to see their mistake in settling so 
far up the stream. Some, indeed, seem not to have made this error at 
all; for the old records speak of people both from the Ashley settle- 
ment and from Cape Fear, ‘“ resorting to Oyster Point” from the 
earliest times of the colony; and, doubtless, dwellings had been built 
there at the same time that the town had been founded on the more 
inland bluff. This “ Oyster Point” was at the junction of the Ashley 
and Cooper Rivers; and the tendency to resort thither had grown so 
strong by the beginning of 1680 that the authorities yielded to it, 


306 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. (Cuap. XV. 


as they should have done long before. The old town was abandoned 
altogether in the spring of that year, and the foundations of 
a new Charles Town — the present city of Charleston — were 
laid on what had from the beginning been pointed out by nature as 
the proper site for the colonial port. 

The new town was judiciously planned. <A visitor, in the first 
year of its existence, described it_as ‘regularly laid out into large 
and capacious streets, which to Buildings is a great Ornament and 
Beauty. In it they have reserved convenient places for Building of a 
Church, Town House, and other Publick Structures, an Artillery 
Ground for the Exercise of their Militia, and Wharves for the Con- 
venience of their Trade and Shipping. At our being there was judged 


Charleston 
founded. 
































































































































































































































































































































ry) 


vai 
ee \ 





\ 2S 
Mey 







in the Country 
1000 or 1200 souls ; 
but the great Num- 
bers of Families 
from England, Ireland, Berbadoes, Jamaica, and the Caribees, which 
daily Transport themselves thither, have more than doubled that 
Number” [that is, between the visit, 1680, and the publication, 
1682]. The extreme unhealthfulness of the place soon passed away, 
a ‘** fortunate revolution ’? which ‘‘ men of discernment . .. . attrib- 
uted to the dispersion or purification of the noxious vapour by the 
smoke issuing from the numerous culinary fires.” 2 

Contemporary testimony does not give the most favorable account 
of the discipline and manners which prevailed in the promising new 


Abandonment of Old Charles Town. 


1 A Compleat Discovery of the State of Carolina, by T. A., Gent., London, 1682. 
2 Chalmers. 





SS — 








1680.] WAR WITH THE INDIANS. B57 


town; and the looseness and turbulence which ruled there, though 
not of a kind to make political disturbance, brought upon 

the colony an evil which for a time threatened seriously harOhacibes 
to check its progress. “The most desperate Fortunes first “” a 
ventured over to break the Ice,” explains one chronicler, in account- 
ing for the character of his fellow-settlers, ‘‘ which being generally 
the Ill-livers of the pretended Church-men, altho’ the Proprietors 
commissionated one Colonel West their Governour, a moderate, just, 
pious, and valiant person; yet having a Council of the loose princi- 
pled Men, they grew very unruly, that they had like to have Ruin’d 
the Colony by 
Abusing the Indi- 
ans, Whom in pru- 
dence they ought 
to have obliged in 
the highest de- 
gree. ! It was the 
usual story of 
abuse in trade, the 
taking of the In- 
















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































dian women, and 
the oppressive 
punishment of tri- 
fling offences often 
brought about by 
rum or ignorance ; 
and the Westoes, 
the tribe of the 
neighborhood, 
were a warlike 
people, and not 
slow to retaliate. , 
ee mamccr cee ot An Indian sent into’ Slavery. 
petty raids, actual war broke out with them in 1680, — the first year 
of the new seaport. ' 
Fortunately for the colony, it was comparatively strong, well-armed, 
and, above all, well led by West; and the war was a VIg- war wit 
orous and short one, the savages gladly making peace within ‘* "> 
a year after its beginning. But the conflict had worse results than 
the actual fighting. To obtain the money for carrying it on, West 
and his Council had adopted the plan of offering a price for every In- 





1A New Description of That Fertile and Pleasant Province of Carolina, etc. By John 
Archdale, late Governor. London, 1707. In Carroll’s Historical Coll., vol. ii. 


358 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [Cuap. XV. 


dian captive, and then selling all who were brought in to West Indian 
slave-traders, who again disposed of them profitably in the Islands.! 
The war had thus changed, before its close, from one of defence to 
one of pure greed. The colonists gained money with every captive 
they sold to the authorities ; the authorities, with every one they sold 
to the traders; and this flourishing traffic went on uninterrupted until 
it was brought to the notice of the Proprietors, who for once inter- 
fered promptly and successfully. 

Expressing their strong disapprobation of ‘ this barbarous prac- 
Saleof n- tice,’ 2 and sharply pointing out the necessity of concili- 
een Phen ating the Indians by just treatment, they gave strict orders 
aig Seid against the kidnapping of any savages, now that peace had 
been concluded, and appointed a commission of four members to try 
all causes of dispute, and to do full justice to any on either side who 
might wrong the other.? But these measures were not enough. The 
Council openly supported the continuance of a traffic which had 
proved so profitable ; and even West, contrary to his usual modera- 
tion and wisdom, opposed his superiors in this. The enemies he had 
made among the turbulent but influential church-party in the colony, 
took advantage of the attitude he thus assumed to turn the Proprie- 
tors against him; and in 1683 he was removed by their order, after 
nine years of successful administration, and Joseph Moreton was ap- 
pointed Governor of Southern Carolina in his place. 

Moreton not only had the old dissensions to quiet, —in attempting 
Moreton Which he had little success, — but he was almost immedi- 
Now um ately confronted by new troubles. West had held a “ par- 
cates lament”. at Charlestown in 1682, which had made a few 
disciplinary laws, and organized a militia ; and soon after his appoint- 
ment Moreton called a similar one, to organize further the affairs of 
the province. The Proprietors had now made Charleston the capital 
of Southern Carolina, or at least had ordered elections and parlia- 
ments to be held there; and all the southern part of the province had, 
in 1682, been divided into three great counties, — Craven, including 
much of that formerly called Clarendon ; Berkeley, the region imme- 
diately surrounding Charleston; and Colleton, the country to the 
south, extending to the region about Port Royal. It lad been ordered 
that the lower house of the parliament — for there was still an attempt 
to make that body somewhat resemble that prescribed in the ‘ Grand 
Model”? — should consist of twenty members ; and it was with regard 
to the election of these that the colonists met the first of a long series 
of legislative difficulties. 

It is evident that a large number of scattered settlers had by this 


1 Chalmers. Oldmixon. 2 Chalmers. 3 Oldmixon. 





1682. ] REPRESENTATION AND LEGISLATION. 309 


time established themselves along the coast to the southward, or in- 
land at some distance south and southwest of the capital. For al- 
though Craven County was considered to have so few inhabi- gy oosing 
tants that it was not worth while for it to elect deputies at all, delegates te 
yet Colleton County was allowed to choose ten of the twenty ™ 
members of the new Parliament, the rest representing Berkeley. It 
was this allotment which caused the trouble. The Berkeley people 
would not permit their scattered neighbors to have a delegation equal 
to that of the crowded town, and quietly took the matter into their 
own hands by choosing themselves all the twenty members. There 
may have been other reasons for this action than the alleged one of 
inequality of population. The people of the inland country may not 
have been willing to support the people of the port in the traffic in 
Indian slaves, — the retaliation of the savages having naturally more 
terrors for them than for the inhabitants of a town. Whatever was 
the cause, the usurpation of power by the capital was suc- | 
cessful; the twenty Berkeley delegates met, and made laws fie Berkeley 
which were approved by Moreton and his Council. Nor peak 
would they disperse at the command of the Proprietors, who indig- 
nantly ordered them to do so, and not to meet again until they should 
have obeyed instructions. Not this Parliament only, but subsequent 
ones, seem to have utterly disregarded the proprietary orders ; until 
at last, apparently in despair, the Proprietors gave the Berkeley peo- 
ple their own way, and the one-sided system of representation con- 
tinued till the inhabitants of other counties grew numerous enough to 
take the matter into their own hands, and put a stop to it. 

The laws passed by the Parliament were of little moment, save one 
following the example of Albemarle by suspending “all | 
prosecutions for foreign debts.” So indignant were the Pro- eet 
prietaries at the passage and signature of such an Act, — so ate 
‘contrary to the King’s honor,” being ‘in effect to stop the course of 
justice,” —that they ordered all officers to be ‘“ displaced, who had 
promoted it.”! It was probably for this, among other things, that 
Moreton, like West before him, was made a scapegoat. He seems to 
have tried honestly to carry out the Proprietors’ wishes,.— to have 
checked the Indian slave traffic, and to have made himself unpopular 
on this account ; while there is no evidence that he was in any sense a 
“promoter” of the acts of a Parliament which was too strong for 
him. Whether he resigned because of popular enmity, Or west again 
was deposed by his superiors, he ceased to govern within “°° 
a year after his appointment, and the Council made West governor 
again until a new officer should be sent out from England. 


1 Chalmers. 


360 - NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [Cuap. XV. 


Meanwhile the colony received additions, promising better for the 
future than did the original settlers. In 1683 Joseph Blake, the 
brother of the famous English admiral, and a dissenter of 
ereat influence, led a new company to Southern Carolina. 
They were of his own way of thinking —men who be- 
heved ** that the miseries they endured” in their native Somersetshire 
“were nothing to what he [Blake] foresaw would attend the Reign 
of a Popish successor.” ! ‘+ Many honest substantial Persons” were 
among these emigrants, who must have found themselves strangely 
at variance with the turbulent people of Charleston, in and near 
which they seem to have made their homes. A company of Irish- 
men, who came out about the same time under the leadership of one 
Ferguson, and who ‘instantly mingled with the mass of the inhabi- 
tants,’ were more welcome. 

During West’s brief second administration, the county of Colleton 
Lord Cara. 180 received an important accession of good colonists — a 
oe tatpee Company of Scotch Presbyterians who, under the leadership 
haan of Lord Cardross, afterward the Earl of Buchan, made a set- 
tlement at Port Royal, in 1684. They understood that their agents 
had secured beforehand from the Proprietors in London the same 
rights and privileges that had been granted to the government at 
Charleston — that they were to be an independent colony. But 
they found on such a question the people of the country more 
powerful than the Proprietors, and that assent to so divided a juris- 
diction would never be given. Cardross left the colony in disgust, 
but his companions were compelled to accept a condition which they 
had not the means to escape from nor the strength to resist. 

During these two years governors — Kyle, Moreton, West, Quarry 
atl —— followed each other in rapid succession, none of them re- 
changeof maining long enough in office to influence essentially the 
eee history of that period either for good or evil, or influencing 
it only so far as they fell in with the temper of the times though with- 
out controlling it. The western Atlantic, and especially the region 
about the West Indies, had been for years infested with adventurers 
who had in most cases begun as privateers, but who continued their 
depredations after the wars had ceased. They preyed 
chiefly upon Spanish commerce, and while this assured 
them of immunity from the English government, they were certain of 
the sympathy if not the codperation of the southern English colonists, 
to whom fear of Spanish incursion was familiar. 

The Spaniards had not abandoned their ancient claim to all the 
territory which the English had included in the region of Southern 


Arrival of 
new colo- 
nists under 
Blake. 


Piracy. 


1 Oldmixon. 


yo TVAON bod OL AONVUILNA AHL LV GVaH NOUUE 

























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































fe 


. 


— 





—e-w- eee ess em oe mt 





~ 





1684.] THE BUCCANEERS. S61 


Carolina. In 1670 an expedition started from St. Augustine to root 
out the settlement Just made on Ashley River ; but, having gone only 
so far north as Stono Inlet, returned on learning that the 
a . Spanish hos- 
English were prepared to receive them. ‘Threats of a more tility creates 
: ° . sympathy 
serious invasion were often made. In Charleston there for the Bue- 
caneers. 
was a hearty welcome for Buccaneers who preyed upon 
Spanish commerce, ‘The port was a convenient recruiting station ; 


the pirates were lavish of their ill-gotten gains ; the love of adventure 



































































































































































































































































































































er Ore 
SG 
a IE z 


== 
= 
aa. 


aS 


BEB 
FEZ 














Pirates in Charleston. 


appealed to the lawless ; the hope of the capture of Spanish ships laden 
with treasure excited the cupidity of the more sober-minded. Piracy 
of this sort did not want for encouragement directly from the reck- 
less sailors about the wharves, indirectly even from governors and 
counculs. 

Not only the Proprietaries but the King took immediate notice of 


362 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [CHap. XV. 


this spirit in Carolina, as soon as it was openly manifested under the 
administrations of West and Quarry. As early as April, 1684, ‘a 
law against pirates ” or their encouragement had been sent out with 
the most stringent directions of the Proprietors that it must be at 
once obeyed. But this, like repeated instructions which followed 
later, and like the removal of Quarry, and other measures of suppres- 
sion, proved altogether unavailing. The difficulty was not to be 
ended during Charles II.’s reign ; and it was not until James: II., in 
1687, sent a fleet to put down the pirates with a stronger hand than 
that of written law, that the Carolinians were frightened into 
obedience. | 
One: sharp and unexpected act of retaliation on the part of the 
a Spaniards struck, perhaps, the least blameworthy of all the 
Royal colo. Carolina settlements. In 1686, a year after Moreton’s re- 
by the Span- appointment, three Spanish galleys suddenly appeared be- 
fore Lord Cardross’s little colony of ‘Scotchmen at Port 
Royal. The crews landed, and meeting but little resistance from the 
settlers, “ killed and whipped a great many, after taken, in a most 
cruel and barbarous manner ;”’ and having destroyed the place, took 
ship again and sailed up the coast. Landing again at an outlying 
settlement called Bear Bluff, on Edisto River, a little south of Charles- 
ton, they sacked the place, and took prisoner Governor Moreton’s 
brother, the leading colonist there. They would have gone farther, 
perhaps to venture on an attack in the immediate neighborhood of 
the town, but were prevented by a hurricane, in which one of their 
galleys was driven ashore so far that she could not be got off. So 
that, “*the Country being by that Time sufficiently Alarmed, they 
thought proper to make a Retreat ; but first set. Fire to that Galley 
on board which Mr. Morton was actually then in Chains, and most 

inbumanly burnt in her.” } | 
Naturally enough the Carolinians proposed an immediate return 
_ for this injury, and preparations were made at once for an 

The Proprie- cans : ‘ Ds : 

tors forbid eXpedition against St. Augustine, which they do not seem to 
ve" Nave doubted their ability to take. But the Proprietaries 
promptly forbade it. “Every rational man,” they wrote, ‘ must 
have foreseen that the Spaniards, thus provoked, would assuredly 
retaliate; ... . the clause in the patent that had been relied on 
to justify the measure’? (the section permitting the colonists * to 
make war and pursue the enemies aforesaid,” etc.), ‘meant only 
a pursuit in heat of victory, not a deliberate making war on the 
King of Spain’s subjects within his own territories: nor do we 
claim any such power: No man, however, can think that the depen- 


1 Introduction to Oglethorpe’s Report on the Expedition against St. Augustine. 








1686. | SPANISH HOSTILITIES. 363 


dencies of England can have power to make war upon the King’s 
allies, without his knowledge or consent.”! The Charleston peo- 
ple yielded, and abandoned the enterprise, though whether owing 
to these persuasions or to the difficulties of the proposed expedition, 
must remain a matter of doubt. At all events, the authorities re- 
ceived a rather grim congratulation from their superiors, who wrote, 
“ We are glad you have laid aside your project, as, had 1t proceeded, 
Moreton, Godfrey, and others might have answered it, perhaps, with 
their lives.2 Furthermore, they received the somewhat aggravating 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Burning of the Spanish Galley 


instruction to write a “civil letter” to the St. Augustine commander, 


inquiring by what authority he had acted. Whether the letter was 
“civil” or not, it is not surprising that all the older chroniclers of 
Carolina date from this time a rooted animosity between the colony 
and its southern neighbors. te 

In spite of the reproof of the Proprietors Moreton certainly seems 
to have had as good intentions and to have tried as hard to yorcton ae- 
rule the southern province well, as any governor they had P&S", (or 
sent out. An intelligent and honest man, in sympathy with ™™ 
the better element among the settlers, married to the sister of the 
generally respected colonist Blake, and throwing his whole influence 
on the side of law and order, he appeared as good an officer as could 


1 Chalmers. 2 Chalmers and State Papers. 


364 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [CHap. XV. 


have been chosen for turbulent Charleston. But either because he 
could not control the worse part of its people, or because his enemies 
persuaded the Proprietors that he was acting against their designs, he 
was deposed, after a governorship of but little more than a year, and 
his successor, James Colleton, was instructed to punish him and his 
council for disobedience. 

As well might one man, without any physical force to aid him, have 
been told to punish the whole population of the province. For 
though Moreton had been unpopular so long as he tried to enforce the 
proprietary decrees, the anti-proprietary party, grown strong beyond 
control, promptly espoused his cause, now that he was in opposition. 
If Moreton had tried to keep them under during his rule, they 
laughed at a successor for whom they appear to have had much less 
respect. The Proprietors, weak enough in any case, were now, that 
James II. had become King, more feeble than ever, fearing that their 
charter should go the way of the New England patents. They 
could give their Governor but little help. 

Surrounded by factions, ‘‘as rampant”? says Oldmixon, “as if the 
people had been made wanton by many ages of prosperity,” Colleton 
ealled a Parliament in the autumn of 1686. But he no sooner at- 
tempted to organize it than the majority of its members refused obe- 
dience to the Constitutions, basing their objection on the pretext that 
Determined the completed version was different from the original draft 
fhe Premic, and the temporary laws sent over long before. They then 
oP proceeded to draw up a code for themselves, though they 
were formally excluded from the house by the Governor; and even 
sent their version under the title of “ standing laws of Carolina”! to 
the Proprietaries for approval. It was indignantly rejected, but this 
did not check the opposition party, which grew daily stronger. <A 
new Parliament was called in 1687. Its members were instructed to 
‘oppose whatsoever the Governor requested; insomuch that they 
would not settle the Militia Act, tho’ their own security (in a Natural 
way) depended on it.””2 Grievances and complaints poured in from 
every quarter. The measures of the Governor were in the highest 
degree injudicious, though honestly intended to secure their just po- 
litical and financial dues to the Proprietors; and finally, seeing him- 
self surrounded by threatening factions on every side, Colleton took 
the rash step of declaring martial law in a colony where the only 
soldiery were the people. 

All that the discontented party among the colonists had hitherto 
wanted, in order to completely overthrow the government they op- 
posed, was a leader; and as the southern settlements had formerly 


1 Oldmixon in Carroll, vol. ii., p. 412. 2 Archdale. 








1690.) SETH SOTHELL. 365 


given a chief, in the person of Culpepper, to the insurgents in the 
north, so Albemarle, at this critical moment, returned the favor by 
contributing an organizing head to the revolutionary movement at 
Charleston. 

Seth Sothell had no sooner assumed the government of Northern 
Carolina, in 1683, than he proved equally false to Proprie- 
tors and settlers. Deliberately disobeying the orders of the in the North: 

ern colony. 

former, who appear to have desired to deal impartially and 
leniently with the people lately in rebellion, and neglecting the éol- 
lection both of the customs and the proprietary revenue, ie used his 
official power merely as a means of enriching himself. or five years 
he kept up an administration under which every class of settlers in 
Albemarle suffered from his injustice and rapacity, until, at the end 
of that time, the unconcealed indignation of the people took effect im 
stronger measures than the appeals they had made to England. By 
an insurrection, even more decisive and unanimous than that under 
Culpepper, they deposed and arrested Sothell in 1688, and aire 
prepared to send him to London with agents of their own, trial of 
to defend himself before the Proprietors for his abuse of . 
power. But the delinquent Governor feared his superiors more than 
the colonists, and begged for mercy, declaring his willingness to un- 
dergo trial by the Albemarle Assembly on any charge the people 
would make against him. His trial was a long one; thirteen specifi- 
cations appeared in the indictment against him, and on all of these he 
was found guilty. Sentenced to perpetual disqualification from office, 
and to banishment from the province for one year, it was supposed 
that he had been made powerless for further evil, when suddenly he 
was heard of in South Carolina, just as affairs there were ripe for an 
outbreak, claiming authority by his rights as a palatine, and every- 
where gaining the adherence of the dissatisfied, who were ready to 
accept a leader with even the flimsiest pretence to official position. 

Sothell, in 1690, seized upon the government, and, calling together 
a Parliament made up entirely from his own followers, de- 
manded the trial of Colleton for various imaginary and Gi cheeat tos 
real crimes. The same sentence was passed upon him i 
which had driven Sothell from Albemarle, and many of his Council 
and fellow-officials shared his condemnation and punishment. Wide- 
spread confiscation of their property filled the new Governor’s cof- 
fers, and these acts of rapacity began gradually to open the eyes of 
the Charleston people to the character of the ruler they had put 
over them. As was natural, the real nature of the man soon put an 
end to his temporary popularity. A year after his usurpation he was 
hated as heartily in Southern Carolina as he had been in Albemarle. 


5366 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [CHap. XY. 


But he went on steadily piling up additions to his great fortune by 
the most shameless extortion and injustice. The clamor about him 
probably mattered little to the hardened adventurer, so long as he 
was able to keep in his pay men enough to defend his person. 

The unfortunate Proprietaries, perplexed and disheartened with 
| these rapid changes and conflicting reports from the col- 
Sothel and - 2 ¢ ° - 1 
the Propries ony, had in vain written with mild expostulation to Sothell 
nr after the Albemarle affair. Though they had heard that the 
people had risen against his alleged injustice and oppression, yet they 





Sothell and his Followers seizing the South Carolina Government. 


were unwilling to accept the accusations as true. Still, they thought 
it necessary to suspend him from office, and appointed Colonel 
Philip Ludwell in his place till an impartial examination should be 
made. It was only with the failure of their summons to him to ap- 
pear in England that their eyes were opened to his treachery toward 
themselves ; but even after this, and after they heard of his first 
doings at Charleston, they wrote with extraordinary mildness — not 
to say weakness. ‘They had received his letters, they said, under date 
of October 10, 1690; for it seems he had quietly written to them, even 
perhaps consulting them about taking charge, under his palatinate 
rights, of the southern colony. They were pleased, they feebly added, 





1691. | LUDWELL GOVERNOR OF BOTH COLONIES. 367 


to find that he would submit to their instructions; but no single Pro- 
prietor, they reminded him, had any right to the government, nor’ to 
take jurisdiction upon himself without the others’ consent ; and to do 
so would be high misdemeanor and treason. They hoped that it 
was not true that Mr. Joseph Blake had been put out of his office 
of deputy. Touching the protestation of the deputies, with a list of 
the misdemeanors in thirteen particulars alleged against him, his im- 
prisonment by the people of Albemarle, his after-submission and com- 
pulsory abjuration of the government, and the proceedings of the 
people, —all these were “highly prejudicial, both to the royal pre- 
rogative and to the dignity of the Proprietors ;” they “did not ap- 
prove” of his conduct, but had no intention of acting otherwise than 
uprightly toward him ; still, they ‘“ would not be imposed upon.” } 

Only when they heard of the actual usurpation, does a little energy 
seem to have infused itself into their councils. <A series of letters, ° 
increasing from’ comparative mildness to the sternest severity, then 
began to come in upon Sothell. From the first his claim to be allowed 
to retain the governorship on the ground of his vested rights in the 
province, and his being the only resident representative of the pro- 
prietary class, was disallowed. His “ pretended act, purporting to 
disable James Colleton” was sharply reproved, and he was ordered 
to nullify it; the acts of his Parliament were declared void; and 
finally, on November 8, 1691, a peremptory order suspended him from 
all power in Carolina,” and added the threat that a royal mandamus 
should compel him to come to England and stand trial, if he did not 
at once submit. This last order overcame his audacity. gyaos sotn- 
Amid the rejoicing of all the people he slunk back to the °s™* 
Albemarle region again, where he was suffered to end his days as a 
private citizen. In 1694 he died. 

And now the Proprietors did what prudence should have dictated 
long before. They appointed one governor for all the proy- st aegeee 
ince, north and south ; fixing his residence at Charleston, well gov- 


ernor of 


and allowing him to appoint, subject to confirmation, a dep- aa 
uty or deputies for other quarters. Philip Ludwell, whom | 
they had at first intended to substitute for Sothel in the government 
of Albemarle alone, now became the first General Governor. His 
lack of all previous connection with Carolina, and the confidence 
placed in him by the people of Virginia, gave the Proprietaries great 
hope that he would be able to restore tranquillity. 

But Carolina needed a Governor of more than ordinary ability and 
energy; and this Ludwell did not prove to be, though, like several 
of his predecessors, he apparently assumed his duties with the best 


1 State Papers in Coll. Hist. Soc. S. C., vol. i. 2 State Papers. 


368 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [CHap. XV. 


intentions. His attempt to carry out his superiors’ instructions, by 
allowing the franchise and equal privileges to the French Protes- 
tants, who now formed a large element in the population of the proy- 
ince, was the signal for a new outbreak of discontent. When he 
further ventured to carry out the law by the arrest of a crew of 
pirates, he found himself confronted by opposition as determined as 
that which had made the government impossible to Moreton or to 


















ATi 


Wi’ | 





Colleton. The pirates were 
acquitted ; and from this time 
forward the Proprietors founda 
Ludwell unable to carry out a 
single measure that opposed in 
any way the popular will. 
Disgusted at this renewed failure, they removed him in 1692, and ap- 
pointed in his place one of the Carolina planters themselves, Thomas 
Smith — “a wise, sober, well-living man.” ! 
pee ak Led Though his wisdom, soberness, and other good traits 
Tew, availed no more than the efforts of his predecessors toward 
sil preserving order, yet Smith’s brief administration of two 
years was noteworthy for three substantial benefits. In 1693, the 
year after his appointment, the Proprietaries, worn out at 
the" Con- last with their useless attempts to enforce even a few of its 
stitutions.’’ , oe : ee ys 
complicated provisions, went through the form of abolishing 
John Locke’s ‘* Grand Model.” As the ‘* fundamental constitutions ” 


1 Archdale and Oldmixon. 





Acquittal of the Buccaneers at Charleston. 








1694. | INTRODUCTION OF RICE. 569 


had never existed in Carolina, save on paper, their repeal was hardly 
a necessary formality. Yet for men who for more than twenty years 
had talked in glowing terms of these laws that should “ endure for- 
ever,” it was a significant concession when they confessed that the 
people of the settlements knew their own needs best. ‘ As the peo- 
ple,” they wrote, ‘“‘have declared they would rather be governed by 
the powers granted by the charter without regard to the fundamental 
constitutions, it will be for their quiet, and the protection of the well- 
disposed, to grant their request.” 1 From this time forth the popular 
legislative body in the province was called an Assembly instead of a 
Parliament ; 2 even the little consideration previously shown it, ceased 
to attach to the title of landgrave ; the people ceased to have an ex- 
cuse for disputing with the Governor, and the Governor no longer took 
advantage of the pretext of higher rank to justify arbitrary meas- 
ures. But except these trifling changes nothing marked the down- 
fall of Shaftesbury’s and 
Locke’s ideal code, that was 
to have been the admiration of 


all future ages. 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































An i 


ie d Mi 
a Hi} i i 





A Carolina Rice-field. 


The second fortunate event of Smith’s administration seemed a 
trifle at the time, yet its consequences were of lasting benefit s,sroanc- 
to the province. In 1694, rice was introduced into Carolina. Ha vo 
An English vessel touched at Charleston in that year, on !* 
the way home from Madagascar, and its captain gave’ to Governor 
Smith a quantity of seed-rice, which the latter and his friends planted 
as an experiment. Thriving beyond measure in the marshes along 
the rivers, it was the origin of one of Carolina’s greatest products. <A 
few years later a writer could say of the province that it exported in 
very valuable quantities “ rice the best of the known world.” 

Smith’s greatest benefit to the country, however, came with the end 
of his short rule; for when he grew “uneasy in the government, by 
reason that he could not satisfy the people in their demands,” he 


1 Quoted from State Papers by Chalmers. 2 Grahame. 
VOL. II. 24 


370 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [CHap. XV. 


‘writ over” to the Proprietors a much wiser and more candid exposi- 
tion of the state of affairs than had before reached them; and at the 
same time that he confessed his own inability to improve matters, he 
suggested a way in which this could be done. It was useless, he 
showed them, to try any longer to govern by deputy ; ‘it was impos- 
sible to settle the Country, except a Proprietor himself was sent over 
with full power to Heal their Grievances.” 1 The Proprietaries saw 
at last the wisdom of this proposal ; and with their adoption of it be- 
gan the first period of quiet that Carolina had ever known. 

The man first chosen from their number to undertake this mission 
ana was Lord Ashley, Shaftesbury’s grandson. But wien he 
ment of begged his colleagues to excuse him because his father’s af- 
dale as Gov- fairs compelled his presence in England, the choice fell upon 
ate John Archdale, a Quaker, who had bought, out the interest 
of one of the older Proprietors, and who was considered — most 
rightly, as the event proved —to be a wise, moderate, liberal, and 
far-seeing man. 

Archdale arrived in Charleston in August, 1695; and no sooner 
was his arrival known, and the almost unlimited power given by his 
commission fairly understood, than ‘* every faction apply’d them- 
selves ” to him “in hopes of Relief.” He ‘* appeased them,” he says 
in his account, *¢ with kind and gentle Words ;”’ and as soon as pos- 
sible after his landing, he called an Assembly, to which he made a wise 
and kindly address. 

‘“¢T believe I may appeal to your Serious Rational Observations,” he 
Fee 28 said, *¢ whether I have not already so allayed your Heats, as 
eee that the distinguishing Titles thereof are 80 much withered 

away; and I hope this Meeting with you will wholly extin- 
guish them, so that a solid Settlement of this hopeful Colony may 
ensue, and by so doing your Posterity will bless God for so Happy a 
Conjunction. . . ... And now you have heard of the Proprietors In- 
tention of sending me hither, I doubt not but the Peoples Intentions 
of Choosing you were much of the same nature ; I advise you there- 
fore, to proceed soberly and mildly in this weighty Concern; and I 
question not but we shall answer you in all things that are reasonable 
and honourable for us to do. And now Friends, I have given you the 
reason of my Coming, I shall give you the Reasons of my calling you 
so soon, which was the consideration of my own Mortality, and that 
such a considerable Trust might not expire useless to you..... I 
hope the consideration hereof will quicken and direct you into a speedy 
conclusion of what the People may reasonably expect from you; and 
I hope the God of Peace will prosper your Counsels herein.” 


1 Archdale. 








1696. ] JOHN ARCHDALE GOVERNOR. STI 


The Assembly replied in a similar conciliatory vein, yet “after this 
fair Blossomin Season to produce Peace and Tranquility to Pee 
the Country, some endeavour’d to sow Seed of Contention, ence Of 
thereby to nip the same; insomuch that they sat six Weeks 
under Civil Broils and Heats,” till at length they “recollected their 
Minds into a cooler Frame of Spirit,” the Governor’s “ Patience being 
a great means to overcome them; so that in the conclusion all Mat- 
ters ended amicably.” ‘“* The Acts of grace you have so seasonably 
condescended unto,” wrote the popular representatives to their new 
ruler at the close of the session, ‘* have removed all former Doubts, 
Jealousies and Dis- 
couragements of us 
the People; and 
hath laid a firm and 
sure Foundation on 
which may be erect- 
ed a most glorious 
Superstructure — to 
the Honour of the 
Lords Proprietors 
and you our Gov- 
ernor ; which we do, 
and forever shall be 
obliged most heart- 
ily to own as the 
Production of the 
Wisdom, Discre- 
tion, Patience and 
Labour of the Hon- 
ourable John Arch- 
dale, Esq.” 

For once it seems 
as if this flourish of Archdale’s Address. 
compliments, to 
which Mr. ‘Jonathan Amery, Speaker,” subscribed on behalf of the 
delegates, was really richly deserved. Forgiveness of arrears of quit- 
rent; careful inquiry into cases of individual grievance; the selection of 
a council from among the citizens most trusted by the people, — these 
were some of the conciliatory measures which had gained for Archdale 
the esteem and attachment of ‘‘ every faction ;” while his energy in 
matters that required a strong hand was no less conspicuous and disin- 
terested. Of the hostile Indians he made warm friends; yet he did 
not, though a Quaker, abate for a moment his attention to the defence 














12 NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. [Cuap. XV. 


03 Xo) 


of the colony ; and the militia was never better trained than during his 
governorship. He exempted those of his own faith from military 
Prosperity Service, provided they could show that they objected to it 
ter ne, irom conviction, and not from cowardice; but, for himself, 
5 he looked carefully to every detail of military matters. 
North Carolina accepted his rule as gladly as the southern settlements. 
One of his daughters married a Pasquotank planter, and the many 


(Quakers at Albemarle seconded his efforts warmly; so that not even 


a hint of sedition or discontent came in his time from this quarter of: 


the colony. Even the Spaniards at St. Augustine gratefully acknowl- 
edged his justice and kindness to some Christian Indians, their pro- 
tegés, who had been captured, and were about to be sold as slaves by 
a Carolina tribe. Everywhere in the province tranquillity and prosper- 
ity were established, when Archdale, having accomplished all his ob- 
jects to the mutual benefit of Proprietors and people, set sail for home 
at the close of 1696. 

He left as his successor, whom he had the right to appoint, Joseph 
dee plalee, the son of the first emigrant of the name, and a man 
Blake Gov- Who resembled his father in ability and merit. During the 
a5 four remaining years of the century he ruled quietly and 
well over the now prospering colony. No dissension worthy of notice 
disturbed his Governorship ; and the chief event that appears on the 
record of his time, is his successful and liberal support of the relig- 
ious interests of Charleston. In 1698, John Cotton, a son of John 
Cotton, of Boston, settled there! with the Governor’s hearty support 
and patronage ; while at the same time, with rare impartiality, for he 
was a dissenter, he procured the passage of an Act giving £150 a 
year, and a house, to the Episcopal clergyman of the town. 


1 Savages’ Genealogy. 


_fita Arid, 


Signature of John Archdale. 








CEA ie Xay 1s 
THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS 


THe First MaAssacHuUsEeTTS CHARTER. — TEMPORIZING POLICY OF THE COLONIAL 
AUTHORITIES. — THE GOVERNMENT AT HOME BAFFLED. — REVOLUTION 1N ENG- 
LAND. — THE Lone PARLIAMENT AND THE NEw ENGLAND PURITANS. — APPEAL 
To CROMWELL. — His ScuHEeMES. — THE R&GICIDES.— CHARLES II. AND THE CHaR- 
TER. — THe RoyaLt CoMMISSIONERS. — NEw Dancers TO MASSACHUSETTS. — ED- 
warp Ranpo.tpu. — THe CuartErR RevokeD.— GOVERNOR ANDROS’S ARBITRARY 
GOVERNMENT. — CONCEALMENT OF THE CONNECTICUT CHARTER. — DEPOSITION AND 





ARREST OF ANDROS. — CouRSE OF Kinc WILLIAM.— A NEW CHARTER. Gov- 
ERNOR Puips. — EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA. — OPPOSITION TO Puips. — His 
RECALL. 


THE political anxieties of Massachusetts, through all the earlier 
years of her colonial life, were not less constant, while they —__ 
were much more reasonable, than the theological dissen- faite dee Mag 
sions which, as we have seen in former chapters, she so took athe 
to heart. Such anxieties seemed, indeed, to the earnest Puritans, of 
importance, mainly because, through the achievement of a certain 
political purpose, there might come the realization of a religious end. 
They aspired to political independence, — so far as a colony could be 
independent, perhaps even further, — that the Commonwealth which 
they planted and nurtured might become a commonwealth in which 
there should be no citizenship, hardly even the right to live, except to 
those who were of their own faith. But that fervid zeal, while it 
failed, in the long run, to limit the rights of conscience and of private 
judgment, established, year by year and step by step, that civil liberty 
to which the world owes so much. 

The original charter of Massachusetts, which had been pared 
from England to Boston, and which was procured with that 4) .icty 
intent,! was an object of continual hostility and of continual (yee 
solicitude. A quo warranto was soon issued whereby the “™ 
colonists were called upon to show upon what authority they held that 
patent. The jealousy of Gorges, and the fear that he might assume 
the governor-generalship over Northern New England, had their root 
in the dread of an interference with chartered rights as well as of the 


1 See vol. i., pp. 524, 525, 526. 


374 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


establishment of the episcopacy from which the colonists had fled. 
They saw with apprehension how carefully they were watched in 
England by the vigilant eyes from which they hoped they had escaped. 
Charles changed his mind, — that it would be good policy to rid his 
kingdom of the Puritans; and then emigration was interfered with. 
Among some passengers who were ordered to disembark after having 
taken ship for New England, were, it is said, — and there is good rea- 
son for believing the story to be true, —the two men whose staying 
at home, if he could have looked into the future, the King had the 
most cause to dread, John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell. 












































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Cape Elizabeth. 


In 1637, the lately appointed commissioners for New England sent 
Ordersof the OU a Copy of a commission to the magistrates of Massachu- 
BA Ponta heh 1 SY ns empowering them to exercise the functions of govern- 
sehen ment only until further orders. This was on the pretext 
that they were governing without authority. To this order the 
magistrates gave no heed; contenting themselves with the plea that 
nothing but a copy of the commission had been served upon them, 
while the original in London had not as yet —as they learned from a 
friend on the spot — received the royal seal. About the same time an 
adroit attempt was made under the commission granted to Gorges to 
schemesof engage the General Court in the government of his eastern 
dia province of New Somersetshire, which extended from Cape 
Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc. To have accepted this charge would 











1638.] THE FIRST MASSACHUSETTS CHARTER. 875 


have been equivalent to the acknowledgment of his prior patent. Win- 
throp merely says in his journal that it “ was observed as a matter of 
no good discretion, but passed in silence.” They knew as well when 
to be silent as when to speak. 

A year later a peremptory demand was made, in accordance with 
the quo warranto, for the surrender of the charter and that 
it be sent at once to England. The General Court replied ane eo 
in September, tempering their evasion of the order with as- deref the 
surances of loyalty. They referred to the royal encourage- aiane 
ments which had attended the early emigrations ; they reminded the 
King of the venture they had made of lives and fortunes in extending 
his dominion in those distant and inhospitable regions; they proposed 
to continue in that obedience to his will which they had always shown ; 
but they did not send back the charter. Again the next year the de- 
mand was renewed, with the assurance that the regulation, not the 
subversion of their liberties, was intended. But their liberties, they 
thought, were safer in their own hands than in the hands of a royal 
commission. ‘The General Court gave to this second summons also 


-their serious consideration. Their conclusion was that as the order 


came this time in a private letter and not by an accredited messenger 
they were under no obligation to send any answer whatever. 

Space and time did them good service. It was a long voyage to 
England and back. again; orders and replies were a long while in 
coming and going; still a longer while passed in waiting for replies 
that never came. The magistrates were kept carefully advised by 
friends in England of the condition of public affairs, and of every step 
taken by their enemies to their prejudice. Explanations were always 
ready ; and if they were not always ingenuous, never was there a time 
when the plea could be more justly urged — that much may be par- 
doned to the spirit of liberty. Meanwhile much might happen of 
which the colony might have the benefit. 

And much did happen. The King’ soon had other affairs on his 
hands of more moment than to bring to immediate obedience 4 grains in 
these self-willed colonists on the other side of the Atlantic. sn 
His subjects nearer home were in insurrection. In 1640, the Scotch 
entered England; the “‘ Short Parliament” was called, to be speedily 
dispersed again when Charles found that redress of grievances must 
precede any vote of money. The Puritans of England hailed the 
promise of a brighter future in the events of this period, and they 
were less anxious to leave the country. Emigration to New England 
fell off; but Massachusetts was consoled with the reflection that 
neglect by the government at home was much more her gain than her 
loss. Increase of population was less desirable than to be let alone. 


376 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [CuHap. XVI, 


All fear of any interference with the charter was allayed when the 
The Long news came of the meeting of the ‘* Long Parliament” in 
Parliament. November, 1640. The Puritans of England in resisting the 
King were taking up arms in the cause of the colony as well as in 
their own. Fifteen months after the meeting of that Parhament the 
House of Commons declared that “the plantations of New England 
have by the blessings of the Almighty had good and prosperous suc- 
cess without any public charge to this State, and one now likely to 
prove very happy for the propagation of the Gospel in these parts very 
beneficial to the kingdom and nation.” For their *“ better advance- 
ment and encouragement,” therefore, it was decreed that all trade 
between Old and New England should be unrestricted by ‘* any cus- 
tom, subsidy, taxation or other duty.”’ Not long after came a letter 


VW 





ren SG) Lo 
Pingo of Cugfands Scotland cece and "and ireland depeder of te favay we 
fova ex Gage famed 0 fed mcm micmory by Gis Gi sand atterd 
Kagne a iven and grannies unto the Connn i efta OUGed at_ 
ngfand in’ America andto oes ucce(Torg and Tignes forever. 
{rom tGe Cquinottiak (vad to forty eight degrees of 42 garde YQortG 
(andes From Seato Sea togetHerallo wus a€ the firme landed 


Muncd of Gould awd Silver ag other Myned and Myneralle precioud 
anthe(ed and prefemunenced Goth a ie Te Drart of tande 




















Fac-simile of the First Lines 


signed by Warwick, Say and Seale, Cromwell, Harding, and other 
leading men, declaring that both houses united in a wish for the pres- 
ence of Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and Mr. Davenport to come over 
with all possible speed, all or any of them, if all cannot.” ‘ You will 
find opportunity enough,” they added “ to draw forth all that healpe- 
fullness that God shall affoard by you. .... Onely the sooner you 
come the bettar.” } 

The invitation was not accepted, perhaps prudently. ‘* Had the 
churches of New England,” says Hutchinson, ‘‘ appeared there by 
their representations, or any of the principal divines appeared as mem- 
bers of the Assembly [at Westminster] greater exception might have 
been taken to their building after a model of their own framing.” 
That model was Congregationalism. The next year, adds the histo- 


1 Hutchinson’s /Zistory of Massachusetts, vol. i. 


1651. ] THE COMMONWEALTH AND THE CHARTER. OTT 


rian, some persons from England ‘* made a muster to set up Presby- 
terian government, under the authority of the assembly at Westmin- 
ster; but a New England assembly the General Court, soon put them 
to rout.” They believed with Milton that, 


“ New Presbyter is but Old Priest writ large.” 


But whether for personal reasons or for public considerations the 
three invited clergymen declined to accede to the wish for gousse of 
their presence and counsel in England, the relations between amen 
the colonists and the revolution were intimate and influen- P°™@- 
tial. Hugh Peters and Thomas Welde went to England at the re- 
quest of Connecticut and Massachusetts ; others followed or preceded 


them ; Sir Henry Vane was already there.? 

















i 5 : : : an th Ss 
A eS AE yy y : 
BO ISK CFO ITN 
to whore therd prefent Gal romd Grectung WOHErCEAG . our noft Seard and 


Datent Ceara Dote at We fBroets e BGird 5 day i ieiaen inthe dghteent§ years of Hid — 
Dlymouth inthe Ge wnts of Devon terite ater m vein Seeing, and governing of ewe - ~ 
Gat Tree! of America aS and Gung wm Gredth from Focty Be teed Of Lroetherly Catitude 
ely Catitude inclufively and in length of and within alk the Oredt§ aforefard throudhout tGe maine 
Sovles Grounded Gavend Portes Rivers ose Tyned and Myneralls of well Poyatt — 
5 Stoned Couanied. ans ede Singuler other omodines drrrons 


Poyaly riviledded 
a AIT 










































of the Massachusetts Charter. 


Nevertheless when in 1651, after the battle of Worcester, the power 
of Parliament had become firmly established, and Charles I. had been 
dethroned and beheaded, a demand was made upon all the colonies 
to recognize its supreme authority. The charter of Massachusetts was 
again threatened. Her magistrates were ordered to transmit aaa 
it to England, and receive in return a new patent. In this’ to the Ghat: 
emergency, instead of denying the right of Parliament to the Com- 
revoke the charter —as might justly have been done on the ep aya 
ground that it was an extemporized body of men expressing a new 
kind of authority not dreamed of in the first days of emigration and 
of the charter — the General Court, declining this dangerous argu- 


1 For a thorough discussion of the influence of the New England Puritans upon affairs 
in England at this period see The Historical Relation of New England to the English Com- 
monwealth, by John Wingate Thornton. 


378 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [CuHap. XVI. 


ment, recurred to its old policy of simply baffling without incensing 
arbitrary power. Instead of the patent, a memorial was sent home ; 
it reviewed the proceedings under the late King and the reasons for 
leaving England when liberty could not exist there; it rejoiced in the 
cause of the people; it renewed the colony’s allegiance to Parliament, 
and prayed that they might not be worse off than when they lived 
under a king. 

A judicious letter which the General Court drew up and sent to 
An appear Cromwell proved more efficacious than the memorial ; for it 
‘o Cromwell. seemed to revive the personal interest of the General in the 
brave old protesting sentiment which once set him, with other repub- 
licans, afloat for America, when perhaps, as the report survives in 
history, Cromwell himself had land in Massachusetts which he meant 
to occupy. Tt was due, no doubt, sassssssesashtneeeseesgaseneseses RAagaes 
to the influence of Cromwell 3§ So 
that the imdependence of Mass- 
achusetts was respected, while 
the other colonies were frequent- 
ly embroiled with Parliament. 

Cromwell’s protection, how- 
Cromwels C Ver, resulted ‘from 
par mixed motives. He 
had a scheme for strengthening 
his government and_ pacifying 
Ireland by removing the whole 
colony thither, and settling it 
upon lands which were to be 
ceded to it. Of course the Gen- 
eral Court was not in the least 
likely to desert its flourishing es- 
tate, and at such cost to remove oo 
so near to the source of possible CSTE ee EST BEES SESE Ee SES Ses er oe ee eeere ges 
oppression. It laid great stress Reduced Fac-simile of the Title-page of Eliot's Bible. 
in its reply upon the prospects of converting and civilizing the Indian, 
Laer ort for at that time John Eliot, Thomas Mayhew, and many 
General devoted associates, were engaged in laboring among the In- 
Eliot and dians, both on the mainland and among the islands as far 
me mes: “ag Nantucket. Though the first Indian church at Natick 
was not founded till 1660, Eliot’s Indian Bible was printed at Cam- 
bridge in 1664. His influence among the Indians was wonderfully 
persuasive, and his civilizing efforts did really promise permanent 
results. He domesticated them and revolutionized their manners, in 
spite of the jealousy and opposition of the native priests. Cromwell 






MAMYUS SE 
WUNNEETUPANATAMWE 


UP-BIBLUM GOD 


NANEESWE 


NUKKONE TESTAMENT 


KAH WONK 


WUSKU TESTAMENT. 


Ne quofhkinnumak oafbpe Wuttinneunoh (HY R/ST 
noh afoowelit 


JOHN ELIOT: 


eCAMBRIDGE: 
Printeumpnafhpe Samuel Green kah Marnzaduke Pobafpr 
16 6 3. 


CECE EEE CE eee Dee ea aca 
Peer oeveaeEs veeR oy eeNeroEereRN rT oyeSereereN Te ryeS 











1660. ] THE REGICIDES. 379 


might well have been interested at this attempt to propagate the 
Gospel in the spirit of his own reading of it. But his ambition, and 
a certain fantastic impulse which ran in his blood, seemed to sway 
him when in 1655, after the conquest of Jamaica, he proposed to 
Massachusetts to remove to that island, and undertake the conversion 
of all neighboring Catholics, with various arguments of interest urging 
them to assist thus in the consolidation of his power. 

It would have been fortunate, probably, for Jamaica could Crom- 
well have had his way, but the genuine Massachusetts would yo jamaica 
have vanished forever.1. The General Court represented the *2e™® 
magnitude of the difficulties of such a step, in a manner so sober and 
yet so devoted to his ; 
service, that Cromwell 
did not take ill their 
refusal, and never 
withdrew his counte- 
nance from his favored 
people. 

It was fortunate 
that no General Court 
could ever be prevailed 
upon to put the colony 
under the protection of 
Parliament. The 
prospect of advantages Regicides' Cave, near New Haven, a supposed Biainatatice of 
which friends in Eng- ee ae 
land urged for this act of virtual submission was no temptation against 
the certain good of holding back from entangling alliances. The 
same advice was renewed after the death of Cromwell, and my. Resi. 
without effect. Then came, in the summer of 1660, a vessel “2°: 
with the two regicides on board, Whalley and Goffe, to announce the 
accession of Charles II. Massachusetts was in no hurry to proclaim 














A pense 5 





i The Englishmen who were successively sent to that island Janguished and died in great 
numbers, yet Cromwell kept a stern determination to hold it at all hazards and make it a 
Protestant colony in the very heart of the “ Spanish Domdaniel.” He wrote te the Goy- 
ernor of Barbadoes instructing him to remove his colony, saying, ‘ We have also sent to 
the colonies of New England like offers with yours, to remove thither, our resolution being 
to people and plant that island.” In another letter to Jamaica: ‘‘ We have sent Commis- 
sioners and instructions into New England, to try what people may be drawn thence.” 
[Carlyle’s Life of Cromwell.| In fact, a large number of colonists were inflamed by Crom- 
well’s ambition “to strive with the Spaniard for the mastery of all those seas.” Notably 
a party from Salem, incited by wilder spirits, were preparing to go, when the General 
Court interposed and quashed the enterprise. Still, it was the persistency of Cromwell in 
sending relays of good and bad, and a thousand Irish girls, to the island, which eventually 
made it a colony. They were led by Venner, a Fifth Monarchy man, that is, one who be- 
lieved that the four great monarchies of the world would be succeeded by a universal one 


380 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [CuHap. XVI. 


its adhesion to the new King: it cordially protected Whalley and 
Goffe, and when the orders for their surrender arrived, with emi- 
nent tact connived at their escapes and various concealments. 

At the next General Court an address was drawn up to be pre- 
The Restor. Sented to Charles II., filled with protestations of loyalty, 
ie allusions to the fact that he had been a fugitive like them- 
selves, and exposures of the heresy of the Quakers as a vindication of 
the treatment they had received. ‘ We distinguish between churches 
and their impurities” they said; therefore would the King protect 
their liberty of worship and civil government? The King was at the 
beginning of his reign in a 
forgiving temper: he re- 
turned a gracious answer, but 
it was balanced by a peremp- 
tory order for the surrender 
of the two regicides.! It was 
no doubt chiefly in conse- 
quence of the protection af- 
forded to them, and of the 
connivance of magistrates at 
their escapes, that the King’s 
mood changed, and he lent 
a readier ear to the enemies 
of the colony. Again came 
alarming rumors over the 
water, —threats of commer- 
; cial restriction, of governor- 

Portrait of Simon Bradstreet. general, and, worse than all, 
the withdrawal of the beloved original charter. 

In May, 1661, Simon Bradstreet, a magistrate, and John Norton, 
Seed ay ch Boston minister, were sent over in obedience to an order 
puracee of the King that the complaints against the colony should 

be met and cleared up. In the meantime the General Court 
recognized the authority of the King, issuing an address to explain 


HI Me 
Kt 


aie 
i 
i \ | | 


i) | |! 





SS 
SS 





with Christ for king. He was a cooper by trade, and indulged in preaching. In London 
his chapel was in Coleman St., where he instigated his followers to a rising against Crom- 
well, April 9, 1657. But instead of the coming of the expected king, there came a troop of 
horse which dispersed the monarchy. Venner was afterwards released, and attempting the 
same thing two years subsequently with Charles IL, was tried and executed. 

1 The discussion of the fate of Col. Whalley has lately been renewed. ‘Thomas Robins, 
of Philadelphia, in a letter to the Historical Society, states that his ancestor of the same 
name married, in 1736, Leah Whalley, a daughter of Elias, youngest son of Col. Edward 
Whalley. The latter found his way from a hiding-place in Connecticut to Virginia, where 
he joined his family who had arrived there from England. Thence he went into Maryland 
and settled upon a remote point of land in the easternmost county, where he lived safely, 
died, and was buried on his farm. The grave is well known. 


. 
ee 


oe eee ee ee 


ee a es 


ee 


1664. ] THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS. 381 


upon what grounds they did it. The original patent was the founda- 
tion of their Commonwealth: it entitled them to form a government 
of freemen ; to conduct their own municipal affairs ; to protect them- 
selves by their own laws, if not repugnant to those of England. 

The deputies departed with instructions to insist upon the loyalty 
of the colony, to explain the causes of false accusations, to watch 
the enemy, and above all, do nothing that might be prejudicial to the 
existence of the charter. Supported by the powerful influence of 
friends’ near the Court, they succeeded in procuring a royal confirma- 
tion of the charter. But the grace was disfigured by distasteful con- 
ditions; every ordinance passed during the interim of the Common- 
wealth should be pronounced invalid; all such as contravened royal 
authority should be repealed ; all persons should take an oath of al- 
legiance ; members of the Church of England should be free to sustain 
public worship according to its usages; all freeholders should have 
the right of suffrage irrespective of religious opinions, and judicial 
proceedings should be conducted in the King’s name. 
| These were demands which might have been expressly premeditated 
to develop colonial resistance. By obeying them the past . 
would have been sacrificed and the future made still more ee 
insecure. The General Court published them according to the General 
royal command, but at the same time postponed obedience er 
«save on the last point, on the ground that they could not be adapted 
to the state of the colony without grave deliberation. A delay of two 
years was thus secured. 

But in 1664 the royal commissioners Carr, Nicolls, Cartwright, and 
Maverick, appeared in Boston, duly accredited to hear com- 
plaints against the administration of the colony and to en- sgninie 
force the modification of the charter. True, the ostensible New Eng- 
object of this commission was the conquest of New Nether- woe 
land ; but the second and not less important purpose was to bring all 
the New England colonies into complete subjection to the King. 

After the capture of New Amsterdam the Commissioners returned 
to New England. Affairs wore to the General Court a most serious 

and threatening aspect — the more threatening that one of the board, 
Maverick, was among the earliest settlers of Boston, and thoroughly 
understood the motives and policy of her magistrates. But the Court 
was quite able to hold its ground. The conflict that followed was 
conducted with no little skill on both sides, the Commissioners, on 
their part, maintaining the prerogatives of the King, while professing 
that there was no intention of trenching upon the liberties of the 
colony ; the colonists, on the other hand, taking their stand upon the 
reserved rights of the charter, with, at the same time, the most ear- 








3882 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


nest protestations of loyalty. In the end the Commissioners were 
baffled in every attempt to force from the General Court an admission 
of their authority ; their acts of assumed jurisdiction were pronounced 
invalid ; the General Court acknowledged allegiance to the King 
under the protection of the charter, and that was all its conscience 
could allow. 
It is noticeable how singularly events seemed to conspire with the 
temporizing policy of the Colony to postpone the designs of 
plague ot its enemies. Not only England’s engagement with Euro- 
London. aoe ° 5 . 
pean politics, but occurrences at home interfered to divert 
the King and council from their attempts upon the charter. In 1666, 
just after the re- 
turn of these Com- 
missioners from 
their fruitless er- 
rand, and the re- 
fusal of Massachu- 
setts to send over 
deputies to meet 
their complaints 
before the King, 
the Great Plague 





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































out, and this ca- 
lamity was speed- 
ily followed by the 


The Cradock House at Medford, built about 1639. Great Fire 
Cc a 




















The General Court took advantage of all England’s critical mo- 
Ai from ents to earn a character for loyalty and obedience. It the 
fen Hoe: motive was merely politic, the result was the same as if it 

had arisen solely from patriotic affection, — to win a de- 
gree of consideration and forbearance from the government at home. 
Thus when England was occupied with the Dutch war of 1664-66, 
Massachusetts assumed the government of Maine and New Hamp- 
shire ; but at the same time she furnished from the Maine forests 
great store of shapely spars, which were sent over to the King; the 


freight alone amounted to over £1,600. The West India fleet was 


completely revictualled at the expense of the colony ; and after the 
Great Fire of London the General Court encouraged the colonies to 
contribute to the utmost extent of their means for the relief of their 
distressed countrymen. 

The colony had never been in so prosperous a condition as in the 
few years immediately following the departure of the Nicolls Com- 


of London broke, 








1671.] THE BOARD OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. 383 


mission. Its jurisdiction over New Hampshire and Maine was, for 
the time being, firmly established. Commerce was active and _profit- 
able, for, notwithstanding the navigation laws, the merchants traded 
where they would, and in what they pleased, without let or hindrance, 
for there was no custom-house or customs officers. It was a condition 
which most excited anxiety in England, for it was difficult to see how 
a people outwardly prosperous, and inwardly determined and rebel- 
hous, could best be dealt with. 

John Evelyn — one of the Board — writing of a meeting of the 

Commissioners of Trade and Plantations in May 1671, says: 
“ But what we most insisted on was to know the condition jhe poardo 
of New England, appearing to be very independent as to Plantations. 
their regard to Old England or his Majesty, rich and strong as they 
now were, there were greate debates in what style to write to them, 
for the condition of that colony was such that they were able to con- 
test with all other plantations about them, and there was feare of 
their breaking from all dependence on this nation. .... Some of 
our council were for sending them a menacing letter, which those who 
better understood the peevish and touchy humor of that colonie, were 
utterly against.” A month later, on the receipt of fresh intelligence, 
there was again long debate upon “the best expedients as to New 
England,” and “at length ’twas concluded that, if any, it should be 
only a conciliating paper at first, or civil letter, till we had better in- 
formation of the present face of things, simce we understood they were 
a people almost upon the very brink of renouncing any dependence 
on the Crowne.” And when in August of the same summer the 
Board resolved to advise the King to send commissioners again to 
Massachusetts, the necessity was debated “ of seacret instructions to 
informe the council of the condition of those colonies, and whether 
they were of such power as to be able to resist his Majesty, and de- 
clare for themselves as independent of the Crowne, which we were 
told, & which of late years made them refractorie.”’ ! 

The Commissioners of Plantations were not unreasonably anxious. 
There was, no doubt, a certain vagueness in the Massachusetts mind as 
to the exact degree of political independence of the mother-country 
which Massachusetts wanted. But on the whole it came perhaps to 
this, that she would be dependent when it suited her and at all other 
times free of control. She would make her own laws, agreeing that 
they should be in accordance with the laws of England; but the 
laws of England should be of no effect and void within her borders ex- 
cept it pleased her to give them her voluntary respect. But as to 
religious matters she was never in doubt. England and her hierarchy 


Action of 


1 Evelyn’s Diary and Correspondence. 


384 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


she had left behind her ; the theocracy she had established with God’s 
help she would maintain against the world. The depth of her relig- 
ious fervor, though it so often made her a bigot, gave her also a ro- 
bust political constitution which would do its own work in good time. 

The question of the charter was suspended only, not dismissed 
during this period. Fortunately for New England the government 
at home permitted it a still longer rest, calling only upon Mas- 
sachusetts to defend her assumption of jurisdiction over New Hamp- 
shire, and leaving her free from the old anxiety while the war with 
Philip gave a serious check to her prosperity. The King determined 
at length upon rigorous measures. The Council of Trade and Plan- 
tations was dissolved and its duties devolved upon a committee of 
the Privy Council which brought the affairs of the colonies more 
under the direct supervision of the King. 

The controversy in regard to New Hampshire had brought to New 
bere England one Edward Randolph, whose part in affairs was 
Randolph. thenceforth, for some years, a conspicuous and important 
one. It was said of him by the peopie that he ‘went up and down 
seeking to devour them.” It was true enough in a sense, for his official 
zeal seems to have been almost a passion. From year to year this 
man went back to England, carrying each time some fresh complaint 
against the colonies and returning always with some additional official 
orders. From the bearer of the King’s letter he became an inspector 
of the customs; from an inspector he rose to the control of all the 
customs-revenue of New England. It was impossible that so zealous 
a servant of the crown should faithfully serve his master in England 
and not become at the same time obnoxious to the colonists. He 
could not fail to see that some ordinances had by long immunity been 
rendered inoperative ; that others, the colonists deliberately set aside 
when found to be inimical to their welfare, or an infringement upon 
their rights. Though overbearing in temper, hesitating at no measure 
however arbitrary, strengthening his resolution and his zeal by yearly 
visits to England, the collector, nevertheless, still found himself 
powerless, in a great measure, to cope with the steady, sagacious, 
as well as stern spirit of independence in which the colony managed 
its affairs. 

Among his accusations against Massachusetts was one of entire 
disregard of the Act of Navigation. The General Court acknowl- 
edged its truth ; but such laws they declared were “an invasion of 
the rights, liberties and properties” of the colonies, ‘ they not being 
represented in parliament’’ — an early protest against the doctrine of 
taxation without representation to be fought out a hundred years 
later. The laws of England, they said, did not reach America, but 








a 


1671. ] THE “PINE TREE” COINAGE. 385 


still as the King had signified that these acts relating to trade should 
be observed in Massachusetts, they would provide for it by an act of 
their own. So Randolph laid his commission as collector before the 
General Court and asked their aid in enforcing the laws; they paid 
no regard to him. He informed the public, by notice posted in the 
town-house, of his appointment and the 
requisitions of the law; the marshal, by 
order of the Court, or some of its members, / 
tore the notice down. He appealed to the | 
Governor; but that magistrate — who was ‘ 
that year Bradstreet, one of the more mod- 
erate party — seems to have given no 
heed to the complaint. Randolph carried his grievance to the King, 
and to the rebuke that followed there was in reply a general denial 
so far as that served the purpose, a general promise of future acqui- 
escence quite as vague, with a decided intimation that these appeals 
from their authority ought not to be listened to by the King. 
Randolph also complained that Massachu- 
setts coined money, which was a mark of sover- 
eignty. It was not the first time that p..acpn's 
the charge had been brought against Comp!nts 


against Mas- 


the colony. In 1652, in the time of sqhusetts.. 
Bagi rcsea three pence, the Commonwealth, a mint had #8 
been established which continued in operation till 1684, issuing silver 
coins of the value of a shilling, sixpence, threepence and two pence.! 
These formed the currency of the country, in large part, remained in 
circulation for nearly a century, and were shipped sometimes as bul- 
lion to England in the course of trade. It is related that when Sir 
Thomas Temple, who had been residing for 
some years in New England, returned to Eng- 
land after the Restoration, he was sent for by 
the King to learn from him something of the 
affairs of Massachusetts. Charles, it is said, 
showed a good deal of irritation against her, 
and among other things declared that her magistrates had encroached 
upon his prerogative by coining money. Temple took some of these 
coins from his pocket and handed them to the King with the assur- 
ance that they had been issued by the colonists for their own use, and 





























Pine Tree Sixpence, 









































Pine Tree Twopence. 


1 Hutchinson, vol. i. See Discussion of the “Pine Tree ” coinage of Massachusetts in 
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., First Series, vol. vii.; Second Series, vol. ii.; Memoir of John Hull; 
Archeologia Americana, vol. iii.; Hist. Mag., vol. iii. ; John Hull was the master of the mint, 
and received a remuneration of one shilling out of every twenty that he coined. John 
Hull’s daughter Hannah married Samuel — afterward Judge — Sewall, and the tradition 
is that at the marriage her dowry was paid in the “ Pine Tree” coin, the bride being bal- 

VOL. Il. 25 


386 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


without any intention of infringing upon the law, of which, he said, 
they knew little. The King inquired what tree was represented upon 
the coin. ‘Sir Thomas, artfully taking hold of that circumstance,” 
says the narrator of the story, ‘informed His Majesty it was the 
Royal Oak. The Massachusetts people, says he, did not dare to put 
your Majesty's name on their coin, and so put the oak which pre- 
served your life. The King was put into a fit of good humor, said 
they were a parcel of honest d—gs, and was disposed to hear favor- 
able things of them.” } 

There is no official authority for calling the tree of this coinage a 
pine tree, though that supposition has given it its popular designa- 
tion. The motive for its issue 
was undoubtedly the public 
convenience and not an inten- 
tion of usurping a sovereign 
right. While the imports of 
the country largely exceeded 
the exports little of the coin 
of the realm would remain in 
the country, and there was 
absolute necessity of some domestic currency to satisfy the wants of 
the people. Wampum was generally resorted to, but its inevitable in- 
flation soon made it valueless. At one time in the early days of Massa- 
chusetts (1634-5) it was decreed, “that muskett bulletts, of a full 
boare, shall pass currantly for a farthing a peice, provided that noe 
man be compelled to take above xijd att a tyme in them.” ? Various 
expedients of paper money were from time to time resorted to, de- 
pending sometimes on public credit, and sometimes on mortgages 
upon real estate. A large amount of the pine tree money was coined 
— how much is not known — which long continued in cireulation, and 
was unquestionably a firm basis, as far as it went, for sound and pros- 
perous trade. 

But these various complaints and complications all tended to the 
inevitable revocation of the charter. In accordance with its temporiz- 
ing and procrastinating policy, the colony had neglected to send dep- 
uties to England to answer the various charges made against it. In 



















































































































































































































































































































































































Pine Tree Shilling. 


anced in one scale against an equal weight of coin in the other. The calculation has 
been made that if the coin used was shillings she weighed one hundred and twenty pounds 
(Troy); if sixpences were used —as has been asserted — her weight was three tons and 
three quarters. The story is spoiled by Judge Sewall’s ledger; wherein he credits his 
father-in-law with £500 as his wife’s dowry paid at different times after the wedding. — 
Memoir of John Hull. 

1 Letters from Andrew Eliot to Thomas Hollis. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Fourth Series, 
vol. iv. 

2 Records of Massachusetts, vol. i. 


— ee e-e 


PP ae? 








1685.] GOVERNOR ANDROS. 387 


1681 there came a peremptory letter from the King that such dep- 
uties should be sent with authority to tender the unqualified sub- 
mission of the colony. Delay was no longer safe, and Joseph Dudley 
and John Richards were sent to England in answer to the summons. 
Dudley belonged to the moderate party, and he went with a disposi- 
tion to compromise ; but he also carried a letter of the Gen-  penaties 
eral Court of a tone so inflexible that the King’s patience jeri '° = 


land. 


gave way. Again a writ was issued against the colony, to {nisuen, 
show by what warrant it held its charter. Judgment was ©": 
pronounced against it in 1684, and an official copy served upon the 
General Court on the 2d of July, 1685. 

Events now moved rapidly against the liberties of Massachusetts. 
Colonel Kirke was appointed Governor of that province together with 
New Plymouth, New Hampshire, and Maine. His commission was con- 
firmed a few months later by James, and he was about to sail for the 
colonies, when, fortunately for them, his services were required to aid 
in the suppression of the insurrection in Scotland under Argyll, and 
in the West of England under Monmouth, which immediately chal- 
lenged James’s succession to the throne. 

Charles II. died in February, 1685, and James was proclaimed in 
Boston the following April, before judgment on the charter had been 
officially announced. By the advice of Randolph the temporary con- 
trol of affairs was given to a provisional commission, at the head of 
which was put Dudley, who had taken care while in England to in- 
gratiate himself with the party inimical to the colony. The General 
Court contented itself with a protest. ‘The subjects,” 2 ali 
they said, ‘are abridged of their liberty as Englishmen, both ee Geral 
in the matter of legislation and in laying of taxes.” They 
urged the Commissioners to consider whether such a commission *“ be 
safe for you or for.us;” but, they added, if the members of the 
Board were satisfied to assume the government, ‘ although we cannot 
give our assent thereto, yet we hope we shall demean ourselves as true 
and loyal subjects to his Majesty, and humbly make our addresses 
unto God, and in due time to our gracious prince, for our relief.” 
Yes; ‘in due time;”’ they knew how to wait. 

The provisional government was short-lived, doing little harm and 
no good, when Sir Edmund Andros arrived in Boston in gyicat of 
December, 1686, with a commission as Governor of all New 4" 
England, — the governor-general that Massachusetts had dreaded, and 
planned against, and been almost ready to fight against for half a cen- 
tury. As Governor of New York Andros had made himself familiar 
with colonial affairs ; the consolidation he was now to rule over he 
had long before advised ; his character, and his faithful adherence to 


388 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


the principles by which the King proposed to govern his kingdom, 
pointed him out as a fit instrument to carry out the royal purposes. 

Andros was a proud and ostentatious man, who regarded his official 
relation to the King more than all things else. He found himself 
among men proud, but not vain-glorious, highly comfortable with this 
world’s goods, and a fund of sanctifying grace. His drinking bouts 
were especially distasteful, for even healths were no longer drunk 
by the Puritans. He was more irritable; they were quietly and 
provokingly tenacious of purpose. At that time New England easily 
supported a population of more 
than 150,000: a dozen years be- 
fore his coming it could furnish 
16,000 fighting men. Fifteen 
merchants were worth £50,000 
each: five hundred persons about 
£3,000 each. The country around 
Boston,.in which town there were 
about fifteen hundred families, 
was thickly settled with these men 
who in the last resort would insist 
upon having their own way, as 
they did. 

The new Governor began his ad- 
ministration by announcing that 
all the laws then in force were to 
be respected, if not found to be 
inconsistent with the laws of Eng- 
land. There was little satisfaction 
in this, for the colonists maintained that it was for them to decide 
New taxes What laws they needed, whether inconsistent with those of 
and laws. England or not. A tax was levied of a penny in the pound 
on all estates real or personal ; of twenty pence a head as poll-tax ; 
of a penny in the pound on all imports; and an excise beside on all 
liquors. The taking away of the charter had abolished the General 
Court, and this taxation was without the consent of the people or 
their representatives. To enforce it the severest measures were re- 
sorted to, for the resistance was everywhere determined. Then the 
obnoxious Randolph was appointed licenser of the press, and other 
officers were brought from New York who soon made themselves quite 
as unpopular as he. 

But these were civil affairs; Andros touched more dangerous 
ground when he issued an order that no marriage could be solemnized 
save by a clergyman of the Church of England. Civil marriages by 





Portrait of Sir Edmund Andros. 





1688. | DESPOTIC GOVERNMENT OF ANDROS. 589 


magistrates had for a long time been common among the people, 
and they clung to the habit. But the Governor ordered that 

: : . ___ Oppressive 
persons to be married should enter into bonds with sureties, acts of an- 
to be forfeited in case any impediment might be after- aed 
ward shown. He had no respect for Puritan principles, and was always 
menacing the Congregational style of worship. He demanded the use 
of the Old South meeting-house during a part of the Lord’s Day for 
celebration of the Episcopal service. The reading of the service for 
the dead at the grave frequently created a disturbance. Then a for- 
mality, repugnant to the people, of swearing by the Book, instead of 
holding up the right hand, was introduced. 

His administration, as it went on, became more and more intolera- 
ble. He levied taxes, not as he at first promised, according to the pre- 
vious rates, but by a rate of his own; but this came in, partly in conse- 
quence of the Indian wars in which he became involved in 1688. All 
the judges, elected from the council, charged high fees. Various 
other arbitrary proceedings served to exasperate the people. Here is 
an example, —he denied the writ of habeas corpus to Rey. John 
Wise, of Ipswich, who had advised his people from the pulpit to re- 
sist his system of taxation without representation. Said Andros, 
‘Did they really think that Joe and Tom may tell the king what 
money he may have?” That is just what Joe and Tom did think, 
even then, — much more thoughtfully afterwards. On another occa- 
sion he said: “ The scabbard of an English Red-Coat shall quickly 
signify as much as the Commission of a Justice of the Peace.” 

Andros preserved the trial by jury, but was accused of using in- 
trigue to pack it for some special trial. But he gave the rudest touch 
to the colonial nerve when he summoned the land-owners to give up 
their titles for examination. When some of them showed their deeds 
from the Indians, signed or marked by them, he threw them aside 
contemptuously. ‘ They are not worth the scratch of a bear’s paw,”’ 
he said. No doubt, from the absence of a strict surveying system, 
and from the loose habits of early squatting, many of the farmers 
could not define their land. But the chief objection with Andros 
was that all the titles held their validity under a charter which no 
longer existed. This excited the bitterest reflections. Andros offered 
to renew titles if the proprietors would acknowledge their invalidity, 
and pay a quit-rent. Those who refused these conditions were threat- 
ened with writs of intrusion, which occasionally were issued. 

Despotic as the rule of the new Governor seemed, he was only car- 
rying out the will of his master. He thoroughly and honestly be- 
lieved, no doubt, that both in civil and religious affairs such govern- 
ment was righteous and wise. Conceding his honesty, he is not to be 


390 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


blamed for his energy, for he only discharged with vigor the duty that 
devolved upon him. Out of the struggle between a royal despotism 
and a Puritan oligarchy came, in due season, the government of the 
people. 

Andros was as firm and unyielding elsewhere as he was in the 
ee colony of Massachusetts Bay. Thomas Hinckley, the Goy- 
eabeeg cy LEW of New Plymouth complained with good reason that 
other colo- his people were compelled to pay taxes more burdensome 

than they had ever known before. Rhode Island willingly 


a 
accepted a change which promised to end her struggle with her Puri- 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of the Harbor of Castine. 


tan neighbors. In New Hampshire the new Governor established 
his authority with little difficulty: in Maine, he had, or thought he 
had more to fear from the interference of the French than any unwil- 
lingness on the part of the English to submit to his rule. At the 
mouth of the Penobscot, the Baron Vincent de Saint Castin had 
established himself as the lieutenant of the French governor of Aca- 
dia; had encroached upon the territory of the Duke of York; had 
won the favor of the Indians by adopting their habits, and taking 
several of their women as his wives, and had gained so much influ- 
ence over them as to be made one of their chiefs. When the con- 
dition of affairs in Massachusetts permitted, Andros made a visit to 
New Hampshire and Maine, and an important part of his errand was 
to bring Castin to submission. The baron did not wait for an inter- 





1687.] THE CONNECTICUT CHARTER. 391 


view, but fled with all his retainers. Andros entered his house, or 
fort, took possession of the arms, ammunition, and some other prop- 
erty; but left the little popish chapel and its furniture untouched. 
The plunder, he sent word to Castin, should be restored on his sub- 
mission to the English King. The only result was the exasperation 
of Castin’s friends, the Indians, which in due time had its results. 
Connecticut, like Massachusetts, was deprived by a quo warranto 
of its Charter, in spite of its protests and its prayers. In October, 
1687, Andros appeared in Hartford at the head of a troop of soldiers, 
while the General Court was in session. He demanded the surrender 


















































Securing the Charter. 


of the charter, declaring that the government under it had come to 
an end. He seems, nevertheless, to have permitted the subject to be 
debated, Governor Treat defending their right to the charter, recount- 
ing the hardships the early settlers had suffered in making a home in 
the wilderness, and asserting that they had had no sufficient hearing 
in England! The arguments were not new, and not likely to influ- 
ence Andros, however courteously he may have listened to them. 
The charter, meanwhile, lay with its box upon the table. 

The debate continued till evening, and candles were lighted. An 
excited crowd had collected in and about the building. Discussion 


Trumbull’s History of Connecticut. 


392 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


eame to an end, and Andros ordered the charter to be returned to its 
box and delivered to him. Suddenly the lights were put out. Nat- 
urally there must have been some confusion and some delay 
in relighting the candles. When this was at length done, 
the charter was not to be found. It had disappeared in the 
darkness. The instrument, at least, was safe, and the royal Governor 
so far baffled. Other resistance, however, was useless, even if any 


Conceal- 
ment of the 
Connecticut 
Charter. 


was thought of, for Andros had at his back sixty obedient soldiers. 
The General Court submitted, for they could do no otherwise. Enter- 
ing upon their records a minute of the meeting, they wrote at the end 

























































































The Charter Oak. 


the significant word ‘* Frnts.”. The crowd dispersed, sorrowfully no 
doubt, but quietly. The beloved parchment was safe in a hollow oak 
on the grounds of Samuel Wallys, one of the magistrates, where it 
had been put by a Captain Wardsworth of Hartford, and where it 
long remained. 

Connecticut was now only a part of the royal province of New 
England. A few months later Andros received a commission as gov- 
ernor, also, of New York and New Jersey. 

When the rumor came creeping up in April, 1689, from Virginia, 
ae of the landing of the Prince of Orange in England the pre- 
English, vious November, the inhabitants of Boston could hardly 
ee” F431 to look upon it as a providential interposition. The 
young man who brought the news — John Winslow — was impris- 


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THE DEPOSITION OF GOVERNOR ANDROS. 








1689. ] GOVERNOR ANDROS DEPOSED. 593 


oned, and Andros issued a proclamation against the Prince’s cause. 
But the people could not be restrained by that, nor by the hesitating 
policy of some of their own leading men. The reports and sus- 
picions which usually spring up in such critical moments, filled the 
air of Boston, and needed no electric wire to thrill the adjacent towns. 
Was there a plot for a massacre of the people by the Governor’s 
Guards? Was the town to be fired at one end by traitors on shore, 
while Captain George from the /tose frigate set it on fire at the other 
end by bombardment ? 

The popular excitement was soon beyond control. The North End 
heard that the South End was in arms ; at the South End came swift 
rumors that the North End was up and on the march. The tar-barrels 
blazed up on Beacon Hill. From the country round about the people 
came raging into Boston by land and by water on the 18th of April. 
Drums beat through the town; where the signals had blazed on 
Beacon Hill by night, a flag was raised by day. Up King, now State, 
Street marched a company of Boston soldiery under Captain Hill, 
escorting a number of the former magistrates, whom the crisis had 
called together at noon. These gentlemen appeared on the balcony 
of the Town House overlooking King Street, and to the expectant 
and excited crowd below was read a ‘* Declaration of the Gentlemen, 
Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston and the Country adjacent.” 
It rehearsed the oppressive acts of Andros’s administration; the ille- 
gal appoimtment of the Dudley Commission; the wrongiu! cat 
suppression of the charter ; it hailed the accession of the meee 
Prince of Orange to the throne, and justified the arrest ceca 
and imprisonment of ‘those few ill men which have been (next to 
our sins) the grand authors of all our miseries.” Cotton Mather is 
supposed to have been the author of this address. - 

Some of the most obnoxious of the citizens, official and otherwise, 
had already been arrested. Captain George of the frigate Rose was 
met on the street and arrested. A boat was sent by his lieutenant to 
rescue Andros, who was in the fort on Fort Hill, but was captured by 
the soldiers. Finding escape impossible, he went to the Town House 
with others, and was put under guard in a private house, ta be re- 
moved a day or two later to the fort. Several members of the coun- 
cil were arrested with him. Randolph was thrown into the common 
jail. Dudley, who was absent on his judicial duties — he had been 
made Chief Justice —was arrested a few days later. The next day 
the fort was surrendered. The Rose, it was agreed, should strike her 
topmasts and send her sails ashore, and so lie helpless in the stream 
under the guns of the fort. The revolution was complete and with- 
out the shedding of a drop of blood. <A provisional government was 


. 


394 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuapr. XVI.. 


organized under the name of a ‘Council for the Safety of the Peo- 
The Counei) Ple and Conservation of the Peace.” The venerable Simon 
of Satety. Bradstreet, now eighty-seven years of age, was appointed 
president, and a number of the old assistants were called to his aid 
as a counell. 

Twice Andros escaped from confinement; the first time by dis- 
guising himself in the clothes of a woman. He passed two of the 
guards in safety, but his shoes betrayed him to the third, and he was 














Governor Andros’s Attempt at Escape. 


taken back to the fort. The second attempt was more successful. 
His servant plied the sentinel with liquor and took his master’s place. 
On the 5th of August he was recognized in Newport, arrested the 
same day, and returned to Boston.! 

The overthrow of the Andros government was as complete in the 
other colonies as in Massachusetts. Rhode Island remained without 
a governor; but Connecticut at once restored her old magistrates. 


! For a complete history of the Andros administration, see The Andros Tracts, in Pub- 
lications of the Prince Society. 





1689. | COURSE OF KING WILLIAM. 395: 


The revolution in New York, with its tragic consequence, requires a 
chapter by itself. Andros was at length sent back to England, but 
his career in America did not debar him from further favors, and he 
subsequently returned to the country as Governor of Virginia. 

Representatives of the people from fifty-four towns of Massachu- 
setts assembled after the fall of Andros, and though the feeling was 
strong that the ancient charter might be resumed, it was decided to 
suspend all action under it until it was restored. On May 26, the 
news arrived that the new King had been invested with the crown, 
and on the 29th, William and Mary were proclaimed in Boston. 

For once the colonists had been deceived in their expectations. 
They relied confidently upon that clause in the Prince’s . 
Declaration to the people of England, that he came in order policy of the 
that ‘all magistrates who have been unjustly turned out, a 
shall forthwith reassume their former Imployments, and the English 
corporations return to their ancient prescriptions and charters.” For 
James II., in order to neutralize the Whig and Dissenting interest, im- 
itated the action of Charles I. after the Rye-House Plot, deprived more 
than a hundred boroughs of their charters, and put Tory magistrates 
in the places of incumbents. New charters had been granted which 
reserved a power to the King of dismissing magistrates. Under the 
new Charter of London more than eight hundred prominent citizens 
had been turned out of office at one stroke. 

But William’s ministers explained that the English charters had 
been taken away for different cause from those of the colonies; on 
the new political grounds they might be restored. ‘The colonial char- 
ters had violated the Navigation Acts, and threatened the interests of 
English trade and manufactures, The King and his advisers, — Lord 
Halifax alone strenuously urging the return of the original charter, — 
though not disposed to imitate the ruinous policy of the late reign, 
were unwilling to let the opportunity slip for putting some restraint 
upon colonial independence, and maintaining a foothold here for the 
royal authority. Therefore the Massachusetts deputies could only gain 
permission to use the old charter until a new one could be framed. 

To make this proceeding more palatable to the colonists, the 
designation of a governor, who would be acceptable to the 
people, was left to the agents of the colony. One of these was nenbot Sie 
Increase Mather, the President of Harvard College, who Phips ad 
had been sent to England when the affairs of the colony where 
were considered in the most critical condition. He had not suc- 
ceeded either in saving the old charter or in procuring a new one 
which would satisfy the people; but his influence was sufficient to 
secure the appointment, as governor, of Sir William Phips, who was 
then in London. 


396 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


Phips was a native New Englander, a- successful adventurer who 
had made a large fortune for himself and others, had achieved some 
success, as well as met with scme disaster, in military expeditions in 
Nova Scotia and Canada, and 
whose popularity at home was 
sure to make him acceptable as 
the chief magistrate. Mather’s 
confidence in him was, perhaps, 
all the greater that he knew him 
to be a member of his son Cottom 
Mather’s church. ‘The Governor 
was not likely to be in want of 
plenty of counsel, and the elder 
Mather, no doubt, thought it 
would be as good as it was sure 
to be plentiful. 

Phips arrived in Boston with 

Portrait of Increase Mather. the new charter in May, 1692. 
By this instrument a new Province was created including Massachu- 
Thenew Setts, Plymouth, Maine, and Nova Scotia. New Hampshire 
Charter. ‘begged hard to be included, but the inheritors of the Mason 
claim had interest enough to prevent it.1. The Governor, Deputy, 
Secretary, and Admiralty officers were to be appointed by the crown. 
A General Court, or House of Assembly, was provided by election of 
two persons from each town, to frame laws which were to be subject 
to the royal approval. Under its common seal, in the King’s name, 
judges, justices, sheriffs, and civil officers could be appointed ; mili- 
tary officers could only be appointed by the Governor; the danger- 
ous power was also conferred upon him of annulling the appoint- 
ment of other officers. Citizenship was no longer to be restricted to 
church-members, liberty of worship was free to all but Cathohes. All 
laws were to be transmitted to England, and if not approved within 
three years were to be void. This prerogative which the King re- 
served, of rejecting any laws and acts of the Province, was the sharp 
point of the new charter; but the General Court felt constrained to 
adopt it, and it remained substantially in force, with but few and 
sheht amendments, till the American Revolution. The first law 
which the King rejected was one passed by the Assembly exempting 
the colonists from all taxes except those which were imposed by their 
own representatives. 





1 Edward Randolph, the obnoxious Collector, married Jane Gibbon, whose brother Rich- 
ard married Anne Tufton, sister of Robert Mason (Tufton), and grand-daughter of the old 
proprietor, Captain John Mason. All his colonial interests waited upon the success of the 
family claim to lands in New Hampshire. 


1692.] SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 597 


Phips as a governor was not successful ; as a picturesque figure in 
the history of Massachusetts he is distinguished. He was at 
this time only forty-two years of age, having been born at Wahu 
Woolwich, on the Kennebec, in Maine, in 1650. His father 7™?* 
and mother were the parents of twenty-six children, twenty-one of 
whom were boys. Till he was eighteen years old William’s occupation 
was that of tending sheep, and in after life he took pleasure — as most 
men do in such early associations — in pointing out the fields where 
he had followed his flocks. Afterwards he passed four years in a 
ship-yard and be- 
came a skilful ship- 
carpenter. He went 
@ IOs emesis 
country boys of New 
England have done 
ever since, — to seek 
Hismitortune: tle 
found it before the 
year was out in 
learning to read and 
write, and in marry- 
ing a sensible and 
good woman. She 
was a widow, some 
years older than 
himself, and_ pos- 
sessed of some for- 
tune. Her money 
gave him a fresh 
start in his career, 
and her good sense 
as well as his ener- 
gy and courage, 
no doubt; made a most important element of his future success. 

The young man built himself a vessel and engaged in,,commerce. 
But he wanted a quicker turn of fortune than carrying lumber would 
bring him. He determined to do what so many have tried and so 
few have succeeded in — to recover treasures lost in a wrecked ship. 
Somewhere at the bottom of the sea in the West Indies there were 
such treasures in bullion, plate, and coin in sunken Spanish vessels, if 
one could but find them. One such vessel he found, but the return 
was small. But he heard of another, and he only wanted, he be- 
lieved, sufficient means to certainly recover her. 





































































































































































































































































































Phips raising the Spanish Treasure, 


398 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI. 


He went to England, and so succeeded in arousing the Iing’s in- 
terest in his proposed adventure that a man-of-war, well appointed, 
was given him. He was gone on his first voyage two years, and 
came back without any treasure, but the certain knowledge, he 
thought, of the exact spot where it could be found. But he also 
brought back a high reputation as a naval commander, for he had 
shown great skill and courage in quelling a formidable mutiny among 
his men. 

That he should have been able to induce a company to second him 
in another attempt is an evidence of the irrepressible energy of the 
man. And this time he succeeded. The sunken Spanish ship was 
found and she was filled with treasure. 

About £500,000 were recovered in bullion, com and plate. Phips’s 
share of this was £16,000 and a gold cup of the value of £1,000, 
which was given to his wife by the Duke of Albemarle, the patron 
of the expedition. But he was otherwise rewarded, for the King 
knighted him, and the young man who a few years before was hewing 
ship-timber in a Boston ship-yard, and learning at odd times to read 
and write, was wealthy and famous. 

He returned to New England in 1688, with the appointment of 
sheriff, the duties of which office, however, he found it impossible to 
discharge under Andros. Two years later — both Andros and _ his 
master having been meanwhile disposed of, and war having broke out 
between France and England — Phips was appointed. by Governor 
Bradstreet to lead an expedition against Port Royal. In this he was 
suceessful, The fort was destroyed, the town plundered, the French 
governor and others taken prisoners and carried to Boston. On his 
return Sir William landed at various points along the coast, and the 
whole of Acadia was reduced to Englsh rule. 

Soon after his return from this successful expedition, a larger and 

more important one was undertaken, for the reduction of 
Saran Canada, which had been planned and decided upon at a 
“inal as Congress of the colonies which met at New York at the call 
poe of Governor Leisler. A land-force of New York and Con- 
necticut troops, under John Winthrop and Robert Livingston, were 
to invade Canada and threaten Montreal, while a naval expedition 
under Phips, with Major Walley of Plymouth as commander of the 
troops on board, was to take Quebec. The fleet, which sailed in 
August, 1690, consisted of thirty-two vessels and carried two thousand 
and two hundred men. 

The expedition from New York met with nothing but disaster. 
Disputes before starting between New York and Connecticut in rela- 
tion to commanders caused delay and neglect of measures essential to 


: 


1692. | SIR WILLIAM PHIPS GOVERNOR. 399 


success. When the troops reached the lakes no boats had been pro- 
vided for their transportation. A march through the wilderness 
seemed impossible, and the army turned back. Phips meanwhile had 
sailed leisurely along the coast and up the St. Lawrence, so leisurely 
that Frontenac had time to hear of his coming and to move down from 
Montreal to Quebee and to prepare for defence. When at length the 
fleet reached the fortress, the attack was so clumsily conducted — 


owing partly to Phips’s inexperience in military affairs, and partly to 


Walley’s cowardice and inefficiency — that repulse was inevitable. 
Men were landed at the wrong time and in wrong places ; ammunition 
was wasted in useless bombardments of works on which no impression 
could be made; useless exposure brought on fatal sickness; cold 
weather set in and caused a good deal of suffering. A second attempt, 
in which it was hoped some of these blunders might be corrected, was 
prevented by a storm which dispersed the fleet. The ships found 
their way back to Boston as best they could; several were so long at 


sea that they were given up for lost; one was never again heard of ; 


another was burnt at sea, and a third was wrecked, though the crew 
was saved. No booty was brought away to help pay the cost of the 
expedition, which was large enough to impair seriously the finances 
of the colony ; some of the artillery was left behind in the hands of 
the French, and the loss of life -—though Phips denied this — was said 
to have been two hundred men. 

To meet the exhaustion of the colonial exchequer, caused by this 
unfortunate expedition, a resort was had to an issue of paper money. 


‘The soldiers were paid off in a currency which soon fell to a discount 


of about thirty-three per cent. It is greatly to Phips’s credit, that 
feeling himself in a large measure responsible for this public disaster, 
he redeemed with his own money the depreciated bills which his sol- 
diers had been compelled to accept. 

Owing probably in part to this generous act, the credit and popu- 
larity of Sir William were little impaired by his military failure. In 
1691 he again went to England to interest the King in fresh projects 
for destroying the French power in Canada, in bringing to an end the 
Indian raids under French guidance upon the eastern settlements, 
and to aid the agents in London in obtaining, if possible, the restora- 
tion of the old Charter. He returned with a new Charter and as Goy- 
ernor, as we have already said, in May, the next year. 

The stubborn friends of the old Charter soon organized themselves 
into a party in watchful opposition to Governor Phips. It opposition 
was, no doubt, a factious opposition, so far as there could be ‘?™?* 
any real expectation of restoring the old rule of Puritanic government. 


But Phips was not a man of much wisdom, of much dignity of char- 


400 THE POLITICAL POLICY OF THE PURITANS. [Cuap. XVI.. 


acter, nor of that experience in political affairs which sometimes suffices 
in the absence of higher qualities. He made an expedition to Maine 
against the Indians, which had no brilliant result, while the fort he 
ordered to be built at Pemaquid was costly, of little use, and gave 
rise to bitter complaints of the taxation it involved. He was some- 
times indolently or ignorantly good-natured, leaving the General Court. 
to follow the bent of its own inclinations without check; and he was 
sometimes so choleric in temper as to assert what he conceived to be 
his official privileges, in a way better fitted to the deck of a ship and 
a disorderly crew than the peaceful citizens of a quiet city. For ex- 
ample, he disputed the authority of the Collector sent from England ; 
and when that officer declined to obey the Governor’s order for the 
release of a ship and cargo, Sir William went down to the wharf, fell 
upon the Collector and gave him a beating. He had a dispute with 
a Captain Short, of a British frigate, and on meeting him in the street, 
upbraided and abused him and finally fell upon him and * broke his 
head with a cane.” 

One incident of his administration, however, had political import- 
ance. It was common in the country towns of Massachusetts to choose 
their representatives to the General Court from among the citizens of 
Boston. The inevitable result was a preponderating influence which 
usually enabled a few men in Boston to manage affairs to suit them- 
selves. Phips was popular in the country, where probably little was 
known of his overbearing temper and his ignorance of affairs of state. 
In 1694, a movement for his removal had gathered so much strength 
that his friends in the General Court proposed an address to the King 
against it. The motion was carried, but it was only by a vote of 
twenty-six to twenty-four, and in the minority were all the members 
chosen from Boston. <A law was immediately enacted requiring that 
no town should be represented in the General Court by a non-resident. 

But Phips’s enemies at length prevailed, and he was ordered to 
England to answer the charges made against him. He went in 1694, 
and about a year after died of malignant fever in London. 












































Box in which the Connecticut Charter was kept. 


os 








































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Mount Hope. 


EAP Uae Ele 
PHILIP’S WAR. 


OUTBREAK OF PuiLire’s War. —Its Catses. — PHILIP’S EARLIER RELATIONS WITH 
THE ENGLISH. — INDIAN ATTACKS AT SWANSEA, TAUNTON, AND ELSEWHERE. — 
WILLIAM BriacksTONE. — THE FIeGnts aT BROOKFIELD AND HADLEY. — THE AmM- 
BUSH AT BLoopy Broox.— EXPEDITION INTO THE NARRAGANSETT COUNTRY. — 
THE SURPRISE AT TURNER’S FALLS: — PHILIP ATTACKED AND KILLED NEAR 
Mount Hope. 


THE conduct of affairs in Massachusetts devolved, when Phips 
went to England, upon William Stoughton, the Lieutenant- _ 

C ate ie ° Lieutenant- 
governor. ‘The Indian hostilities, which, as the next chap- governor 
ter will relate, had broken out again in the eastern prov- 
inces, soon gave him sufficient occupation, and he was wanting 
neither in energy nor ability to meet the exigency. But he is better 
remembered as a benefactor of Harvard College, where a hall still 
makes his name familiar to each successive generation; less pleas- 
antly remembered as one of Andros’s judges in the Ipswich and other 
trials, where the people resisted the despotic Governor ; while as the 
Chief Justice of the province in the witchcraft persecution, which 
marked the period of Phips’s administration, the distinction he 
achieved was that of a cruel magistrate in whom superstition over- 
came all sense of justice. 

Before, however, that gloomy page in the history of Massachusetts 
is turned, it is necessary to revert to a previous bitter experience — 


the last great war in New England with the Indians, an. account 
VOL. Il. 26 


402 PHILIE’S WAR. (Cuapr. XVII 


of which, in chronological order, would have interrupted the con- 
secutive narrative of events relating to the charters. 

The origin of this war, which broke out in 1675 and lasted for two 
outbreak of Jeers WAS; of course, in that hidden but inextinguishable 
Philip's hatred which the red man felt for the white intruder,— a 
ar hatred that might, at any moment, be lit by a single spark 
and blaze up at once into a mighty flame. Philip, the chief of the 
Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, who was at the head of this decisive 
struggle, did not, perhaps, premeditate a war until the temper of his 
tribe made it inevitable; even when his intentions were suspected, 
there was no wish, perhaps, for a conflict with the Indians, on the 
part of the colonists, but rather a dread of it, while the memory of 
the fate of the Pequots, it was hoped, would deter the savages from 
so desperate a measure. But there came the inexorable point of time 
and circumstance where race and interest, civilization and savage 
freedom, clashed, and forced the bloody conclusion. 

If it were easier to disentangle the web of Indian politics in New 
England through the last two thirds of the seventeenth century — 
from the settlement of New Plymouth to the time when the native 
tribes were subdued or annihilated, —it would be possible, perhaps, 
to trace events to their immediate causes, to understand that sudden 
outbreak of relentless hate which blazed through the provinces from 
Narragansett Bay to the extreme northern and eastern borders. But 
Causes of this we know, —the very presence of the whites was a prov- 
me coniliet- oeation ; instinct alone soon taught the savages that civili- 
zation must crowd them out of lands which were useless except they 
remained a wilderness. Purchase, so far as they understood what 
purchase meant, was no equivalent for the loss of the hunting-grounds 
from which they mainly drew the means of existence; practically an 
exchange of a cart-load or two of clothing and trinkets, a few guns 
and a little ammunition, for hundreds of square miles, was as much 
an infringement of the Indians’ right to the soil as it was for the 
whites to take possession of the lands by violence. Purchase meant 
to the Indian, in the first place, only toleration of a jomt occupancy : 
but when in the course of time it was plain that joint occupancy was 
impossible, — that to the whites there came absolute possession, to 
themselves absolute expulsion, —then the purchase, which they had 
misunderstood, was as much a robbery as if no price had been paid. 
Herein was the bitter root of deadly hostility. 

Other provocations there were, known and unknown. Personal 
wrongs and outrages were committed on one side and the other, im- 
possible to be avoided in frontier settlements, however peaceful in 
theory and even in practice may have been the policy of the state. 


1675. CAUSES OF THE WAR. 405 


Chiefs and tribes became involved in controversies and in the conflict 
of interests between different colonies. The Indian balance of power 
would sometimes be thrown in on one side or the other as a prepon- 
derating influence; the Indian himself would make use of an alliance 
with the whites to feed fat some ancient grudge against a rival tribe. 
So Uncas avenged himself in the death of Miantonomo when Massa- 
chusetts involved them in her quarrel with Gorton and his people. 
So Pumham and Sacononoco were used by the magistrates of Boston 
to give them a pretext for jurisdiction over the heretics of Shawomet. 















































Grave of Uncas. 


It is impossible now to separate and trace all these personal wrongs, 
these political expedients, these jealousies of tribes, intensified 
: Personal 
always by hatred of race, which led, at length, to the war grievances 
5 51°12 : = A Mheeot geil 
under Philip. If the outbreak seemed sudden and inexpli- and his 
; \ allies. 
cable, it was only because the real causes were sometimes 
remote and often unseen. Who could tell what influence may have 
been exercised over the mind of Philip by the memory of a feud be- 
tween his father and Pumham, when Pumham was a tool in the 
hands of the Masssachusetts Puritans? What was the measure ol 
all the outrages which Uneas for years inflicted upon other Indians, 
under the protection of his close alliance with the English? Philp 
had no stronger ally than Nanuntenoo, and he was hardly less 


404 PHILIP'S WAR. | [Cuap. XVII. 


dreaded than Philip himself. Could this chief of the Narragansetts 
forget that he was the son of Miantonomo? In 1661, Philip’s elder 
brother, Alexander, was taken and compelled to go as a prisoner to 
Plymouth on suspicion of hostile designs, in conjunction with the 
Narragansetts, against the English. ‘This accusation may have been, 
or may not have been, true; the proof was not forthcoming. On the 
way the chief was taken suddenly ill and in a few hours was dead, — 
died, his captors said, of a fever, into which he was thrown by rage 
and mortification. His young wife was the squaw sachem Weetamoo, 
whose camp or fort was on the Pocasset shore, now Tiverton. She 
believed the English had poisoned her husband. Were her suspicions 
forgotten when, fourteen years later, she joined with Philip? She 
brought to the king three hundred warriors. One year later, but 
twenty-six were left, when all were surprised and taken prisoners on 
the banks of the Mattapoisett, she alone evading capture. She was 
drowned in attempting to swim the river, and when, soon after, her 
poor naked body was found washed up upon the bank, the head was 
cut off and set up in Taunton. When the prisoners, the feeble rem- 
nant of her late followers, saw this sight, ‘“‘ they made,” says Mather, 
‘‘a most horid and diabolical lamentation, crying out that it was 
their queen’s head.” + ‘The spirit that prompted the act, and this 
contemptuous comment, were not the growth of a single year. 
Massasoit, the sachem of the Wampanoags or Pokanokets, the 
‘a early and steadfast friend of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, 
iano wit lived till 1660. Three or four years before his death, he 
the English: took two of his sons, Mooanam, known also as Wamsutta, 
and Metacomet, also called Pometacom, to Plymouth, and asked 
that both should receive English names. ‘henceforth the first was 
known as Alexander, and the second as Philip. How Alexander 
came to his death, soon after he succeeded his father as sachem, we 
have just related.. From that time Philip was the head of the tribe. 
Philip was watched, as his brother had been, with anxiety and 
suspicion. In the intervening years, before war actually broke out, 
there were on both sides provocations enough to keep up the angry 
irritation of the old wounds, which were never closed, however hid- 
den. In 1671, some strolling Indians murdered a white meu near 
Dedham in Massachusetts. The connivance, if not the mstigation 
of Philip, was suspected; but an Indian, the son of a Nipmuck 
sachem, was tried and executed. Boston called upon Philip to ex- 
plain his position, and to allay if he could the jealousy which was 
created by the rumor that he was preparing arms of all kinds, and 
collecting ammunition. Taunton Green was designated as the place 
1 Increase Mather’s Brief History of Philip’s War. Drake’s Book of the Indians. 





1675. ] PHILIP PREPARES FOR WAR. 405 


for an interview. His party approached in war-paint and_ fully 
armed; but, perceiving that the Boston party was large and also 
armed, they paused on the ridge of a hill. The English hesitated to 
go further, and insisted that Philip should advance to the appointed 
spot. They could only overcome the distrust of the natives by leav- 
ing hostages with them during the interview, which, it was py. conter- 
mutually agreed, should take place in the meeting-house. (ey inns 
One half of the sanctuary was filled by the painted war- ** unten. 
riors, with feathered crests and beaded trappings, — sombre, silent, 
wary. On the other side was the counter- 
foil of Englishmen in broad hats, muskets 
slung in bandoliers, cuirasses, and long ra- 
piers, —- a picture from the age of Crom- 
well. Never before or since did the plain 
roof of a New England meeting-house 
cover a contrast so highly colored im cos- 
tume and idea. In those pews, Boston 
compelled Philip to promise to deliver up 
all the English arms in the possession of 
his tribe. Slowly and reluctantly they 
came in afterward, and the compulsion 
rankled sorely. To the feeling of the na- 
tives it seemed an aggression which they 
were always trying to match in various petty ways. It was clear 
to Philip, in 1674, that he must begin to look around for allies. 

There was an Indian of the name of Wussausmon, who was one 
of Eliot’s disciples. His name was pronounced Sausamon ane 
by the Enghsh. John Sausamon went freely to and fro eg 
among the Indians, and was even trusted by Philip. John ee 
observed the inevitable drift of the native feeling, and warned the 
Plymouth men. for this, it was supposed, he was murdered in the 
winter of 1675, near Middleborough Pond, and his body thrust into 
a hole in the ice. His trappings were left lying near the edge, and 
conveyed at first the impression that he had fallen through. But 
when the body was recovered, marks of violence were found upon it. 
Three Indians were caught, tried by a jury of six white men and six 
Indians, and executed for this deed. Apparently there was some rea- 
son for doubting that there had been any murder, or, if there had been, 
that the real murderers had been discovered. ‘** Many wish,” wrote 
Roger Williams, “that Plymouth had left the Indjans alone, at least 
not to put to death the 3 Indjans vpon one Indjan’s testimony.” 
Whether Philip meditated war or not, the anger of the Indians could 
have hardly failed now to push him into one. 














iipaaises 



































Philip’s Chair. 


406 PHILIP’S WAR. (Cuapr. XVII. 


Accordingly, on June 24, 1675, —a day that had been appointed for 
Theattack  a&fast that the horrors of war might be averted, — the unsus- 
at Swansea. “neeting people of Swansea, who were just going home from 
the meeting, were attacked. One man was killed, and others wounded ; 
the two men who were despatched for a surgeon were killed. Six 
other men near the garrison were killed and horribly mutilated. 
Some barns and houses were burned. 

At this time the New England villages were scattered over a large 
area. Emigrants had gone from Connecticut as far as Deer- 
menwat-- field; the remotest western settlement was Westfield. Ha- 
i as verlill was on the frontier; Laneaster and Brookfield were 
isolated settlements. Leverett was governor of Massachusetts, Wins- 
low of Plym- 
auth. Jéhm 
Winthrop of 
Connecticut 
and New Ha- 
ven. At first 
the war was 
confined to the 
Plymouth Col- 
ony. At Mid- 
dleborough, 
Taunton, Dart- 
mouth, Reho- 
both, and else- 
where much 
property was 
destroyed and 
many were 
killed. Reho- 
both was most 
7 unfortunate, 
for its houses, barns, and mills were all burnt. Its vicinity to Mount 
Hope, the home of Philip, may have made it peculiarly the object 
of hostility, for five times in the course of the war its homes were 
made desolate. Rhode Island, though not approving the war, was 
nevertheless involved in the general calamity. Houses were burned 
and several persons killed at Pocasset—now Tiverton —in July; 
a few days before eighteen houses were destroyed in Providence. It 
yibis was probably then that the savages laid waste the place of 
Blackstone. William Blackstone, on the banks of the Seekonk, a few 
miles from Providence. Here, on the spot which he named *“ Study 



































1675. ] THE FIGHT AT BROOKFIELD. 407 


Hill,” the first white settler of the peninsula of Boston as well as of 
Rhode Island, had built a house and planted an orchard and found a 
refuge for his old age from the turmoils of the time and the * lords 
brethren ” of Massachusetts. His rest was undisturbed by the sav- 
ages, for he had died a few weeks before and been laid in a quiet 
crave — still to be seen — among his apple trees. 

In August the General Court proposed to negotiate a peace with 
the Nipmucks — or Nipmets — who lived on the northern oy. gent at 
tributaries of the Thames. The result was a disastrous rocked. 
figcht at Brookfield, near which the conference was to be held. No 
Indians were to be found at the place appointed, and Captain 










































































































































































Blackstone’s Study Hill. 


Wheeler with twenty troopers went in search of them. They had 
not gone far when they fell into an ambush; eight of the twenty 
were shot down, either killed or wounded, and among the latter was 
the captain. Those who escaped regained Br “ieaee by a circuitous 
path, and gave the alarm. % 

There was hardly time to hurry the people, men, women, and chil- 
dren, to the number of seventy, into the one house capable of defence, 
when the village was filled with three hundred yelling savages. 
They set fire to every house and its surroundings, save only the one 
in which the English had taken refuge. That needed to be ap- 
proached with more caution. 

The attack was begun. It was furious, determined, and incessant 
for two days and nights. Shot were poured in from all sides ; against 
the walls of the house fires were kindled ; crevices and projections 
were sought for with fire-brands tied to poles; roof and walls were 


408 PHILIP’S WAR. [Cnap. XVII. 


pierced with arrows around which were wound burning rags filled 
with sulphur. But every attempt to get into the house, or to drive 
out its brave garrison, was met and bafiled. By sorties the most 
threatening fires against the walls were put out; water was poured, 
in spite of risk, upon the burning sulphur as fast as it fell upon the 
roof; every stratagem was met with some more cunning device; the 
savages were glad of the shelter of the forest against the desperate 
bravery of men who were fighting for their wives and children. 

On the third day a new and most alarming stratagem was resorted to 
by the assailants. They contrived a sort of cart on which were piled 
bundles of flax, and hay and hemp and any other combustible mate- 
rial on which they could lay their 
hands; and this machine, all ablaze 
with mounting flames, they thrust 
with long poles against the build- 
ing. The strait was desperate. 
Either the besieged must submit 
to cruel death by fire, or face the 
hardly less -eruel alternative of 
fighting hand to hand, surrounded 
by women and children, with 
their savage enemy who outnum- 
bered them more than three to 
one. But fortunately before they 
were compelled to make their 
choice between these desperate 
oo measures, a sudden and heavy 

pa ete a4 shower of rain extinguished the 
fires, and made a repetition of the experiment impossible. 

Before the day was over Major Simon Willard of Boston, who, 
on the march westward, had been intercepted by a messenger the be- 
sieged had contrived to send off, dashed into the town with between 
fifty and sixty men. ‘They attacked the Indians with spirit, and be- 
fore day-break the next morning, they had all disappeared. Not 
only were the Brookfield people saved, but so successful had been 
their defence that eighty of the Indians were killed and wounded. 

The emissaries of Philip were ubiquitous. They stirred up the 
Indians of the Connecticut valley, and even at length suc- 
ceeded in influencing the baptized Indians, for blood is 
thicker than water. Men went to meeting with their arms ; ammu- 
nition was stored in the meeting-houses ; each man furnished himself, 
under a penalty of two shillings for each neglect, with at least five 
charges of powder and shot. Flint locks were in general use here 








Spread of 
the war. 


—— oe eee Se 


1675. | THE FIGHT AT HADLEY. 409 


before they were known in kngland, the new exigency of Indian war- 
fare turning the matchlock into a musket. 

Hadley on the Connecticut was an important frontier post, and a 
place of deposit for military supphes. On the first of Sep-  paaey at. 
tember, a month after the burning of Brookfield, the Indians “¢ke*: 
took advantage of the absence of most of the garrison, to attempt its 
destruction. It was a fast-day, and the people were in the meeting- 
house when the alarm was given. ‘The men seized their arms, which 
were ready to their hands ; but even the hands of men as brave and 
determined as they were may have trembled a little, when they 
looked at their women and children huddled together in a building 
which was incapable of any defence from within, and when they 
listened to the war-whoops of savages more pitiless than wild beasts. 
It seemed to them, it may be, that they could only die; that with 
such odds against them there could be no hope of repelling the en- 
emy; that the sight of their helpless families unnerved rather than 
inspirited them. They defended rather than attacked ; they looked 
over their shoulders at the cowering figures behind as often as at the 
savages who pressed nearer and nearer in front. They wavered and 
fell backs; upon the action of a moment of time hung the result of 
the fight and the fate of the whole village. 

Suddenly there stood among them aman almost aged, but of a 
soldierly bearing and commanding presence. He drew bis gyqaen ap- 
sword as one who knew how to use it; he put himself at the Payne 
head of the men as his natural and proper place. Whether 
he spoke or not, words were hardly needed, for he marched forth as 
a captain. There was the quick response of men who did not want 
courage but needed leadership. They rallied, as certain now of driy- 
ing back the savages as before they were doubtful of successful de- 
fence. It was defence no longer, but attack. Under the impulse 
of vigorous command sprung hope and energy in place of despair. 
Wherever this calm and brave soldier would lead they would fol- 
low. ‘There was much, no doubt, in the strangeness of this sudden 
apparition of a captain when all would be speedily lost without one ; 
there must have been still more in the commanding aspect, the con- 
fident assumption of power, the quiet intrepidity of the man, that 
made him at once accepted and obeyed. 

The tide of fight was turned. The savages fell back, — then fled, 
the impetuous English pursuing them to the woods. When the 
sound of the retreat had died away, the men gathered together again 
in the village; but he who had led them to victory was not among 
them ; he had gone as suddenly as he had come ; whence he came 
none knew, and none saw him go away. 


410 PHILIPS WAR. (Cuar. XVIL 


Such is the story as tradition has handed it down. ‘There is no 
reason for doubting its essential truth, though the imagination of 
successive narrators may have made a romance of a natural though 
effective incident. The regicide, Colonel Goffe, was at that period 
concealed in the house of Mr. Russell at Hadley, and the old soldier 
certainly would not see the villagers getting the worst of the fight 
with the Indians if his presence and bravery could prevent it. He 





















































































































































































































































































































































Goffe at Hadley. 


may have seemed to his countrymen almost a supernatural visitor 
when he appeared so suddenly among them, and the impression 
would be deepened when he as suddenly vanished. That Goffe was 
concealed in Hadley was probably unknown to the people, for though 
there was, perhaps, no wish on the part of the magistrates to surren- 
der the regicide, had the place of the retreat of himself and Whalley 
been publicly known, there would have been a legal obligation for 
their capture not easily evaded. 

September was a fatal month. At Deerfield, on the same day that 
Hadley was attacked, several houses and barns were burnt, and two 





1675. ] DEERFIELD AND BLOODY BROOK. 411 


men killed. The block-house at Northfield was besieged after a dozen 
men had fallen and the dwelling-houses were burned. Cap- 


Renewed at- 


tain Beers, going with thirty men to its relief, was ambus-_ tack on 
caded and killed with twenty of his men. Deerfield was 
again attacked ; the people were fired on as they were going to meet- 
ing, and their houses burned. The farmers in their flight had left a 
quantity of grain unthreshed. A company of eighty picked men, the 
flower of Essex, under the command of Captain Lathrop of Ipswich, 


Deerfield. 









































































































































































































































The Ambush at Bloody Brook. 


was detailed from Hadley to 
complete the threshing, and load 
the grain in wagons. Captain 
Moseley was left at Deerfield 
with a company to protect their 
rear. Early on September 18, Captain Lathrop, returning to Had- 
ley, halted his command in a fair grove watered by a brook, a few 
miles from Deerfield; the men broke their ranks and loitered to 
and fro, thrown off their guard by the allurements of the cool and 
pleasant spot. 

The savages had been all night upon the trail, waiting for such an 
opportunity. Seven hundred of them, sheltered by the trees, deliv- 
ered a fire so destructive that Lathrop and all but seven of his men 


412 PHILIP’S WAR. (Cuar. XVII. 


were kiiled. By this massacre the clear brook acquired its name of 
Bloody. 

While the savages were hilariously engage sd in scalping the troops, 
Captain Moseley, who had heard the firmg, hurried to the spot, 
charged the savages repeatedly, going through them with great 
slaughter, and maintaining his oround against the superior numbers, 
from eleven o'clock till evening, when Major Treat arrived with one 
hundred men and sixty 
Mohegans, and the In- 
dians were driven. oft 
with great loss and pur- 
sued for some distance. 
All day long Captain 
Moseley lost only two 
men and eleven wound- 
ad.t 

After this disastrous 
autumn it was resolved 
to strike the headquar- 
ters of tle Indians in 
the country of the Nar- 
vagansetts, who were se- 
eret allies of Philip. 
Massachusetts furnished 
tive hundred and twenty 
men, Plymouth one hun- 
dred and fifty-nine, and 
Connecticut three hun- 
dred: there were in ad- 
dition one hundred and 
fifty Mohegan Indians. 
Governor Winslow of Plymouth was appointed commander of the 
expedition. 

The fort of the Narragansetts was in South Kingston, Rhode Island. 
It was built upon five or six acres of dry ground, encircled by a 
swamp, and was very formidably defended with palisades and 
chevaux-de-frise, a rod in thickness, of felled trees. ‘The troops 





The Monument at Bloody Brook. 


1 Athwart the terror of those years there falls a single gleam of grotesque humor from 
Bloody Brook. When Captain Moseley came up with the Indians as they were collecting 
spoils and scalps, he coolly took off his periwig and stuffed it into his breeches, to be in 
better fighting trim. This action startled the Indians, one of whom exclaimed, ‘ English- 
man got two heads? Me cut off one, he got noder, put it on beter!” Drake (Old Indian 
Chronicle) has the report that some of the Indians disappeared in consequence of this oc- 
currence. But Moseley’s fresh muskets were more demoralizing than a head that was too 
indefinite to vield a scalp. 


1675. | EXPEDITION AGAINST THE NARRAGANSETTS. 413 


marched through a deep snow, reaching the vicinity of the fort early 
on December 19, and attacking it at four in the afternoon. y, ,eaition 
There was but one entrance, and to reach it the men had ae 
to get over a log breast high, under fire from a block-house cu’: 

or shelter. The fire was so heavy that the Massachusetts men, who 
were first to enter, were obliged to retreat. At this time Captains 
Johnson, Davenport, and Gardiner, of Massachusetts, and Gallop, 
Seely, and Marshall, of Connecticut, were killed. By another des- 
perate onset, a party, under Captain Benjamin Church, managed to 
vet into the rear, which was not so elaborately defended, and en- 
tered the place, Church receiving three bullets. Then it became a 





















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Attack on the Narragansett Fort. 


driving hand-to-hand fight, the six hundred wigwams were set on 
fire, —a blunder, however, against which Church in vain protested, 
for they were filled with corn. The savages were driven out through 
the swamp into the open country, after a desperate and bloody con- 
test. About seven hundred Indians were killed, including twenty 
chiefs. Of a great number of wounded, three hundred died. Many 
old men, squaws, and children perished, some of them in the flames. 
All the utensils and great store of corn were burnt. ‘That winter’s 
day had a lurid sunset. The Connecticut troops alone lost eighty 
men. It was a great blow, but not a decisive one, for Philip was 
yet alive. 





1 Connecticut Historical Collections. 


414 PHILIP’S WAR. (Cuap. XVII. 


The next year the war was again transferred to the interior of 
The warin Massachusetts. Lancaster was attacked in February, 1676, 
Massachv«. Dy the Wachusett Indians. One of the sachems had mar- 
Kowlandson. ried the sister of Philip’s wife, and also had another squaw, 
who was the widow of Wamsutta. The Lancaster tragedy was made 
memorable by the story of Mrs. Rowlandson’s captivity. Her 
youngest girl, six years old, was wounded in the attack upon the 
garrison house, and died on the eighth day. ‘The brave woman had 
toiled through the snowy swamps and forests with her child in her 
arms, subsisting upon ground nuts, acorns, old bones, horses’ ears and 
entrails, frogs and rattlesnakes, compelled to witness the stealthy 
and ferocious attacks on other places, returning finally to Mount 
Wachusett, where she was redeemed for £20. 

The Indians had taken possession of the deserted acres of Deer- 
field and were planting them. A large body of them was camped 
tuners around the falls, which earned a name from that Captain 
Expedition "Turner who here made himself famous. When this news 
was brought in by escaped captives, Turner, who had succeeded to 
the command of the forces in the valley, gathered one hundred 
mounted men at Hatfield for a night ride of twenty miles across 
the country through’ Whately and Deerfield. An Indian lodge 
was roused from sleep by hearing the noise of their march, but 
discovering no hoof prints at the ford, which Turner had avoided, 
concluded that a herd of moose had crossed the river. The sound 
of Turner’s approach was deadened ,by the sound of the rapids 
which were four miles further up the stream. He found the main 
encampment, therefore, fast asleep, close to the overhanging rocks, 
just at daybreak of May 10. The horses had been left in a ravine 
below, and the troops marched a mile or two to gain the rear of 
the Indians, who had neglected to post a guard. The surprise was 
complete. Many of them took to their canoes, but left the paddles 
behind and went over the falls. Many were shot in attempting to 
cross the river. Many hid among the rocks and were killed by 
the sword. After the fight one hundred Indians lay dead, one hun- 
dred and forty were counted as they went over the falls, all of whom 
but one perished. Over three hundred Indians had been destroyed. 
Turner’s loss was a single soldier. 

But another party of Indians, not far off, heard the noise of the 
fight and were soon on Turner’s tracks. ‘Then commenced a dis- 
astrous retreat. A panic seized the troops, on a rumor that Philip 
was at hand with a thousand men. Captain Holyoke took command 
of the rear-guard and checked the pursuit. Turner was killed; a 
large number of his men were cut off; but Holyoke reached Hatfield 


1676.] PHILIP DRIVEN FROM THE VALLEY. 415 


safely with the main body. The excitement and fatigues of that day, 
however, cost him his hfe, as he died not long after. 

Among the earliest of the Indian chiefs to turn against his old 
friends, and take part with Philip, was Pumham. ite this fight at 
Turner’s Falls, he was conspicuous in the pursuit of the English for 
his bravery and great strength. Two months later, he was found 
lurking, half starved, with a few followers, in the Dedham woods, - 
near Boston, where he was killed, fighting desperately after he was 
mortally wounded. 

This disaster at Turner’s Falls was a great blow to Philip, for it 
broke up his fishery at that place, by which he intended to provide 
himself for the winter. Many of his best sachems had been slain. 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Turner’s Falls. 


He attempted reprisals by an attack upon Hatfield, but a reinforce- 
ment from Hadley defeated the savages, killing twenty-five of them. 
Hadley was again beset by a band - of seven hundred In- syipmeor 
dians, but rte were repulsed with heavy loss. Captain #éhisat 
Henchman at one place, and Major Taleot at another, were *ehere: 
equally successful in defeating and killing a number of the Indians. 
The garrison at Northampton was largely reinforced, and it became 
clear to Philip that he could not hold the valley. The war was again 
shifted to the south. Seekonk, Plymouth, Bridgewater, Scituate, 
and many other places, were partly sacked and burned. Through the 
spring and summer all Southern Massachusetts, and the contiguous 
settlements in Connecticut and Rhode Island, were kept in constant 
alarm. The settlers knew that the savages might at any moment be 


416 PHILIP’S WAR. (Crap, Vik 


lurking in the woods about their homes, with a tread as stealthy and 
still as that of a tiger, and thirsting, as tigers thirst, for blood. By 
night and by day, in the field, at the work-bench, in the meeting- 
house pew, the thing nearest to each man’s hand was his musket. 
The peculiar qualities which gave the Indian a certain superiority as 
a hunter and a warrior, were his no longer. Stern necessity had com- 
pelled the white man to learn from his enemy and improve on what 
was taught. And the women were as brave as the men, as fertile in 
resources, as quick in defence, as enduring in captivity, when captiv- 
ity happened to be their lot. Thrilling stories of defence, escape, res- 
cue, stratagem, still make the legendary lore of that whole region. 





































































































‘In this spring and summer 
of 1676, the colonies called into 
active service almost every man 
who could handle a musket. All 
who could be spared from home- 
defence were sent out upon ex- 
4 -_peditions through the country. 

Bee gee tecashar Masouss Tort. Notwithstanding the superiority 

of the whites, the aspect of affairs was sometimes almost desperate, 
for there was more than one signal disaster. Thus Captain Wards- 
worth, going to the relief of Sudbury, in Massachusetts, which had 
been partly burnt, was entrapped in an ambush, and he, and about 
sixty of his company of eighty men, were killed. The fate of Cap- 
tain Pierce’s company of fifty Englishmen and twenty friendly In- 
dians was even worse. The enemy surprised them, and only one of 
the Englishmen and but a few of the Indians escaped. There was 
as little mercy on one side as on the other. Nanuntenoo, the son of 
Miantonomo, was almost as much feared as Philip himself. Great 
was the rejoicing when the news was spread abroad that he who it 


| 


1676.] COLONEL CHURCH AND KING PHILIP. 417 


was supposed had led in the attack on Pierce, had been taken pris- 
oner and immediately executed. “I like it well,” said the brave 
chief; “I shall die before my heart is soft, or have said anything 
unworthy of myself.” But on neither side was there an act of more 
signal vengeance than that of Major Talcot, who, with a force of 
three hundred mounted men, — English and Indians — overtook a 
body of nearly the same number of Narragansetts in a swamp in 
their country. Those who were not killed in the first assault were 
made prisoners, and ninety so taken were put to death. Among 
them was the Squaw Sachem Magnus, whose fort was on a hill in 
the present town of North Kingston, Rhode Island. 

The Indians themselves were the first to show that the strain was 
too much for them. Plymouth had put the conduct of military 
affairs almost exclusively into the hands of Colonel Church, and his 
uniform success had 
aroused a dread of him 
among the Indians, as 
much as it inspired the ee ay 
confidence of his own 
people. He was more than a match for the Indian in cunning as 
well as courage; could meet him and beat him where he thought 
himself strongest; detect him in ambush, or lead him into one; 
overcome him by strategy, or defeat him when hand to hand in 
open fight. When the savage doubts and hesitates, he is lost. If 
success ebbs, there is no returning flood. ‘The loss in chiefs and war- 
riors weakened and disheartened the Indians, and large expeditions 
were abandoned. To distract pursuit, they broke up into small par- 
ties, and continued only a predatory warfare. Philip himself re- 
treated to the hill and isthmus of Mount Hope. 

The chief was at last in desperate strait. Twice within a few 
weeks he had barely escaped capture or death. On one of these oc- 
casions his uncle was shot down at his side, the English soldier not 
recognizing Philip, who had cut off his hair to disguise himself. at 
another time, he avoided capture by a precipitate flight, abandoning 
his wife and children. Now he had reached his own home, hoping 
there to find concealment and safety. 

Church was at Tiverton, when a savage, whose brother had just 
been killed by Philip for counselling submission to the English, came 
and offered to betray his chief. He and his men, the deserter said, 
were on a bit of upland at the south end of the swamp at the foot 
of Mount Hope. The place was well known to Church. When this 
intelligence reached him he started at once for Mount Hope, arriving 
there about the middle of the night. His arrangements were all 















































VMOle II Af 
Tae 


418 PHILIP’S WAR. (Cuar. XVII. 


quietly and speedily made; so far as the number of his men permit- 
ted, every outlet from the swamp was guarded; then a company was 
sent in to arouse the camp. 

The Indians were sleeping in tranquil security. One at length 
awoke, and was fired at; then a volley was poured into the camp. 
Philp jumped to his feet, and, seizing only his gun, sprang forward 
at his utmost speed. His flight was directly toward the spot where 
two of Church’s men —an Englishman and an Indian —lay in am- 
bush. Both raised their guns; the Englishman’s missed ; the Indian 
fired, and Philip fell forward dead in a pool of the swamp. 

Essentially this was the end of the war, though some of the In- 
dians, in small parties, held out a little longer. It had lasted for 
more than a year. Thirteen towns had been destroyed; six hundred 
buildings burned, countless numbers of stock of all kinds were lost ; 
six hundred men killed in fights or murdered, and great numbers 
disabled by wounds. There was hardly a family without its scar of 
sorrow. But the power of the Indians in all Southern New England 
was destroyed for ever. Some escaped by flight into the western 
wilds where the white man had not penetrated; but many small 
tribes were obliterated; whole familes had perished; many who 
were captured were sent to the West Indies, and dragged out the re- 
mainder of their miserable lives as slaves. 







































































































































































ie: 


hit 


sg TTA 













































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































THE DEATH OF PHILIP. 


2 








































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Wee y poe EN 


BEEN 7 TY 


Portsmouth Harbor. 


CHA Pinky xX. VEL 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 


CHARACTER OF THE MAINE AND New HAMPSHIRE SETTLERS. — KITTERY. — GORGF- 
ANA. — THE NORTHERN COLONIES ABSORBED BY MASSACHUSETTS. — EARLY NEw 
HampsHiIrRE Cuurcues.— THe Isites or SHOALS. — History or Mason’s New 
HAMPSHIRE GRANT. — THE CLAIMS OF HIS HEIRS RESISTED. — NEw HAMPSHIRE 
Governors. — INDIAN Hostivirres. — ATTACKS AT Saco, BERWICK, AND ELSE- 
WHERE. — THE TREATY AT Casco. — WAR RENEWED. — DOVER ATTACKED. — Mor- 
DER OF WALDRON. — CLOSE OF THE WAR. 


THE settlers who came out to New Hampshire and Maine, under 
the patronage of Gorges and Mason,! were mainly royalists and adhe- 
rents of the Church of England. The principal men were 
disposed to favor those feudal notions of manors, seignories, 
and ecclesiastical sees, which the two proprietors entertained. 
Captain Francis Champernoon, who bought of Gorges Gerrish’s and 
Cutts’s islands, near the mouth of the Piscataqua, and the place of 
whose burial upon Cutts’s is still marked by the simple cairn of 
stones which he directed for his monument, was a distinguished roy- 
alist, whose ancestor, Richard, was a stout adherent of Henry eats 
VII. in his struggle with Richard II. The favor of the Champer- 
family at court is shown by an extant petition of Arthur 
Champernoon to Charles I., in 1634, about the Priory of Plimpton, 
which belonged to him in tail male, and which, in default of male 


Early Maine 
and New 
Hampshire 
settlers. 


1 Vol. i., p. 333. 


420 ° NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIIL. 


issue, would have reverted to the crown. He prayed for a grant of 
reversion to himself, and the petition bears the king’s consent. The 
island, afterwards called Gerrish’s, was at first called Dartington by 
his son Francis, from the name of a family castle upon the River Dart 
in Devonshire. 

Another place upon that English river was Kittery, which, in 1652, 
The town of Decame the name of a town in New Hampshire, originally 
sa called Piscataqua, at a time when it included Eliot, South 
Berwick, and Berwick, which are on the eastern bank of the river, 
and now in Maine. 

In 1636, there were a few settlers at Agamenticus, as the territory 
was called, between the mountain of that name and the sea, which is 
The “eity» HOW the township of York. Here an incorporated city was 
of Gorgeana- founded in 1641, on the old English plan, with a mayor and 
aldermen, and pompous revival of antique usage. It was called 
Gorgeana. The occupants of the land were to be subject to the 
proprietors as their ten- 
ants at will. Mason and 
Gorges did their best to 
transplant to America 
foreign fruits and the 
feudal manor. But of 
them all the grapes and 
the manor failed to ef- 
fect a lodgment. The 
aristocratic principle 
could not take root and 
become New English 
any more than the va- 
rieties of slips which 
were intended for vine- 
yards. But the English apple liked the soil, where it improved in 
size and flavor till it became the hardy symbol of New England. 
One of the apple trees which were brought over in tubs, in 1629, to 
start an orchard in York, has borne fruit ever since, till the year 1875, 
when it was cut down. 

Many of the settlers, who came over to improve their fortunes, 

favored no prerogative but the personal one of earning their 
of feudal living. They aia not relish any transfer of old abuses to the 
Now Bug: scene of their new venture. The proprietors were baffled and 
ae discouraged, because the popular opinion among men, who 
were bold and hardy enough to venture here, was decidedly hostile 
to privilege. The settlers were always trying to establish a system 










































































































































































WS 
AS NN 


Champernoon’s shinee ty 





1641.] THE NORTHERN COLONIES AND MASSACHUSETTS. 421 


on 


of governing that should meet their local wants and circumstances, 
with the least possible encroachment from delay or vested rights. Ma- 
son aspired to be Lord of the Manor. The settler wanted to own his 
farm and fishing-stage. The dissensions which arose from the collis- 
ion of the two interests, finally led a great number of the settlers, in 
1641, to petition the General Court of Massachusetts to be included 
under its government; a popular tendency which, of course, was skil- 
fully fostered by agents of the Puritans, who longed to exer- as 

cise authority over the region where their enemies in religion Colonies 
and politics ruled, and all the disaffected sectaries took ref- Maun 
uge. For Gorges and Mason were tolerant in religious jas 
matters, though staunch royalists and intensely feudal. They had, 
of course, no objection to the expectation that fishing and trading 
















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of Kittery, N. H. 


might pay the expenses of colonizing and serve as an inducement. to 
colonists. But while they were profoundly loyal to their own relig- 
ious convictions, and to the customs of public worship which belonged 
to them, they were well disposed to welcome all men with freedom 
to worship God in their own way. 

Richard Gibson, an Episcopalian, was the first minister of the Pis- 
cataqua parish at Portsmouth; and the people at Odiorne’s Point 
came over the water between there and Strawberry Bank — iw a en 
as Portsmouth was first called —to hear him preach. A pir ores 
chapel was built for him in 1638. This appeared to be no 
religion at all to the Massachusetts men, who were prone to accuse 


422 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuar. XVIIL 


their neighbors of cultivating tolerance solely for the sake of trade. 
Gibson, Winthrop said, ‘“‘ did scandalize our government, oppose our 
title to those parts, and provoke the people, by way of arguments 
to revolt from us.”’ Therefore, they had him up before the General 
Court in Boston, extorted from him an acknowledgment of his offence ; 
but, as he was about to leave the country, dismissed him ‘ without 
any fine or other punishment.” Mr. James Parker of Weymouth, 
“a godly man and a scholar,” took Mr. Gibson’s place. Parker was, 
of course, a Puritan, or Winthrop could not have thus commended 
him. He adds that the new minister was invited to come to Ports- 
mouth by more than forty of her people, whereof ‘‘ the most had been 
very profane, and some of them professed enemies to the way of our 
churches.’ Even so godly a man as Mr. Parker could do little with 























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of Exeter, N. H 


so perverse and backsliding a generation. The Governor bewails that 
most of them fell back again in time, embracing this present world,” 
— fell back, that is, into the slough of a non-Puritan church. 

When John Wheelwright was driven, in 1658, out of Boston for 
ae A Antinomian opinion, he founded at Squamscot Falls, Exeter, 
ante’ a church, and at the same time a body politic, upon a purely 
ol democratic basis. [very man, without respect to his theolog- 
ical bias, had a voice in choosing rulers annually, and two assistants to 
each ruler. A similar social system was founded and prevailed at 
Dover. ‘Two elements from the old country appear to have met in 


1641. ] EARLY NEW HAMPSHIRE CHURCHES. 425 


New Hampshire. The settlers from London and Bristol seem gener- 
ally to have favored the Church of England; those from the West’ 
Country were more inclined to non-conformity. There are traces of 
certain jealousies between the two parties, as when the agent of the 
Dover people claimed a point of land at Newington, and was resisted 
by the agent of Portsmouth. When the affair threatened to be 
serious, the employers of the agents had recourse to arbitration, and 
the point was amicably settled, though to this day it is called Bloody 
Point from the unsanguinary nature of the quarrel there. 

When New Hampshire came under the jurisdiction of Massachu- 
setts, in 1641, Wheelwright’s policy was respected; he had the tri- 
umph of seeing the rights of his freemen without regard to their 
religion allowed by the colony which banished him. But he would 
not remain under its jurisdiction. He retired to Wells, in Maine; 
afterward he was permitted 
to preach at Winnicumett | “ps Yi y , he 
(Hampton). During Crom- Hae eb ee e. 
well’s protectorate he went to 
England, was admitted to an 
audience of his old college 
mate, the Protector, who received him with much consideration. 
Turning to the persons standing near, Cromwell said, “ I remember 
the time, gentlemen, when I have been more afraid of meeting Wheel- 
wright at foot-ball than of meeting any army since in the’ field.” 
Wheelwright returned to New Hampshire, and died at Salisbury, in 
1680. 

Wheelwright was a stiff Calvinist. The men who exiled him held 
Calvinistic doctrine with a silent modification in favor of practical 
religion, and lived, as he said, mainly under a covenant of works. 
But he was a pure supporter of a Covenant of Faith. To his mind 
the doctrines of Election and Foreordination were absolute; they 
claimed his homage so entirely that he seemed to undervalue justifica- 
tion by works. el 

Notwithstanding the strong predilection for the Church of England, 
which the proprietary settlers brought with them, the principles of 
the Puritans soon prevailed in the colony, and fortunately brought it 
into greater sympathy with the Colony of the Bay. Winthrop and 
the rest used to regard the Piscataqua as another Rhode | 
Island, that is, only a sink for Massachusetts, into which all tee oe 
malcontents, fanatics, royalists, and miscreants drifted. Some 
persons of a bad moral quality did indeed find it safer to go there, but 
also safer eventually to leave it. The colony was not so jealous of its 
strict brethren of the Bay as to countenance moral irregularities. 


Signature of Wheelwright. 


424 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


The spirit of antagonism was kept alive partly by the pretensions of 
Gorges and Mason, and partly by these theological differences. But 
the early Episcopalians of the Piscataqua were quite as sincere, and 
of a motive as honest as any other people in New England, though 
the man who should have said so in 1642,in Boston, would have been 
haled before the General Court. 

We find, as everywhere else in New England, a great deal of early 
Farly legis. legislation applied ’to church matters and customs. It was 
lationon jz. ordered, in 1662, that a cage be made by the selectmen, 
esi “to punish such as sleepe, or take tobacco on the Lord’s 
Day out of the meeting in the time of publick exercise.” ‘The usual 
custom prevailed of 
seating the people 
in the meeting- 
house according to 
rank and _ conse- 
quence. When Mr. 
Moody was or- 
dained, Captain 
John Pickering was 
appointed, on ac- 
count of his great 
strength and com- 
manding manner, 
to reserve seats for 
the distinguished 
cuests and keep the 
congregation in or- 
der. But he let all 
the people in before 
service time on the 
eround that all men 

Ss cal were equal in a 
The Sabbath Inspection of Taverns. house of God. 

The early records contain an order in town-meeting that ‘one 
householder or more walk every Sabbath day in sermon time with the 
constable to every Publick House in y* town to suppress ill order, and 
if they think convenient, to private houses also.” It is also ordered, 
“for the prevention of fire or other dangers which may happen by 
smoking in the Meeting House, that every person soe smoking at any 
meeting in the Meeting House be fined.” This alludes to the town 
meetings which were held in the early times in the single meeting- 












































Ao 





1 Rev. James De Normandie’s //istorical Sketches. 


1662.] THE ISLES OF SHOALS. 425 


house belonging to the town. The names of common drunkards were 
furnished by the selectmen to every inn holder, who was then fined 
for selling liquor to them. <A vote was passed that all persons should 
go over the ferry free upon the Sabbath. If strangers remained in 
town more than a day or two, they were obliged to give their names 
to the selectmen. 

Cases of intolerance were quite rare in New Hampshire; they 
seem to have occurred chiefly while the colony was under the jurisdic- 
tion of the Bay. It was in 1662 that an occurrence already alluded 
to took place. Three Quaker women were sentenced to be publicly 
whipped at the cart’s tail through several towns. The punishment. 
was applied in two or three, when Walter Barefoot interfered, and 
prevailing upon the constable to surrender the warrant to him, re- 






























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ae 


The Isles of Shoals. 





leased them. In 1656 there were several enactments against ‘a 
cursed sect of hereticks lately arisen up in the world, which are com- 
monly called Quakers, who take upon themselves to be immédiately 
sent of God.” 

The Isles of Shoals, a group of seven rocky islets lying about nine 
miles southeast of the mouth of the Piscataqua, had in the x9 rts of 
seventeenth century an importance now hardly conceivable. *?°"* 
These islands had been seen and visited quite early, but received no 
particular description. In 1610 Samuel Argall was driven by a storm 
upon the coast of Maine, and returned thence to Virginia with a cargo 
of fish which were caught in these waters, and perhaps cured upon 
the rocks of the Shoals. But we have definite accounts of them in 


1614, by Capt. John Smith, whose opinion of them was slightingly 


426 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [CHap. XVIII. 


expressed afterwards when they fell to his share in a division of ter- 
ritory under a patent of Gorges. He says, * No lot for me but 
Smith’s Isles, which are a many of barren rocks, the most over- 
growne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly pass them ; 
without either grass or wood, but three or four short shrubby old 
Cedars.”"! These scrubby trees gave the name to Cedar Island; but 
John Winthrop had no other cause to write in his journal, “ the Isles 
of Shoals are woody.” 2 

The name would indicate that the group is encircled by shoals, like 
those which le off Nantucket and in the neighborhood of Cape Cod ; 
but there are only three or four outlying ledges which are distinctly 
marked by the breaking water. The sea deepens quite abruptly 
around all the islands, and it is evident that Captain Smith laid down 
upon his map several ledges as if they had been islands, making three 
or four out of Duck Island, for instance ; so that perhaps the name 
of the group was derived from this number, as of a shoal of islets. It 
is more likely that the abundant shoals of fishes which attracted ves- 
sels thither gave it the name. But there is one authority which claims 
that the word Shole,in some dialect of the west coast of England, 
means cod-tish. ; 

The group was first included in a patent which Gorges obtained 
sete from the King in 1620; under it they belonged to Maine till 
one 1652. It was in 1621 that the Council of Plymouth was 

summoned to the bar of the House of Commons, upon the 
charge that its charter for the settlement of New England was based 
upon a monopoly of fishing and trading, and included the right to lay 
taxes upon other parties ; as Captain Smith complained, ‘those pat- 
entees procured a Proclamation, that no ship should goe thither to 
fish but pay them for the publike, as it was pretended, five pound 
upon every thirty tuns of shipping, neither trade with the natives, 
cut downe wood, throw their balast over bord, nor plant without 
commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division or Man- 
nor: some of which for some of them I believe will be tenantlesse this 
thousand yeare.”’ 3 

Politics and interest combined to make an effective, national griev- 
ance of this fishing question ; and the principal fishing station was the 
Isles of Shoals. The Islands gradually lost their importance: new 
ports upon the coast were opened, trade became diverted to more 
thriving settlements, and vessels from Malaga and the West Indies 
sought safer harbors. When, in 1679, New Hampshire became a sep- 


1 Smith’s Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters (Veazie’s reprint), p. 39. 
2 Savage’s Winthrop’s Journal, ii., p. 418. 
3 Smith’s Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters, p. 39. 


1620. ] GORGES AND MASON’S GRANT. 427 


arate Royal Province under the Presidency of John Cutts, the group 
was divided by a line running through the middle of the roadstead : 
then the northerly islands, Appledore, Smutty Nose and Duck re- 
verted to Maine, the others came under the government of New 
Hampshire. This was the old partition agreed upon between Gorges 
and Mason, when the latter occupied the Piscataqua; and the divis- 
ion remains undisturbed to-day.! 

The history of Captain John Mason’s proprietorship, by virtue of 
which he and his heirs claimed the ownership of all New gptain 
Hampshire which lay west of the Piscataqua, with power vie” 
to extort rent and taxes from the actual settlers, is interest- 8° 
ing because it furnishes a most striking example of the way in which 
municipal and republican usage were developed in America. It must, 
however, be briefly told, because it was protracted clear through the 
seventeenth century. 

In 1620 Gorges obtained 2 comprehensive patent, which covered all 
New England, described as then existing between the fortieth and 
forty-eighth parallels of latitude. This was not only the basis of all 
the supplementary patents which were issued to different individuals, 
and empowered them to occupy their grants or claims, but it also 
furnished Gorges and Mason with their authority to assume, as they 
did afterwards, the control over the whole territory of the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay and the Piscataqua. It provided for a General Gov- 
ernor, who should be a royalist, and for a form of worship after the 
ritual of the Church of England. As often as this scheme recurred 
it was of course vigorously resisted by the Massachusetts men. They 
viewed with dismay such a prospect of consolidating New England in 
the interest of royalism. But the charter clearly justified Gorges and 
Mason in the attempt to transfer their favorite scheme of govern- 
ment and religion to the New World. It was therefore that the Mas- 
sachusetts people viewed it as a divine interposition when Captain 


1 Appledore is chiefly remembered as the place where William Peperell, a fisherman, 
first settled. Removing to Kittery, he became the father of Sir William, the’ ‘hero of 
Louisbourg, and the first and only native New Englander (except possibly his own grand- 
son) upon whom a baronetcy was conferred while the colonies belonged to England. Sir 
George Downing, who was also made a baronet, was not a native of New England; Sir 
William Phips was only a knight ; Sir John Davie inherited his baronetcy ; also Sir John 
Stewart; Sir John Wentworth was made a baronet after the separation of the colonies from 
England. — Sabine’s AmericanLoyalists. Hist. Magazine, vol. i., p. 150. It is claimed also 
(7Tist. Maq., p. 286), that Sir William Peperell’s grandson, born a Sparhawk, whose name 
was changed to Peperell when he became the'baronet’s heir (a son having died), was created 
a baronet in 1774. 

William Peperell did not relish the rough life at the island, and it is related that he and 
his friend Gibbons agreed to leave it in the direction which their canes took in dropping 
from the hand. Peperell’s cane pointed toward Kittery, and Gibbons’s toward Maine, 
whither he went and settled on land which was afterward covered by the Waldo Patent. 


428 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


John Mason, who had been appointed Vice Admiral of New Eng- 
Death of | and in 1635, died during the same year. Then, as Win- 
aes throp said in his Journal, ‘“ all the business fell on Sleep.” 
If the growing independence of New England had been checked by 
such a scheme in the interest of monarchy, the restraint would have 
only lasted until the English Commonwealth arose. Then its repub- 
lican politics would have interfered to restrain the ambition of royal 
proprietors, and to confirm the Puritan tendency of New England. 

But the heirs of Gorges and Mason clung tenaciously to the pro- 
Claims of | PYietary claim. In 1676 New Hampshire was still under 
tshers. the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. In that year the heirs 
perceived their opportunity, in the jealousy of Charles. I. which 
had been long nursed against the independence of New England, to 
renew their claim under the old patent issued by the Council of 
Plymouth. When Charles II., who had been waiting several years 
for a pretext to interfere with the affairs of New England, sent Ed- 
ward Randolph to Boston, the General Court was ordered to appear by 
deputy in England to defend its pretensions, on peril of judgment 
in case of disobedience. No remonstrance or delay could serve their 
cause ; the deputies were obliged to repair to London. © There it was 
decided that the Council of Plymouth never had the right to convey 
to Gorges and Mason, under a simple grant of territory, any absolute 
jurisdiction over New Hampshire. No municipal jurisdiction existed, 
Rae therefore, that could be transferred to Massachusetts. It 
shires Royal remained vested in the crown; a royal commission for the 
Cutts Gov- government of New Hampshire was issued, which restrained 
mt Massachusetts from its exercise of jurisdiction. John Cutts 
was appointed in 1679 the President of a council of nine to govern 
this royal province for one year. 

But at the same time it was decided that the heirs of Mason might 
claim the ownership of all the land which had been granted to Cap- 
tain John Mason, in 1629, and occupied ever since by numerous ten- 
ants. ‘These had purchased their estates from previous holders, had 
put toil and money into them, and therefore were in no humor to pay 
rent to a new claimant, or to take leases of him. 

When a grandson of Captain John — Robert Mason, who had 
et it dropped his father's surname of Tufton, and assumed his 
noe Nee maternal grandfather's — came from England, and claimed 

proprietorship, proposing to issue titles, receive back-rents, 
and extort sixpence in the pound upon all the improvements that had 
been made by the settlers for more than forty years, there followed 
endless complaints, great bitterness of feeling, and obstinate litigation. 
His stewards demanded rents with threats to sell the occupant’s prem- 


1679.] CLAIMS OF MASON’S HEIRS RESISTED. 429 


ises over his head if the demands were not complied with. Sheriffs 
attempted to serve writs of ejectments, but the colonists united every- 
where in the 

sturdiest resist- 

ance. There was: Vi 

little respect for UME Vent C2 LNA | 
proceedings at 
law, and quite as 
little paid to per- 
sons. Mason, in despair, returned to England to solicit a change in 
the administration of the Province, under which he hoped to renew 
his claim more successfully. Edward Cranfield was ap- 

Cranfield 
pointed Lieutenant-governor, with a council at whose head  Lieutenant- 
sat Mason, who undertook to contribute to Cranfield’s sup- °°" 
port in office by mortgaging the province to him as security for an 
annuity of £150. Cranfield came out with the resolution of a Roman 
proconsul to make the province bleed. 

His preliminary proceedings, looking to the interest of the claim- 
ant, were so arbitrary, and inflamed the popular discontent to such 
a degree that riots broke out at Hampton and Exeter, started by 
Edward Gove, a hot-headed member of the Assembly which Cranfield 
had just illegally dissolved. No persons of importance joined him. 
He was arrested, tried, and condemned to death, as if his offence 
had involved high-treason. The Governor, fearing to execute the 
sentence, sent him to be put to death in England. This monstrous 
‘spectacle of the King’s government carrying out the sentence of a 
provincial magistrate was prevented, partly, it is said, by the inter- 
ference of Cranfield himself, who felt that his rule was too unpopular 
to be much longer tolerated. 

As a few of the settlers consented to take leases of Mason, the 
Governor and Council concluded that among them a sufficient number 
of jurymen and sheriffs could be found willing to try cases for Mason 
and serve his writs. His law suits began; a dozen cases were some- 
times disposed of in a day; but Mason could do nothing with the 
estates that lapsed to him. Cranfield’s tax-bills developed - 
even. more resistance than Mason’s writs of ejectment. 
Under provocation from these arbitrary measures, the peo- 
ple sometimes lost their temper, and opposed ‘‘swamp law to parch- 
ment law.” The hard-worked women were as little disposed as the 
men to acknowledge Mason’s bit of parchment as a needed title-deed, 
where the right had been won by the hard fight with a savage wilder- 
ness. They heated spits and prepared scalding water for a suitable 
ovation to the renegade settlers who had turned officers. One sheriff, 


Signature of Robert Mason. 


General 
resistance to 
Mason’s 
demands. 


430 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


who incautiously attempted to make an arrest during divine service, 
was floored by a damsel who brought the colleetive word of God to 
bear in one blow with a folio Bible; the whole parish joined the 
Church Militant upon the spot, and Cranfield’s posse was dismissed. 
The influence of non-conforming clergymen over public opinion 
was conspicuous during New Hampshire’s royal episode. Cranfield 





























) Dit Ie 4 A I i 
NV YMA WEY ws 





The Sheriff Resisted. 


wrote to England that allegiance was impossible while the clergy- 
Wieden se iu had the liberty of speech. Among them the figure of 
popular Moody, the Puritan minister of Portsmouth, stands stoutly 

forth in resistance to the polities of the Governor, who en- 
deavored to silence him by enforcing the act against non-conformity. 
Cranfield issued an order that the ministers should admit all persons 
of moral life to the Sacraments of the Lord’s Supper and Baptism, 
and notified Moody that he should appear at the Lord’s table the next 
Sunday, with the expectation that the Communion would be admin- 


1685. | CLAIMS OF MASON’S HEIRS RESISTED. 431 


istered to him according to the liturgy of the Church of England. 
Cranfield knew that Moody would refuse. The minister was put 
upon trial, and notwithstanding the valid defence he made that he 
had not been episcopally ordained, sentence went against him, his 
living was forfeited, and he was sent to prison. Being afterwards 
banished from the province, he preached in Boston till 1692, when he 
could return to Portsmouth. 

Cranfield was given leave of absence in 1685, and Captain Walter 
Barefoot was appointed Deputy Governor during his absence. His 
efforts, on behalf of the assumed proprietor, were quite as earnest as 
Cranfield’s, but quite as futile. Mason was a lodger in Barefoot’s 
house, and that intimate relation was unfortunate for both. Two 
sturdy yeomen, Thomas Wiggins and Anthony Nutter, called to see 
Mason one day, probably to expostulate with him upon the legal pro- 
ceedings to substantiate his claims, by which they, in common with 
the colonists generally, were threatened with the loss of their long 
years of hard labor in making homes for themselves and their fam- 
ilies. , 

There was evidently little ceremony in the approach of these men 
even to a Deputy Governor and the assumed owner of all New 
Hampshire. Wigeins declared that neither he nor others cared “ one 
rush’’ for Mason’s claim; that he had no business in the province; 
that he had not a foot of land there, and never should have; and 
‘“‘did give’? —says Mason, in an affidavit — ‘“‘ very abusive and _ pro- 
voking language.” Both Barefoot and Mason ordered Wiggins to 
leave the house, and Mason, unfortunately, undertook to enforce the 
order. Wiggins seized him and tossed him into the fire ;— not only 
tossed him into the fire, but sat upon him ; — not only sat upon him, 
but grasped * his wind-pipe in high contempt of his majesty’s royal 
authority, and against the peace of our sovereign lord the King,” 
and “almost choked him.’ Barefoot rushed to the rescue; but 
him also Wiggins seized and tossed into the embers out of which 
Mason was crawling, and sat upon him so hard that he broke two of 
his ribs. Mason called for his sword, which, before he had time 
to draw, was taken away from him by Nutter, who had stood by 
hitherto laughing at the way in which his companion handled the 
official gentlemen. The maid screamed for assistance; the neighbors 
rushed in, but only, it seems, to snatch the Deputy Governor’s velvet 
cap from behind the back-log, and to pick the live coals from his 
breeches, for clothes and periwigs were burning! It was in this 
temper that the settlers met the assertion of right under a royal 


1 Affidavits in Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, vol. i. Compiled and edited by 
Nathaniel Bouton, D. D., Secretary of N. H. Hist. Society. 


432 NEW HAMPSHIRE. (Cuar. XVIII. 


patent against the claim of personal ownership, bought with their 
own sweat and blood. How easy it is to discern in these encounters 
the fountain of that spirit of independence which, in another century, 
would break into a flood. 

Robert Mason left his odious land-title to two sons, who sold it out 
ae to Samuel Allen, of London, who received a commission to 
Liontenant govern the province. Wilham of Orange appointed Allen’s 

son-in-law, John Usher, Lieutenant-governor of New Hamp- 
shire, to act during the absence of Allen. Usher was amiable, and 










































































































































































The Asssault on Mason and Barefoot. 


disposed to conciliate the province; but he was pledged to Allen, and 
the old distraining processes of Mason had to be renewed, but so 
ineffectually that Allen could not pay to Usher the annuity which 
had been promised to him. Usher had greatly excited the people 
by removing from his council two prominent men who were hostile 
to Allen’s claim. During a visit which Usher made to Boston, the 
people privately dispatched an influential merchant, William Part- 
ridge, to London to solicit, in their name, the office of Lieutenant- 
governor. Partridge was successful, owing to private interest exerted 
in his behalf; and the councillors who were obnoxious to Usher re- 
sumed their seats at the council board. 


1689. | NEW HAMPSHIRE GOVERNORS. 433 


Usher, at the beginning of his administration, found the actual 
possessors of land as unwilling to be ejected by writs issued Se 
under Allen’s derived title as under Mason’s original one. dileulty as 
They were, at the very moment, defending their homes, with = 
loss of life and property, against the attacks of the Eastern Indians. 
Smarting under the griefs 


and hardships of that serps 
warfare, living in con- oe 


stant uncertainty and 
dreading fresh outrages, 

they naturally resented ae 
this legal onset upon possessions which they could hardly hold against 
the savages. While the exposed settlements saw their barns and 
dwellings disappear in smoke, their kindred vanish into captivity, and 
precious lives laid down to maintain a colony, this fire in the rear was 
opened upon them by the official persons in Portsmouth. 

It was important for Usher to obtain possession of the papers which 
preserved all the business connected with Mason’s suits. They had 
been taken by force from the clerk who legally held them, and car- 
ried over to Kittery, to be concealed there. This was done in 1689, 

after the people in Bos- 

ton had deposed An- 

pei) dros, and the colonies 

Cyr Sas were expecting a new 

king and a change of 

administration. Usher 

attempted to recover them from the person who was prominent in 

their removal ; but he, though imprisoned, refused to deliver them 

up except upon an order of the Assembly. It does not appear that 

such an order was issued; but Usher did at length get. possession of 
the papers, which were restored to the custody of the clerk. 

But while Usher was in Boston, and when the party which was 
hostile to Allen’s claim had put Partridge into office, the Assembly 
ordered the papers to be placed in the hands of a newly appointed 
recorder. 

Allen, who was the actual Governor, came over in 1698, and as- 
sumed office ; Partridge continued in his place as Lieuten- anivat of 
ant-governor, notwithstanding the remonstrance of Usher, “"™ 
who produced a letter from the Lords of Trade which directed him to 
hold his office till the arrival of the Earl of Bellomont. But Par- 
‘tridge’s commission was held to be valid. The Earl had been lately 
created Governor of New York and the New England Provinces. He 


went first to New York and spent a year there, during which Allen’s 
VOL. II. 28 


Signature of John Usher. 


Signature of William Partridge. 


. Bellomont. 


434 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


administration only served to embitter the popular feeling ; it was ex- 
pressed in the resistance which the Assembly made to some of his 
measures, and so stubbornly that he dissolved it. The people hailed 
the appearance of the Earl in the summer of 1699, for they had then 
a Governor whose private interest was not involved in the proprietary 
whe Karl of title. He was able to entertain impartially the complaints 
of both parties. He advised the Assembly to reconstitute 
the courts which had been presided over by judges who were disposed 
to favor Allen’s claim. Their commissions had been vacated. Now 
the Assembly passed an act reéstablishing the superior and inferior 
courts, and Partridge, as acting Governor in the absence of the Earl, 
appointed the judges. 

When the question came before the new courts, it was found that no 
record of any judgments in favor of Mason, and no trace of 
his taking possession under them, was in existence. New 
suits were brought, therefore, to test the claim of Allen, 
who did not succeed in winning one of them. Consequently he ap- 
pealed to the King through the court. But the court held the Massa- 
chusetts doctrine that, under the old charter, no appeal through the 
court to the King was admissible. Allen was obliged to petition the 
King to grant him an appeal. 

It would prove monotonous to recount at length the varying for- 
tunes of this legal strife, so important to a large portion of New Eng- 
land. The King died, and Allen’s appeal came before Queen Anne. 
Thus the great quarrel passed into the eighteenth century. Juries 
refused to find a verdict for the plaintiff. But the people were dis- 
turbed at the prospect, that litigation might at any time be renewed at 
the will of the representatives of Allen’s claim. Therefore, 
through a meeting of deputies of actual settlers, a scheme 
for settlement was drawn, by which the inhabitants of townships 
should hold their lands absolutely free by quitclaim from Allen and his 

heirs, upon payment of £2,000, 

to be assessed upon inhabitants 

Nests Hib: zz 7. of townships, and an allotment of 

pees sundry acres of common land in 
the several townships. 

It is probable that Allen, whose 
means had been all swallowed up in lawsuits and expenses of agents, 
would have accepted this composition ; but he died before it could be 
presented to him. Of his assets falling to his son there was nothing 
but an opportunity to renew the litigation if the prospect pleased him. 
It was renewed in 1706 by a fresh writ of ejectment brought against 
Waldron, who was one of the largest landowners on the popular side, 


Progress of 
the litiga- 
tion over 
Allen’s title. 


A settlement 
proposed. 


Signature of Samuel Allen. 


' 


1675. ] THE INDIANS. 435 


and had been brought prominently forward, as his father was be- 
fore him, to resist the title of Mason. Losing the suit, Allen ap- 
pealed to the Superior Court, when a last supreme effort was made 
by both parties, and all the conflicting documents were displayed, 
including that famous and doubtful deed which four Indian Sa- 
chems, it was said, had made in 1629, to Rev. John Wheelwright 
and others, under which Wheelwright settled Exeter. Settlers of 
other places also held their land 
directly from the original native Pigor? Piired ore Ne 
. 9 e 
proprietors. Waldron’s father thus 
: Signature of Waldron. 
possessed lands in Dover. It is 
not necessary to review the charters, grants, and decisions which 
supported the proprietary title, nor the arguments employed by 
the counsel on both sides. The jury found for the de- gy ot the 
2 . test. 

fendant, Waldron, a confirmation of the judgment of the “°"* 
inferior court; an appeal was made as usual; but before it could 
reach a hearing in council Allen died in 1715, and the memorable 
contest never was renewed.! 

The Indians who lived on the Piscataqua, the Merrimac, and around 
Lake Winnipiseogee, speaking a kindred dialect with the 

: : r: : New Hamp- 

Abnaki tribes of Maine, were called Tarratines by the Mas- shire i- 

: : Se 2 dians. 
sachusetts Indians. At some former period one original 
Algonquin language probably prevailed all along the coast of New 
England; but at the time of the white man’s coming it had fallen 
apart with various modifications, influenced by the movements of 
separate tribes, by distance, isolation, and the fortunes of war. From 
the river St. George to the Piscataqua, and perhaps to the Merrimac, 
the tribes appear to have been once under the sway of the chief of 
the Wawenocks, the famous Basheba, a word that was either a title 

1 Belknap’s History of New Hampshire. 

Mason’s direct heirs were so reduced in fortune that we find a Tufton Mason livi ing with 
his mother obscurely in Boston, in 1713. One day the son, rummaging in an old cabinet 
hit upon a secret drawer in which a signet ring was concealed, that bore the arms and 
motto of the Tufton family. The head of the Tufton branch was the Earl of Thanet, 
and the young man determined to earn money enough to take him to England, that he 
might there prove his connection. He went to sea as a common sailor and worked his way 
up to be the mate of a ship. Finding himself in an English port, with a respectable out- 
fit, he inquired his way to the Karl’s mansion, and bade the porter announce him as an 
American. Upon being admitted, he said, ‘‘My Lord, Iam one of your Lordship’s kin- 
dred,’ and produced the ring, which bore the motto, ‘“ Ales volat propriis,’ the bird flies to 
its kind. The Earl accepted the claim which was thus made upon his relationship, became 
interested in Mason, procured his education, and then a commission in the army. He was 
a major of marines at the taking of Senegal from the French, was made a colonel for gal- 
lantry, and then Governor of Senegal. He presented to St. John’s Church, in Portsmouth, 
the beautiful font which was found among the French spoils. In this form the tradition of 
the old territorial Proprietor was gracefully transmitted by one of his landless descendants. 
MS. of John L. Hayes, Esq., Z’ruditions of a Royal Province. 


436 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


of some prominent chief, or his name which became a title. His head- 
quarters were on the Sagadahoe. The Penobscots had attacked the 
tribe and destroyed the supremacy which it exercised both to the east- 
ward and westward. Then the different sachems found themselves 
unmolested in their 
local authority over 
their respective 
tribes; but though 
independent of the 
Eastern Indians 
they were still ex- 
posed to raids, and 
dreaded the restless 
and warlike temper 
of the Penobscots. 
The Mohawks also 
frequently attacked 
the New Hampshire 
Indians, and a great 
defeat, which was 
sustained by the 
Penacook Indians 
near the present 
Concord, was re- 
membered with 
dread.} 
The four sachems 
mentioned in Rev. John Wheelwright’s deed as sellers of land to him 
were Passaconaway of Penacook (‘ place of the ground-nut,”’ 
eae now Concord), Runawit of Pentucket (at the falls of the 
Peighis Merrimac), Wahaugnonawit of Squamscot, now Exeter, and 
oat Rowls of Newichawannock, now Berwick. Of these sachems 
Passaconaway was the most influential; the other sachems and the 
natives around Lake Winnipiseogee deferred to his counsels. He was 
a great medicine-man, skilled in all the charms and occult practices of 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View on Lake Winnipiseogee. 


1 The Indians loved to settle around falls and profitable fishing places. They named 
parts of rivers rather than their whole length. Merrimac means the Place of Swift Water, 
and was applied to the rapids below Amoskeag. The latter word means fishing-place. 
Pawtucket means the Place of Deer. Piscataqua means Big-Deer Place, because deer were 
found in great numbers around the river in the interior. The elements of the word also 
enter into Pautuckaway. “ When the inhabitants in that district became numerous enough 
to petition for an act of incorporation as a town, they sent a large deer as a present to the 
Governor, Benning Wentworth, who thereupon signified his wish that the new town should 
be called Deer-field.” Wamesit was at the junction of the Concord and Merrimac rivers. 
Naumkeag was the fishing-place at the Falls. — Ballard’s Geographical Names: 


1675. ] RELATIONS WITH THE INDIANS. A437 


the Indian, and used them with great effect to preserve ascendency 
over the native mind. Some of the feats which were told of him have 
all the color and flavor of Kast Indian jugeglery. Years afterward, 
when he was an old man, he confessed at a great feast that he had 
often tried his strongest spells against the white man, with a view to 
hinder his increase in the country ; but as they invariably failed he 
had made up his mind that war would be a failure also, and coun- 
selled his young men not to engage in it. His influence, which pre- 
served the early settlements from attack, may be partly credited to 
John Eliot “the Apostle,” who came into his country on a mission- 
ary tour with Mayhew, and impaired his belief in the native sorcery, 
chiefly by convincing him of the efficacy of English drugs in the 
treatment of disease. In 1642, the settlements became alarmed to 
find Indians in the woods who were hunting with fire-arms, and a 
force visited the old chief to discover his intentions. But the alarm 
was groundless, except that the unwelcome discovery was made that 
a trader from Weymouth had been furnishing guns and powder to the 
natives. In fact they were provided with arms before 1628. 

The Pequot war was waged at too great a distance to agitate the 
Eastern Indians. No common ground of offence then existed, no 
emissaries tampered with them. The New Hampshire set- y...con- 
tlements enjoyed immunity till 1675. Wonnelauset, the fnued vee 


dom of New 


son of Passaconaway, was then the chief, though the old fampshire 
man was still alive; he lived, in fact, to be over one hun- Postities. 

dred years of age. Eliot conversed with the son at Pawtucket, now 
Lowell, Massachusetts, and found him well disposed toward the new 
doctrine. He said to Eliot that he was ‘ quite willing to leave his 
old canoe and embark in a new canoe.” But on the breaking out of 
Philip’s war he fell under suspicion of the English, and a hundred 
men, under Captain Moseley, were sents to his village, at Penacook. 
At their approach the natives withdrew and hid in the woods, to 
avoid offence and collision. The soldiers wantonly burned the wig- 
wams and their contents. But Wonnelauset did not undertake to 
retaliate for this injury. He withdrew all his people to the head- 
waters of the Connecticut that they might not be led into war. 

It is doubtful if Philip did anything to excite the Eastern Indians 
to hostilities. He had no need to lift his hand for that, because it 
was diplomatically fomented by French priests and officers. The old 
story of wanton outrage, remembered by the native while he bided 
his time, was repeated. Various kidnapping operations had not been 
forgotten. Supercilious acts were frequent enough ; and a disparag- 
ing behavior galled the native pride. One day some sailors upset the 
canoe of the sachem Squando, in which were his squaw and an in- 


438 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [CHap. XVIII. 


fant, as they said, to see if the child had a natural gift of swimming. 
Thetesm. Lhe frantic mother succeeded in rescuing the child, but it 
ahs Bie died of the shock. Quite naturally Squando made a note of 
it. The English annalists affect to talk about the malignant: 
influence of this sachem, but outrages similar to this one, and a num- 
ber of petty treacheries which did not reach the length of murder, 
TheNew are quite sufficient to account for the promptness with 
maehire which the Indians availed themselves of the moment of 
Phitp’s war. Philip’s war. There suddenly appeared a chance for bring- 
ing the white man to a reckoning when he was deeply involved in 
other directions. 
The Indians around the Kennebec struck the first blow when their 
English neighbors, who dreaded the effect of the news from Philip, 

































































































































































The Sailors upsetting Squando’s Canoe 


attempted to make them surrender their arms. Then a case or two 
of plunder and assault broke the long truce, and sufficed to bring on 
Hostilities hostilities. The savages tasted their first blood at Falmouth, 
neem where an old man and seven of his family were killed and 
most barbarously mutilated, and two grandchildren carried off. When 
the Indian temper was thus aroused, and every pretence of accommo- 
dation thrown aside, devastation spread slowly but surely from place 
to place. 

The tactics of the savages were the same as in Massachusetts. 
They lay in wait for laborers in the field, for isolated parties that 
strolled out of the garrison-houses. They skulked behind people who 
were returning to a fortified place, and slipped in with them. At 
Saco they attempted to set fire to a garrison house by the same strat- 


1675. ] INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 439 


agem which Philip’s men tried at Brookfield. Screened behind a 
wagon filled with combustibles, they pushed it up to the log-walls. 
Both attempts failed: the wagon in one case getting hopelessly mired, 
and in the other jerking suddenly into a rut and exposing the savages 
to the fire of the besieged. They seldom persisted in attacks which 
promised to be long and obstinate. Like the tiger, if the first spring 
missed the victim, they slunk away to make fresh attempts elsewhere. 
Fire and blood blazed their path as far as Exeter and Do- yciaente of 
ver. At Newichawannock (Berwick), a servant-maid of ‘° 
eighteen who observed a party of Indians approaching Richard To- 
zier’s house, bravely held the door till the rest escaped to the garrison- 
house: fifteen women and children were within. The Indians hacked 
down the door, and with it the girl, left her for dead, and pursuing 
the rest, caught two little children who could not get over a fence, 
and killed them. The girl recovered and lived to be quite old. A 
bundred Indians attacked this place again in October, when three 
soldiers were surprised and killed. Brave Roger Plaisted, going out 
with a cart and twenty men to recover the bodies, fell into another 
ambush. All his men and the frightened team ran back ; he and two 
sons stood fighting and were slain. The example of their heroism 
made a wholesome impression upon the savages, who went on more 
cautiously, scoring their fury as far as Kittery; but by the end of 
1675 as many as fifty settlers had been murdered, and many barns, 
mills, and houses burned. 

A severe winter with a great fall of snow compelled the Indians to 
suspend their designs. Hunger, too, proved to be an excellent peace- 
maker, for they had grown dependent upon the English for various 
supplies. ‘Therefore, a treaty was made and all captives restored. 
But the bitter feelings only smouldered, and blazed out again, prin- 
cipally in Maine, where some of Philip’s men who were dispersed by 
his death retreated and mingled with the Eastern Indians. 

Massachusetts was not unmindful of the dangers which threatened 
the remote settlements of New Hampshire. She sent one |. 
hundred and thirty men to Dover to join the force of Major Massachu- 
Waldron who commanded there. This was in the summer _ 
of 1676. Under orders to seize all Indians who had been guilty of 
murder, he invited those who were disposed for peace to come in to 
him under a flag of truce. They came without any guaranty of pro- 
tection. Among them were a number of Philip’s men, and the Mas- 
sachusetts soldiers insisted that an indiscriminate seizure yay 
should be made of all. To effect this without bloodshed, dron’s strat- 
Major Waldron invited the Indians to participate in a mock i 
training, and when, at the command to fire, all their muskets were 


440 NEW HAMPSHIRE. ([Cuap. XVIII. 


emptied, the troops closed round and took all prisoners save two or 
three. The Major intended to release the well-disposed, among whom 
were Passaconaway’s son and the Penacook Indians who had returned 
from the Connecticut; but so little discrimination was used that 
many of them were included in the two hundred who were removed 
to Boston and subsequently sold as slaves, “sent into other parts of 
the world, to try the difference between the friendships of their neigh- 
bors here, and their service with other masters elsewhere!” The say- 
ages stored up the recollection of this stratagem and its benign results ; 




































































































































































for they considered that Philip’s men 
had fled to them for protection and 
hospitality. The deeds of violence 
were renewed. Seven Massachusetts 
men were surprised and killed at Falmouth, and an entire settlement 
Brae Ae of forty persons in a remote place was destroyed ; many 
oF re a amrete murdered under tortures and the rest carried into cap- 

tivity. At Cape Neddock + a woman, and her infant at the 
breast, were murdered in a most barbarous manner. 

Captain Hathorne was detailed with one hundred and thirty men, 
in the fall of 1676 to pursue the Indians; but he never succeeded in 
coming up with them. In November there appeared at Portsmouth a 
famous sachem of the Eastern Indians named Mugg or Mogg, to make 
another treaty. He was sent to Boston to confer with the magistrates, 
and concluded with them a treaty providing for cessation of hostili- 
ties, restoration of prisoners, and a prohibition to purchase arms and 
powder except from an agent of the government. 











Waldron’s Sham-fight 


1 Meaning “ cleared Jand,” a neighborhood where the Indians had some cultivated fields, 
and many of their implements are still turned up by the plough. — Ballard’s Geographical 
Names. 








1677.] MAJOR WALDRON’S EXPEDITION. 441 


Moge carried this treaty to Madockawando, the sachem of the 
Penobscot, who was his chief; he signed it in behalf of his yy. 
tribe, and doubtless in good faith. But Moge, under pre- 7%: 
tence of visiting other tribes to persuade them to release their Eng- 
lish prisoners, did not return, and fomented the hatred of the natives. 
This policy was suspected at Portsmouth, and the alarmed inhabi- 
tants prevailed upon the government to forestall the treachery of the 
natives by some prompt action of its own. Consequently in February, 
1677, Major Waldron, with a force of English and Natick Indians, 
sailed for the Kennebec and Pemaquid. 

At the latter place an interview with the natives looking to some 
amicable arrangement was broken up by the discovery that yoctiities 
they had brought arms; at least one lance was found con- ‘neve. 
cealed in a canoe. In the quarrel that ensued, several Indians were 
killed; and hostilities were renewed with the opening spring. Seven 
men were killed near York, nine at the mouth of the Kennebec. 
Mogg was killed in leading an attack upon Black Point, but at the 
same place a week after ninety soldiers were caught in an ambush 
and sixty slain. ‘The natives became so adventurous that they en- 
gaged in sea-fights, by boarding from their frail canoes fishing ves- 
sels that lay at anchor off the coast in various places, sometimes 
between the Isles of Shoals and York. If these vessels were care- 
lessly guarded, the savages always got possession of them, killed the 
crew and destroyed the cargo. Up and down the Piscataqua con- 
tinual alarms travelled. Houses were burned and people slain in 
Wells, Kittery, and within the limits of Portsmouth, at a place now 
called Greenland. : 

The General Court of Massachusetts sent Major Pynchon of Spring- 
field and Richards of Hartford into the country of the Mo- eX: 
hawks to stir up their ancient animosity. against the Eastern mints 
Indians and direct it toward the protection of the settle- aie hie 
ments in New Hampshire and Maine. This mission was so far suc- 
cessful that some parties of Mohawks appeared in the neighborhood 
of Dover and Wells. In the former place they made the mistake of 
attacking some of Major Waldron’s friendly Indians, so that it be- 
came rumored abroad among the natives that the English had treach- 
erously imported Mohawks to slay indiscriminately all Indians. ‘The 
native suspicion was kept alive by this unhappy mistake and this 
injudicious policy of setting Indian to fight Indian. The immediate 
results were not important, but subsequently the French adopted 
that policy when they wanted to combine the natives against the 


English. 


At length commissioners, one of whom was Captain Champernoon 


442 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuar. XVIII. 


of Kittery, were appointed to meet the various sachems at Casco and 
endeavor to effect a permanent treaty. Thither Squando went, sated 
of vengeance, and Madockawando, the father-in-law of Baron Castin, 
by him instructed how to meet the advances of the English. It was 
the Baron who had supplied the arms and powder for this three years’ 
war. 

The most aggressive tribes were represented at this council. A 
Atreaty of treaty which closed hostilities, but only for a few years, was 
Poe here made, which promised to return all captives and to 
refrain from future attacks upon the settlers, who were to be allowed 
to reoccupy their desolated lands. The English, on their part, en- 


























































































































ie y L5 


Sree 4 = - Air = OT Lines 
S ihn - — — 9 — oe f the B 
OE | ALTERS <a ea TaN uF 45 
View of Dover, N. H. 


gaged to pay one peck of corn annually for every English family 
settled between the Piscataqua and Penobscot. This was regarded 
by the Indians not only as tribute but symbol of acknowledgment of 
their original proprietorship of the soil. But the annual payments 
were very iregularly made. The treaty was concluded in April, 
1678. 

Governor Cranfield in 1684, laid a tax upon the people without 
cranfiela’s their consent. When the council demurred he adroitly 
action in availed himself of reports that the Eastern Indians meditated 
THRE new disturbances in the coming spring, and the tax was 
agreed to on the ground of the common defence. His project of en- 
listing the Mohawks against the Eastern Indians, and paying their 





- 


nae Ae "g 


1684. | GOVERNOR CRANFIELD AND THE INDIANS. 448 


services out of the money raised by the tax, increased his unpopular- 
ity. The friendly Indians became alarmed, for it was understood that 
the Mohawks made no distinction among New England Indians: they 
were all traditional enemies. In the summer of 1685 the Penacook 
and Saco Indians, after gathering their corn, began to remove their 
families from the Englsh neighborhood, under the impression that 
the Mohawks were about to invade them. The English in their 
turn became alarmed at the movement; but inquiries led to a good 
understanding, and a treaty of mutual defence and reparation of in- 
juries was made, which lasted about four years. 


A CPt , 4 


Signature of Champernoon, 


The chief of the Penacooks at that time was Kancamagus, a nephew 
of Wonnalauset, who went by the English name of Hogkins or Haw- 
kins. He wrote to and visited the Governor, but there was a want of 
that personal attention so grateful to an Indian, and a disregard of 
the appeals made by him and his people. The chief was converted 
into an implacable foe, and is supposed to have planned the subsequent 
attack upon Dover.t 


1 Hogkins wrote the following curious letter to Cranfield: ‘“ Honour Governor my 
friend, you my friend J desire your worship and your power Because I hope you can do 
som great matters this once I am poor and naked and I have no men at my place because 
I afraid allways mohogs he will kill me every day and night if your worship when please 
pray help me you no let mohogs kill me at my place at Malamaki [Merrimac] River called 
Panukkog and Nattukkog I will submit your worship and your power and now I want 
powder and such allminish shott and guns because I have forth at my hom and I plant 
theare. 

“ This all Indian hand but 

pray you do consider your humble Servant 
JoHN HoGKkins.” . 

Srmon BetocKom 

JOSEPH + TRASKE 

Kine + HARY 

Sam + LINIS 

WAPEGWANAT -+- TAGNACHUWASHAT 

oLtp Rosin + 

MAMANOSQUES + ANDWA 

PETER + Rosin 

Mr. Gorce + RoppunonukGus 

MR. HOPE + HOTH 

Joun + Tonen 

Joun -+ Cunowa 

JOHN + OWAMOSIMMIN 

NATONILL -++ INDIAN 


dit NEW HAMPSHIRE. _ [Cuap. XVIII. 


In 1688, the Eastern Indians were again in motion, at the instiga- 
tion of Castin, whose house had been plundered by Andros. 
dimou A few raids in Maine during the summer were only prelim- 
pen inary to the outbreak of 1689 which so seriously affected 
New Hampshire. Major Waldron’s mock training bore mortal con- 
sequences after thirteen years of brooding vengeance. Some of the 
natives who were sent to Boston and sold into slavery escaped, and 
found their way back. They easily inflamed numbers of Philip’s 
men who were still harbored by the Penacook and Fryburg Indians ; 
and the resentment spread to the tribes who were nominally friendly. 
Castin’s agents were also at work to effect a hostile combination 
against the English. 

There were five garrison-houses in Dover to which the inhabitants 
The Indians Letired at night. They were strongly built, surrounded by 
PP RBE'S tall palisades, and capable of making an effective defence. 
Anxiety concerning the Indians had subsided. Waldron himself felt 
entirely secure. ‘The watch at these garrison-houses was carelessly 
kept, and the Indians went freely to and fro among the inhabitants. 
Some of the settlers fancying that the natives were observing the 
situation more closely than usual, became alarmed. ‘There was re- 
newed dread of coming trouble, but Waldron told the people to 
mind their pumpkin-planting. Though the town was fuller of Indians 
than usual, Waldron professed to divine instinctively their disposition, 
and lightly rallied the concern of the people. 

On the 27th of June, toward evening, two squaws apphed at each. 
garrison-house for permission to pass the night, as they had frequently 
done before. They were admitted to all but one of them. A chief 
accompanied the two squaws who went to Major Waldron’s house. 
They were received with hospitality. Said the squaws to the Major, 
many Indians will come to trade to-morrow. Said the chief, ** Brother 
Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?” 
“Tf I lift my finger I can summon a hundred men,” said the Major, 

So profound was the confidence in their perfect safety which Wal- 

dron had inspired in his people that when the gates were 
ths oor secured, the squaws were instructed how to undo the fasten- 
ae ings, on their intimation that they might wish to go out 
during the night. At a signal from their confederates outside the 
squaws unbolted the gate, the Indians entered and found their way to 
an inner room where Waldron slept. The old man of eighty seized 
his sword and drove the savages out from room to room, but a blow 
from a hatchet stunned him and he fell. 

Now came the hour of triumph. It was not for a sham-fight that 
they picked up the old man and set him in a chair upon a table, cry- 


an 





=, 


" 


wv 


to 




















| iW } 
aan 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































THE MURDER OF MAJOR WALDRON. 


1689.] DOVER ATTACKED. 445 


ing ‘‘ Now judge Indians.” ‘Then they deliberately helped themselves 
to food, compelling the other inmates of the house to serve them. 
After the meal they gathered round the Major and each one slitting 
some part of his body with a knife, said, ‘* That’s my account — I 
cross it out.” One savage cut off his nose, another his ears ; another, 
calling for the scales used in barter to weigh beaver skins, cut off his 
right hand and threw it in, saying, ‘“ We'll see if it does weigh a 
pound,” for there was a saying among: the Indians that in selling 
beaver a white man’s hand weighs a pound, ‘To their terror and as- 
tonishment it weighed a pound exactly. Then the old man sinking 
from the loss of blood, they held his sword so that he might fall upon 
it and be transfixed. | 

The house was pillaged and set on fire. Another was served in the 
same way after the men had been killed and the women set j,oaonts of 
aside for captivity. The barking of a dog saved another just ‘eae 
as the Indians were entering. A man cast himself on the ground 
to avoid the bullets which the savages began to fire through the 
door and held it with his feet till the inmates were aroused. One 
house belonging to a man against whom the Indians bore no grudge 
escaped with pillaging; they made him throw his coin among them 
while they scrambled for it. He was the father of the man who had 
refused admittance to the squaws. ‘They took him to the house and 
threatened to kill him if the son would not surrender. These two 
families were reserved for captivity, but in the confusion managed to 
escape. 

Elizabeth Heard, with three sons and a daughter, belonged to the 
house which was saved by the dog. She was coming with them up 
the river from Portsmouth that night, and hearing the noise she sus- 
pected trouble, and the party landed and went to Waldron’s lrouse. 
Not procuring admission, a young man .scaled the palisade, and saw 
an Indian with a gun waiting at the inner door. The woman was so 
overcome by the news that she sunk to the ground, and only begged 
her children to leave her and escape. Toward morning an Indian 
came toward her with a pistol, looked at her and walked away. He 
returned, and she spoke to him. He recognized the voice and ran 
away with loud exclamations. He was one of the Indians who es- 
caped from Major Waldron’s stratagem in 1676, took refuge in her 
house, and was harbored by her. He promised then that he would 
never do harm to her and her family. Thus one act of gratitude re- 
lieved the horrors of that night. 

Twenty-three persons were killed and twenty-nine were taken to 
Canada,! and sold to the French, who brought the children up as 
Roman Catholics. Several houses and mills were burned. 


1 The Saco starts in Crawford’s Notch. 


446 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [CHap. XVIII. 


Massachusetts despatched a few companies, and Captain Church 
was sent from Plymouth. The name of the conqueror of Philip was 
a terror to the Indians. Along the Androscoggin, the Penobscot, 
and the Kennebec, he made several campaigns, never fighting without 
success, but often unable to overtake the savages, who fled on hearing 
of his approach, leaving behind them only the ashes of their villages 
and their stores. But the blow of the enemy always fell upon places 
where it was least expected. At Oyster River the Indians 
waited till the garrison 
went out to work, then slipped 
between them and the _ house, 
and killed all but one. ‘T’wo 
boys defended the house bravely, 


Other raids 




















































Elizabeth Heard and the Indian. 


till it was set on fire, and even then refused to surrender, save on 
condition that the lives of the women and children should be spared. 
The promise was broken: one of the little children was impaled 
before the eyes of the mother. 

In 1690 the French were at war with England. The Governor 
of Canada organized expeditions of French and Indians, 
against various points of the colonies in New England and 
New York. Fifty-two men attacked Salmon Falls on the morning 


Later Indian 
hostilities. 


1690.] THE FRENCH AND INDIANS. 447 


of the 18th of March. The inhabitants made a brave but vain re- 
sistance. ‘Thirty were killed and the rest surrendered. Twenty- 
seven houses and two thousand head of cattle in the barns were 
destroyed.’ This party was pursued by one hundred and forty men, 
and warmly engaged, but made good their retreat with little loss, 
carrying off the women and children, some of whom were treated 
with great cruelty. The incident of dashing a babe’s brains out 
against a tree, which is told of various places, occurred upon this 
journey through the woods to Canada. It was more economical to 
slay the weaker captives, because each scalp brought a premium when 
presented before some French officer. 

The details of every fight in this war need not be told. Casco was 
destroyed, Exeter was attacked, houses were burned, and people 
killed in the field in various directions. ‘Twenty persons were killed’ 
and captured at Rye Beach in 1691. York was destroyed the pre- 
vious year. In 1694, a body of two hundred and fifty Eastern In- 
dians under French guidance, and with a French priest to shrive the 
dying, made an attack upon the settlement at Oyster River. gitsck on 
Twelve of the houses were fortified, but they were badly jie Ovster | 
watched and ill provided for defence. Many of the people ™™* 
lived carelessly, in ordinary houses. How easily the edge of bitter 
experience grows dull in a frontier life, where Nature’s sense of secur- 
ity seems to be shared by human beings. An important element of 
success in these enterprises of the savages was the short memories of 
the victims. 

On this occasion the party divided into small groups, one being 
detailed to each house on either side of the river. The first gun fired 
was to be the signal for a simultaneous assault, but a man drew the 
first shot prematurely by appearing at the door of his house. ,, The 
attacking parties were not all in readiness, so that only five of the 
garrison-houses were taken, but nearly all the other houses were de- 
stroyed, a great many people killed, with the usual barbarities. Per- 
sons who surrendered on a promise that their life should be spared 
were instantly butchered. A woman with child was ripped open; a 
little boy of nine was made to run down a lane of the Indians, who 
pelted him with tomahawks till he was killed. Thomas Bickford, 
who was alone in his house, managed to repel an assault by frequently 
changing his hat and dress, and issuing orders as to a number of men. 
While the massacre was going on the French priest got into the 
meeting-house, and amused himself by scrawling the tenets of his faith 
with a piece of chalk on the pulpit. About a hundred persons were 


1 Charlevoix is quoted with some incredulity by Belknap’s Hist. of New Hampshire, i. 
207. 


448 NEW HAMPSHIRE. [Cuap. XVIII. 


killed and captured. One woman during the succeeding winter was 
delivered of a child in a violent snow-storm. The Indians killed it. 
She lived fourteen days on a decoction of bark and water, became 
senseless from the cold, was revived by the usual Indian remedy of 
warm water poured down her throat, remained in brutal captivity four 
years, rejoined her husband, had fourteen children, and died at eighty- 
nine! Of such stuff were made the matrons of those perilous times. 

About three miles up the river from Portsmouth, Madame Ursula 
Cutts, widow of John Cutts, the first royal President, lived upon her 
farm. The affair at Oyster River did not scare her into town. She 
insisted upon staying in the country till all her hay was in the barn. 
Some Indians lay in ambush as she was in the field directing her 
laborers. She was shot and scalped, and her fingers were cut off for 





























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Rye Beach. 


the rings. Colonel Richard Waldron and his wife were going up the 
river in a boat to dine with the old lady when the tidings of her death 
intercepted them. 

In the summer of 1696 the Indians crossed from York to Rye 
Beach in canoes, and made an attack upon some houses near Little 
Harbor, killing fourteen people and firing the houses. They were 
pursued, but reached their canoes and put to sea. Some boats that 
were sent to intercept them, delivered fire too soon, and they escaped 
by going round the Isles of Shoals. Fort William Henry at Pema- 
quid, which the Indians had captured six years before, was the scene 
of a serious disaster. Sir William Phips had rebuilt and fortified it 
at great expense contrary to the advice of Church, who believed that 


1 Belknap’s LZist. of New Hampshire, i., 216-220. 


1697.] THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 449 


in Indian warfare such places were only “nests of destruction.” It 
was a constant provocation to the French of Canada, who were de- 
termined to take and destroy it. A force of two ships of war, with 
two companies of soldiers, under Iberville, to be reinforced by Baron 
Castin with Indians, was sent against it. On the way Iberville en- 
countered two English ships of war, the Newport and the Sorlings, 
and a cutter belonging to the Province of Massachusetts. The Mew- 
_ port he took, the others escaped in a fog. At the mouth of the Pen- 
obscot Castin joined the expedition with two hundred savages in a 
fleet of canoes. ‘This formidable force invested Pemaquid, and sum- 
moned it to surrender. ‘The fortress had a garrison of a hundred 
men, ammunition and food enough to stand a siege, and mounted fif- 
teen guns. The first summons was rejected; but in the night the 
French set up a battery on shore, and on the second day threw shot 
and shell into the town and fort. Castin threatened that if the place 
was taken by storm it should be given up to the plunder of the sav- 
ages. Captain Chubbs, the commander, yielded, and threw open his 
gates. The garrison was only saved from massacre by being taken 
to an island in the harbor and put under a guard of French marines. 
But the fort was demolished and the town plundered. Chubbs may 
have only meant to save the lives of his men, but he was, neverthe- 
less, tried for cowardice on his return to Boston, and cashiered.! At 
Dover three persons were killed returning home from divine service. 
Belknap relates the remarkable escape of Exeter in the summer of 
1697. A number of Indians were concealed near the town waiting 
for an opportunity. By a stroke of foolish good luck some women and 
children took that very time to go into the fields for strawberries, and 
would not be prevented. Somebody in town fired a gun to scare them 
back ; but the report scared the Indians also, who retreated, suppos- 
ing that they had been discovered. But on the 4th of July pagoe the 
of that year they killed Major Frost, at Kittery, thus clos- “” 

ing a piteous list of massacres, and making the circle of their re- 
venge complete by the death of an officer who was concerned in 
Major Waldron’s sham-fight at Dover. This, probably, was the last 
Indian shot fired in New Hampshire during the war. In 1698 the 
Peace of Ryswick restrained the Indians from further hostilities. 
Many of the captives were returned, but a good many preferred to re- 
main, and thus started a race of half-breeds to be most dangerous ene- 
mies in future wars. 


1 Sewall’s Ancient Dominions of Maine. Annals of Salem. 
VOL. II. 29 












































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Witches’ Hill, Salem. 


CHAPTER XIX. 


THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. 


OUTBREAK OF THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION.— ITs EArnIeER History. —CAvUSsES OF 


THE EXCITEMENT IN NEw ENGLAND. — WITCHCRAFT CASES IN SALEM. — SAMUEL 
Parris. — THE Eariitr TriaAts. — Return or Puirs.— A SpecraLt Court 
CREATED FOR WITCHCRAFT CaAsES. — FURTHER PROSECUTIONS. — EXPOSURE AND 
EnpD OF THE DELUSION. — WITCHCRAFT IN New HAMPSHIRE. — THE BELIEF 
FINDS FEW ADHERENTS OUTSIDE MASSACHUSETTS. — “ STONE-THROWING ” AT 


GREAT Istanp. — THe Case or StTeErHEN BuRROUGHS. 


THE important and interesting political events — ending with 
Phips’s return from England with the new charter — following the 
close of Philip’s War, had hardly ceased to agitate the colonies, 
when there came, especially upon Massachusetts, a dispensation more 
gloomy and terrible than marked any other period of the century. 
It cannot, indeed, be said that the witcheraft panic, which broke out 
in 1692, was a result of Puritan theology, or due to the sombre and 
intolerant temperament which its doctrines nourished. The belief in 
a diabolical possession is coextensive with and as old as the human 


1484.] ITS EARLIER HISTORY. 451 


race. Its superstitions, it is true, have been colored by the culture 
of different epochs, and by different developments of the religious 
sentiment. But no religion has ever succeeded in so filtering the 
popular mind as to let the so-called facts of witchcraft drop as dregs 
to the bottom. If the Puritanism of New England was as powerless 
as other religious systems to enlighten the ordinary intelligence, its 
faith, nevertheless, in the intimate nearness of the supernatural, made 
its followers peculiarly susceptible to the delusion which, under the 
name of witchcraft, so overwhelmed the colony. It may, however, 
be said on their behalf that never yet has the belief of a supernatural 
interference in the affairs of men, distinct from the omnipotent and 
omniscient rule, been rooted out of the human mind. It lurks even 
now, not merely among half-civilized peoples, but in the habits and 
practices of the most cultivated nations, wherever the inevitable com- 
bination of credulity and ignorance invites it. 

Certain obscure facts of a physico-nervous character have always 
drawn the attention of mankind, and suggested thoughts of super- 
natural causes. Whenever the accidental and abnormal traits of 
the human organization are not understood, they are invariably inter- 
preted in a preternatural sense. ‘The sufferers are victims of invis- 
ible agencies; the names which have been invented for these run 
along a whole gamut from heathen and classical times to the medi- 
eval imps and the modern Satan. Itis not at all surprising that peo- 
ple should endeavor to protect themselves against something uncanny 
which they do not understand. 

Perhaps the modern animosity against reputed witches was first 
fomented by the Bull of Pope Innocent VIII., in 1484, to guns pis. 
arrest persons suspected of witchcraft. In 1485 forty-one f1¥ of jhe 
old women were burnt in Burlia, denounced for something °°" 
that was only crabbedness of disposition, oddity of habit, repulsive- 
ness of appearance, — traits which perhaps they used to threaten or 
to affright. ‘These marks have always sufficed to send odd and lonely 
old women to the stake or gallows. Massachusetts did not invent 
mankind’s great trepidation. One hundred persons were condemned 
by one inquisition in Piedmont, and forty-eight in Ravensburg. In 
1515 five hundred were executed at Geneva in the space of three 
months. These are merely random specimens of the medieval tem- 
per. It was the same in all other countries, and under Protestant 
as well as Catholic religions. If Luther, worn out by too protracted 
study, could conjure the Devil out of the air of his apartment, what 
must have been the visions and frights of peasants and burghers ? 
Probably no amount of ink thrown at that dark personage will ever 
expel him from the fancy. 


452 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [Cuap. XIX. 


It was in the twelfth century that the notion of a witch, asa 
woman who had made a secret compact with Satan, who gave her 
power to ride through the air to attend a witch’s meeting, first ap- 
peared. This survived to be the chief modern qualification of a 
witch. She could perform various other preternatural feats, vex, 
blast, blight, and kill. Her genius was always guided by malice, 
but the aeronautic faculty was her distinction. People suspected of 
this were sacrificed in Europe by thousands, so deep a terror had 
seized hold of the popular mind. The more sensitive woman, sub- 
ject to hysteria, to religious and epidemical influences, to obscure 
affections of the nerves, was the principal sufferer, always the Joan 
of Are of the popular ignorance. 

In the reign of Henry VIII. there were a few executions for witch- 
Witcheratt Craft in England, under a law of 1541, which was soon re- 
in England pyealed. Ever since the reign of King John there had been 
trials for witchcraft, and probably executions. In 1537, Lady Glam- 
mis of the Douglas family was burnt alive as a witch; but, as in the 
case of Joan of Arc, political motives were mixed up in the act. 
Scotch witchery was connected with the use of herbs, salves, reme- 
dies, and charms: attempts at wnbinding, that is, healing, were pun- 
ishable. In Aberdeen, in 1597, one man and twenty-three women 
were burnt. In the same place there was an outcry of witchcraft in 
1617, and twenty-seven women were burnt in that year. In 1559 
the English Parliament passed a law against witchcraft, and again in 
1563, which remained in force till it was repealed in 1736. Bishop 
Jewel, in a sermon before Queen Elizabeth, who used to frequent Dr. 
Dee’s conjuring shop for consultation, informed her that witches and 
sorcerers were marvellously increased in her realm. In 1575 many 
were hung at Barking ; in 1579, three at Chelmsford, four at Abing- 
don, two at Cambridge ; in 1582, thirteen at St. Osith’s, and so on, 
with melancholy frequency. Matthew Hopkins, in 1644-1646, under- 
took the function of Witchfinder. He laid down rules and reduced 
the hunting of witches to a science, while Harvey, Wallis, Wilkins, 
3oyle, were founding the Royal Society. It is pleasant to know that 
he found too many witches: the people became disgusted and 
alarmed, and mobbed him into obscurity. His most lucrative witch- 
year was 1645, when about ninety were hanged. The trials were held 
before Sir Matthew Hale, a devout believer in witchcraft. So were 
Dr. More and Sir Thomas Brown. Hobbes was undecided. Cud- 
worth used to listen to reputed witches, to test them by their ability 
to recite the Common Prayer and the Apostle’s Creed. The Lord's 
Prayer was a later test. Lord Bacon prescribed the ingredients for 
a witch’s ointment. Even Selden, famous lover of liberty, said that 


1661.] | ITS EARLIER HISTORY. 453 


if witchcraft were a delusion, still crimes of the imagination might 
be punished with death, because realities were not more deadly in 
their consequences. Boyle inclined to a belief in it; Archbishop 
Cranmer put a witch-clause into his Articles of Visitation. In 1593 
the income of £40, derived from the confiscated property of three 
persons executed for witchcraft, was appropriated for an annual lec- 
ture upon its enormity, to be preached by a Doctor or Bachelor of 
Divinity, of Queen's College, Cambridge ; and the custom continued 
for one hundred and twenty-five years.1 

A class of witch-finders was created by the popular demand who 
were very active. Like judges, they used to go on the cir- wry ana 
cuit; the town-crier would make proclamation and order °* 
up the witch-cases before them. Finders realized so much per head 
on all persons convicted, and free passage to and fro. It was the 
best speculative business of the time, when a man like Edward Fair- 
fax, the transiator of Tasso, whose children were subject to fits, pros- 
ecuted six of his neighbors for bewitching them. In 1655 Dalton’s 
“Country Justice” lays down the legal signs by which the victim 
may be held for trial. The witch-names used by Shakespeare were 
found in the Manual of W. W., which was printed in 1582. In 
1693 a great many trials were held before Chief Justice Holt. He 
kept a clear brain through the business, and was the first public man 
in office who protected the accused.2 Then the superstition began 
to decline in England: the last capital trial occurred in 1712. But 
in Scotland it was 1727 before the last witch was burned. Perhaps 
the worst time in England for witches was in 1661, the year after 
the Restoration. Fourteen commissions were issued for trying them, 


1 Judd’s History of Hadley. The general’subject is indebted to Michelet’s La Sorciére ; 
Lecky’s /History of Rationalism ; Smedley, Thompson, Rich, and others, Occult Sciences ; 
Drake’s ed. of Calef’s Witchcraft Delusion in New Englund ; South Meadows, or the Days 
of Witchcraft, by KE. T. Disoway ; Upham’s Salem Witchcraft ; Thomas Brattle’s Account, 
Mass. Hist. Coll.: Mather’s Wonders of the Invisible World; Hutchinson’s Historical E’'ssay ; 
Thomas Wright’s Narrative of Sorcery and Magic. 

2 “Ttold the Bishop of Worcester that his diocese is infected with notions about witches; 
he intends his clergy shall rectify their mistakes in that particular. He told me some of 
the topics he would have argued. He don’t much controvert the power of devils in the 
Gentile world, and their extraordinary operations may still take place among the Pagans. 
He is inclinable enough to believe what some authors have writ of the strange effects in 
such places; but he thinks the Gospel, as far as it reaches, has destroyed the works of the 
devil, and those who are in the covenant of grace can receive no hurt from the infernal 
powers, either in their persons, children or goods; that a man may be so profligate as to 
give himself to the devil, but he can have no assistance from him to hurt anybody else in 
a supernatural way. I think we may assent to this latter part, and Jeave the devil and 
the Gentiles to argue the rest among themselves.” Letter of James Vernon, King Wil- 
liam’s Secretary of State, to the Duke of Shrewsbury, written in June, 1699. But at that 
time even Englishmen of broad intelligence and unsectarian feeling could go no further 
than this. The common clergy of all sects were advocates of witchcraft. 


454 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [Cuap. XIX. 


and one hundred and twenty victims were hanged. In 1662 fourteen 
additional commissions were issued. In Sweden, 1670, children 
charged seventy persons with bewitching them; many confessed and 
were executed. Then fifteen children confessed and were executed. 
Fifty others were whipped every Sunday. 

Certainly Massachusetts did not enter upon a novel and untried 
Literature of Path. During all the European epochs of the delusion a 
witehortt: vast literature upon the subject sprang up ; out of it all only 
three books of consequence undertook a refutation of witchcraft. It 
was a dangerous thing for an author’s good repute and sometimes 
for his person. All the other books, tracts, pamphlets, were more or 

















































































































General View of Salem, Mass. 


less elaborate defences of the reality of witchcraft. What could be 
expected when all the leading men of society, politics, religion, 
firmly pledged their faith to its reality ? When such aman as Baxter 
could write the * Certainty of the World of Spirits,” and thank Cot- 
ton Mather for information of fresh cases and for his zeal in the 
cause, and grow very angry when some Sadducee disbelieved, a thriv- 
ing crop of books might be expected. They performed an awful 
work in propagating the delusion. ‘They came over to New England 
and were perused with creeping awe in farm-houses and towns. 
Clergymen made a point of procuring them in order to learn how to 
resist the wiles of the adversary ;— no gentleman’s library was com- 


1692.] ITS ORIGIN IN NEW ENGLAND. 455 


GN 


plete without them. ‘The Rev. Samuel Parris, of Salem, had these 
books where his children and neighbors could get at them. One of 
them was a book by William Perkins, preacher at St. Andrews, 
Cambridge, entitled ** Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft,” 
written toward the close of the sixteenth century. Sir Matthew 
Hale’s “ Trial of Witches,” 1661, enjoyed a great authority in both 
countries, because it was based upon the Old and New Testaments. 
Indeed it was enough for a Puritan to fall back on the clear letter of 
Holy Writ. First, find your witch, and then, * thou shalt not suffer 
a witch to live.” 

A few sporadic cases of witchcraft had previously occurred in New 
England. Margaret Jones was hanged at Charlestown in |. 
1648. Mrs. Hibbins, although she was a sister of Deputy prosecutions 
Governor Bellingham, suffered in 1656, upon no other craft in New 
ground that can be discovered than that of knowing a great 
deal more than her neighbors, and of venting it with a sharp and 
cynical tongue. Her husband had been a prominent merchant, and 
was an agent of the colony in England. He died in 1654. How 
strange it is that the woman could not have been saved from such a 
fate! John Norton, the Boston clergyman, hinted that she knew too 
much, that she was too subtle in her perception of what was occur- 
ring around her. © Michelet, in treating of the medieval sorcery, 
shows that the possession of any unusual talent or knowledge was 
enough to turn a woman into a witch. Several accusations followed 
hers, but none of them terminated fatally, for Philip’s War was too 
definitely diabolical to admit any play for a metaphysical Satan. 

Great despondency reigned throughout the colony in 1692. The 
wounds of Philip’s War still smarted, another Indian war 
seemed impending at the eastward, several murders had al- Colne Pe. 
ready occurred, the beloved Charter was lost, and there was {suse 
nothing but uncertainty for the future. Four times the 
small-pox had raged along the coast, carrying off a great many peo- 
ple in Boston and the vicinity: the last time in 1690. Six great 
fires had laid waste the city; the last two in 1690 and 1691. All 
these calamities, by reducing the tone of the public temperament, 
made it susceptible to fears and suspicions, and ripe for any epidemic. 

In 1688, a daughter of John Goodwin, of Boston, was offended 
by an Irish washerwoman named Glover, and in childish gp. gooa- 
spite, accused the harmless creature of bewitching her. “™“** 
Forthwith she fell into the conventional tricks and spasms, crying out 
whenever the Irishwoman was near, and falling to the ground. ‘Three 
other children caught the infection. The poor woman was tried and 
hanged. Cotton Mather, who believed devoutly in witchcraft, took 


Events pre- 


456 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. (Cuap. XIX. 


the girl into his family to make a study of the phenomena. She 
could not bear to hear the Assembly’s Catechism, or Cotton's * Milk 
for Babes,” but could read the “ Oxford Jest Book” with impunity. 
She flew violently at the Doctor when he proposed domestic wor- 
ship, but always managed to stop short of striking him. She fell 
into the use of incoherent language, was “struck dead” by day, but 
slept peacefully at night. She had committed herself to the trick, 
and succeeded in deceiving Mather. When the woman was exe- 
cuted, she managed to recover. 
The excitement of such repeated 
performances will generally estab- 
lish a half conscious impression 
in the actor’s mind that they have 
a basis of reality; they are not 
thrown off in cold-blooded hypoe- 
risy. The person is really pos- 
sessed by his own deceit; if physi- 
cal weakness or nervous disorders 
conspire with this mood, there is a 
sense in which the person has be- 
witched himself. And such, to a 
considerable degree, was the case 
with the children and young people in Salem Village, now Danvers, 
with whom the delusion there originated. 

The parish in Salem Village had been set off from the First 
Beginnings Church of Salem. Its people had never been harmonious ; 
reetst bickering and heart-burnings disturbed its councils and 
ak nourished animosities which mingled fearfully in the ap- 
proaching tragedy. ‘There was great opposition to James Bayley, the 
first minister, and eventually he was not settled. His wife was a. 
Mary Carr, whose sister Ann married Sergeant Thomas Putnam. 
Ann had a good deal of influence, was a clever woman and of a high 
temper. Perhaps she remembered the bitter feud in regard to her 
brother-in-law when afterward she, her son, and especially her daugh- 
ter, were swift and bitter witnesses against some accused of witch- 
crafts. | 

Deodat Lawson, a learned and eloquent man, was settled in 1684, 
oe but left the parish before 1690, and went to Scituate. Then 
pata came Samuel Parris, a merchant of Barbadoes, who did 
not cast off the tricks of his trade when he put on the surplice. 
lor a year, while he seemed to be reluctant to settle, his native 
sharpness was employed in bargaining with the parish. His terms 
were accepted in 1689. The first ministerial duty which he exer- 





Portrait of Cotton Mather. 


1692.) SAMUEL PARRIS AND HIS FAMILY. 457 


cised, was to get hold of the parochial property. Great was the 
indignation when he was labored with to give it up, and refused. The 
parish split into two parties, and Rebecca Nourse’s family were in 
the opposition. Parris loved all the power he could get, a most ob- 
stinate man, incapable of accepting the broadest hint, and not thor- 
oughly scrupulous in his methods. 

His daughter Elizabeth was nine years old; a niece living in the 
family was eleven; a frequent visitor and neighbor was Ann, the 
danghter of Thomas Putnam, Sergeant and Parish Clerk, who was 















































Tituba and the Children. 


twelve years old. Parris had two slaves, John Indian and his wife 
Tituba; she was half negro, half Indian, and was learned in the 
practices of sorcery. In the winter of 1691-92, the Parris children, 
and three or four neighbors, whose ages ranged from twelve to twenty, 
met at his house to form a circle for practising various tricks, some 
of which were suggested by Tituba.!. They had learned from Cot- 
ton Mather’s account the performances of the Goodwin girl and the 
other children, and soon the entertainment took the form of an imi- 


1 One is tempted to note that her name is the imperative of a Latin verb, and means 
66 tip.” 


458 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [Cuap. XIX. 


tation. By the contagion of intercourse, during these forbidden ex- 
ercises, the girls became thoroughly infected with their own fancies. 
Elizabeth was a precocious girl. Mary Walcot, seventeen years old, 
when quite young was in the family of Rev. George Burroughs. Per- 
ee haps Parris, who hated his old rival, though he lived in 
oe Wells, made a note of that. By this time their strange ac- 
sae ie tions and contortions had plainly established a hysterical 

condition ; but when the doctors were called in they pro- 
nounced that they were bewitched. 

This hint was enough for young people in a condition of morbid 
excitement. The Rey. Mr. Lawson, preaching for Parris, was inter- 
rupted by them during the service, with grotesque remarks. The 
parish was profoundly moved. ‘The fresh temptation set in when 
they were asked who was bewitching them. Did Parris foment this 
trouble for purposes of his own? Perhaps not, at first; but he 
managed to direct it in the path of his own dishkes. The children 
began to name individuals. 

On March 1, 1692, they pitched upon Sarah Good, against whom 
Sarah Good SOME popular prejudice existed. »She was brought before 
qn Ges Justices Hathorne and Curwen, and sent to prison. These 
ath two justices and Marshal G. Herrick did a thriving business 
in sending people to jail. There were some remarkable circumstances 
in the case of Giles Corey, a man eighty-one years old, odd, unconyen- 
tional, irascible, and very positive in his ways and opinions. Many 
stories were afloat concerning him, which now-a-days would be mainly 
traceable to his manner. He beat a farm laborer, who soon after- 
wards happened to die, and Corey was arrested for murder. In de- 
fault of evidence, he was discharged upon paying a fine. He was again 
arrested for arson, but clearly proved an alibi, —a much suspected 
man upon the slenderest grounds. He was the kind of person whom 
it would be safe to denounce. He seemed to incline to a belief in 
witcheraft. His wife was an obstinate skeptic, and tried to keep 
him from the examinations ; but he would attend them. So one day 
the children fell into convulsions at his presence, and writhed on the 
floor in agony. Corey was made to approach, so that they might 
touch him, for this was a test of bewitching, the children growing 
calm, as if by the touch the maleficent fluid were discharged. When 
Corey was brought to trial he refused to plead, and mantully kept 
his mouth shut, apparently with the hope of escaping a conviction 
for witchcraft, of whatever else he might be found guilty, 
and the consequent forfeiture of estate. But the justices 
killed him all the same for contumacy, sentencing him to the terrible 
punishment of peine forte et dure ;—he was pressed to death, the 





Corey exe- 
cuted. 


1692. ] THE SPECIAL COURT. 459 


first and only time of this infliction in New England. When the 
brave old man’s tongue lolled out, the sheriff thrust it back with his 
cane. 

When Sir William Phips returned and assumed the office of govy- 
ernor, he organized a special court of oyer and terminer for : 
these trials ; in fact, a commission consisting of seven magis- Sa che 
trates, among whom were the implacable Stoughton, Judge eidheeatt 
Sewall, and Saltonstall. This was an illegal proceeding on ~~” 


the Governor's part, as all the cases properly should have gone before 








vt 
ra 


( ; ¢ } , 
I If 
\ if ly A HM 
tad i Hi 
ii het (nl 









































‘ HH 























Trial of Giles Corey. 


the Supreme Court. No notice, however, was taken of this at the 
time, so deep was the preoccupation of the public mind. Simon 
Bradstreet, the acting Governor superseded by Phips, was no believer 
in witcheraft. As the trials went on. a few other persons were cour- 
ageous enough to resist the tide, and declare their disbelief: among 
clergymen, Willard, Increase Mather, and the staunch old Puritan 
Moody; among laymen, Thomas Danforth, Thomas Brattle, and 
Robert Calef, the merchant who wrote down his opinion that some of 


460 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [CHap. XIX. 


the cases, like that of Margaret Rule, were simply attacks of delirium 
tremens. ‘T'wo or three of the Massachusetts justices were also 
much dissatisfied. Men who talked in this way carried their lives in 
their hands. Saltonstall .soon became disgusted, and left the bench ; 
the rest sat through the tragedy, among them Judge Sewall, who af- 
terwards read a public recantation in the Old South Church, bowed 
down with mortification and sorrow. Annually he shut himself 
up for a day of penance and 
fasting, to keep alive the 
memory of his sad complic- 
ity. Not so did Deputy 
Governor Stoughton, who 
never forgave his colleagues 
when they began to waver 
in the matter of convic- 
tions; and when he _ per- 
ceived the public opinion 
was falling away from sus- 
taining the bench, he re- 
signed his seat in a passion 
on occasion of a reprieve. 
A statute against witch- 
craft, passed in the reign 
of that superstitious king, 
James I., seems to have 
been the basis of these col- 
onial proceedings. The 
doctors were frequently called in to examine the bodies of the ac- 
cused, to discover the witch’s marks, the teat at which sometimes the 
apparitions of two black pigs were suckled, sometimes Satan himself 
sought refreshment there. Any mole or callosity served the doctors 
to pronounce upon the witch’s mark. 
Francis Nourse and his wife Rebecca were living happily in a house 
that was built in 1636. Unfortunately he had a quarrel with the 
Endicotts about the occupation of his farm. Jealousy and 
Rebecca hostile feeling, that drew in other people, had for some time 
lal existed. The children “cried out” one day against Re- 
becca Nourse; the usual display of hysterics, fits, possessions, took 
place, terrible to the overwrought feelings of the spectators. A cler- 
eyman, named Lawson, delivered a most exciting discourse on March 
24, which put the witchcraft trials upon Seripture grounds and con- 
firmed all minds. A blameless life and a sweet demeanor at her trial 
could not save Rebecca. The jury were forced to believe her inno- 





Portrait of Saltonstall. 


1692. ] REBECCA NOURSE AND BRIDGET BISHOP. 461 


cent, but were sent out till they consented. She went the way of all 
the rest to Witches’ Hill, and her body was thrown into the common 
pit provided as a dishonored last resting-place for these unhappy vic- 
tims. It is easy to imagine that piteous midnight search of Rebecca’s 
pious children and husband, braving possible detection, to recover the 
motherly body and give it a more tender burial in the little burial 
ground near the old homestead. 
Before she was executed, she was 
led up the broad aisle of the meet- 
ing-house, that the minister Parris 
might excommunicate and thrust 
her out of the communion.! When 
Parris afterwards preached a de- 
nouncing sermon, Sarah Cloyse, sis- 
ter of Rebecca, got up and left the 
meeting. To leave the public ser- 
vice under any circumstances was 
an unpardonable offence to the 
forefathers of Massachusetts, bué 
doubly so in this case, because the 
sister sided with a witch. The 
children promptly denounced her. 
Bridget Bishop, in 1680, was a 
gay and pleasant woman, anti-puritan in her style and opinions. She 
used to appear in a black cap, black hat, and a ‘“red-par-  pyideet 
agon boddice.” If a woman wore a scarlet petticoat it went BS"? 
hard with her if she did not become suspected.?, Red was Satan’s 
favorite medieval color. Bridget’s dress and manner led to gossip- 
ing, and it was thought she was going “the primrose way to the 
everlasting bonfire.” An accusation of witchcraft was made and she 
was tried, but at that time it was more difficult to convict. In the 
present temper of the people much less was required for the manu- 
facture of a witch. A woman walking from Amesbury to 
Newbury, in bad weather, came into a kitchen and boasted 
that her shoes and clothes were not wet. That was clearly impos- 
sible, save by preternatural means. She was denounced. <As another 
woman was crossing a marshy place, a will-o-wisp was noticed to be 
near her, like an imp dancing attendance. That too was fatal. A 





Portrait of Lieut.-governor Stoughton, 


Other cases. 


1 A few of her descendants lately met in Boston to form a “ Nourse Monument Asso- 
ciation,” charged with the duty of erecting a monument to her memory. For once let an 
epitaph record the unvarnished truth. ’ 

2 A Portsmouth witch “had on her head a white linen hood tied under her chin, and her 
waistcoat and petticoat were red, with an old green apron, and a black hat upon her head — 
and she vanished away in the shape of a cat.” 


462 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [Cuap. XIX, 


man named Jacobs was accused ; he said, contemptuously, “ You tax 
me for a wizard, you may as well tax me for a buzzard.” All sorts 
of personal piques and private grudges, says Upham, many of them 
of long standing, now began to influence these transactions. When 
Burroughs was denounced, a strong charge against him was that he 
possessed a witch’s trumpet, which he used to summon his partners 
whenever he desired a conference. Cotton Mather stood by to see 
Burroughs hanged, and when the people seemed impressed by his 
sweet and lofty words, he explained that Satan often transformed 
himself into an angel of hght to delude men’s souls. On occasion of 
the execution of eight at one time, the Reverend Mr. Noyes stood 











} Ube 6oz 
Wpbrouag to often Ue. wpilen prrecgro J haat, token ther CX) 


Fac-simile of Sheriff's Return of Bridget Bishop’s Execution. 


by and said to the people, “ What a sad thing it is to see eight 
firebrands of hell hanging there!” 

A committee of vigilance was appointed, and the citizens were 
organized for the purpose of finding and prosecuting witches. Any 
Acommittee Man who had a grudge found opportunity now to put his 
of vigilanee. enemy into jail. The children had a very precise way of 
imitating, half automatically no doubt, the gestures of accused per- 
sons, their way of shaking the head, lifting the eyes, shifting the 
attitude. This was attributed to supernatural domination. But this 
consummate acting was not a mere histrionic display; the hysteric 
passion was too much implicated for that. It was a contagion that 
extended to all persons whose state of health and nervous condition 
invited it. Several other children were thus bewitched. At length 
one of them, Mary Warren, who found she was dissembling, im- 
peached the other children. There began to be suspicions of a con- 
spiracy. The accused children turned upon her and denounced her 
for a witch to recover their own credit. 

But now the end was approaching, for the children, under the 
stimulus of the popular madness, began to fly at higher game. Per- 


1692.] ITS DECLINE. 463 


sons of too great importance were implicated in their accusations, 
and opinion was manifestly affected by the admirable record 

and demeanor of the denounced. Mrs. Hale, wife of the RR 
minister at Beverly, was toc fine and good. As soon as ig dae 
they mentioned her name their occupation began to wane. ae 
She was probably selected because her husband believed in witch- 


craft. 























It appears that the inhab- 
itants of the inland towns 
were less affected by the de- 
lusion. Captain Partridge of 
Hatfield had a man served 
with ten stripes who came to 
him to accuse a neighbor of 
witchcraft. The children denounced some excellent per- 
sons in Andover, who were protected by the people. Sey- 
eral actions for slander were commenced. <A few persons of impor- 
tance who were imprisoned in consequence of denunciations, were 
assisted to escape. Among them was Captain John Alden, belonging 
to a Duxbury family. He was sent for by the magistrates my. case of 
to be examined. The children went through with their 7°“! 
usual performances but when asked to point out the person who was 
afflicting them, one of them selected the wrong man, till one who 
was standing near her stooped down and whispered something: then 
she cried out, ‘‘ It is Alden.” Said the magistrate, “Did you ever 





Captain Alden Denounced. 


Cases in 
other towns. 


464 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [CHap. XIX. 


see him?” ‘ No, but the man just told me so.” Instead of dismiss- 
ing the case, the infatuated magistrates ordered a ring to be formed 
in the street with Alden in it: the child was secretly instructed by 
the man, who was probably an enemy; so when told to point out 
Alden she did so, crying, ** There stands Alden, a bold fellow, with 
his hat on, sells powder and shot to the Indians.” He was committed. 
The children prudently cried that it was his sword which afflicted 
them, and it was taken away. Alden was a prominent man, and the 
magistrates carried him into the meeting-hbouse and put him on a 
chair in full view of the people, where of course he began to pinch 
the children. He was asked to confess and give glory to God. Al- 
den replied ‘that he hoped he should always give glory to God, 
but never would gratify the devil.” Then he asked the magistrate. 
why his looking upon him did not strike him down as well as his 
accusers. “The only answer to that plain bit of common sense was 
his commitment to prison. He proposed to stand his trial, but 
was prevailed upon to be aided to escape. He went to Duxbury, 
and entering the house of a relative, ‘saluted them with the cheer- 
ful assurance that he was come from ‘the devil and the devil was 
after him.” ! 

After the illjudged accusation of Mrs. Hale several trials occurred, 
rhepreak. Lut nearly all of the persons were acquitted. When, in 
ing of the May, 1693, the children began to whisper the names of the 

Governor's wite and of some relatives of Increase Mather, 
Phips took decisive measures. Even Cotton Mather surmised that 
Satan had become confused. The General Court, at the instance of 
numerous petitions from victims still shut up in jail, had superseded 
Phips’s Special Commission. Now he ordered a general jail-delivery. 
The huge and baleful bubble had collapsed. 

Compared with European epidemics of the mental kind, this Amer- 
ican experiment was brief, but bitterly sharp while it lasted. A mo- 
ment came when the excitement ran so high it turned to froth; it 
was a moment of collapse and not of increase. But twenty innocent 
persons, and two dogs suspected of being witches’ familiars, had been 
executed. Two persons, and perhaps many more, died in jail: a 
good many broke jail, and were not recaptured; one hundred and 
fifty prisoners were released by Phips. Several hundred had suffered 
for this delusion. Persons who were acquitted were obliged to re- 
main in jail till they had paid all charges, — board, jailer’s fees, court 
charges. Many were too poor to do this, and would have lingered in 
confinement save for the Governor’s discharge. The motive which 
influenced fifty-five of the victims to confess, was partly a hope of 

1 Winsor’s History of Duxbury. 


1693.] INCIDENTS. 465 


self-preservation and partly a suspicion, growing out of their theo- 
logical conception of Satan and his influence, that it might be true 
that their singular sensations were really consequences of bewitch- 
ment. 

Only one special pardon was granted by the Governor during all 
the convictions. The in- 
tention to secure safe con- 
victions grew to be almost 
amania. Frequently false 
depositions were procured 
after the trial, and secretly 
interpolated among the pa- 
pers to make the case seem 
more complete. ‘Two theo- 
ries were propounded in the 
court; one, that the Devil = Z 
used the spectres of the Z NW gatQI?ZA yy 

a if LEELA 

persons who were in league Ml, 
with him, in order to tor- 
ment others; the other, that — ; \\ 
the spectres of any persons, \\ 
whether in league with the 
Devil or not, might be em- 
ployed by that personage 
for the same object. The 
Chief Justice ruled that the first theory was the more rational one 
and in harmony with legal precedents. | 

During the excitement there were some curious incidents, the,re- 
ports of which assume to be authentic, involving the spon- — _ 
taneous movement of objects, the throwing of stones, the mee ae 
opening of doors, and the freaks of different utensils, spec- oe the doin 
_ tacles, rolling-pins, books, tubs, all engaged in a promiscu- ivr 
ous excursion. A person who was trying to write an account of 
these phenomena was interrupted by the attempts of his hat to rub 
out the page; he held it tight, but could not prevent it from getting 
away. There is a remarkable similarity in the narratives which 
cluster around different periods of nervous excitement. Occurrences 
like these are not unusual even now. But they excite only a mo- 
mentary curiosity, and the belief in them as supernatural phenomena, 
if it exists at all, is limited to the few to whom they are otherwise 
inexplicable. 

It must be recorded greatly to the credit of the New Hampshire 
settler that he did not take kindly to the delusion of witchcraft. 


VOI 18h 30 


VES 2 il 
WMD i) 
uy) 


yy. 





Chief Justice Sewall. 


466 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [CHap, XIX. 


This is sometimes attributed to the more liberal sentiment which 
The delusion Delonged to adherents of the Church of England, whose 
discouraged influence in Portsmouth was so considerable. When how- 
Tampshite. ever, the delusion broke out at Salem, the most vigorous de- 
nouncer of it was the Puritan Moody ; and Portsmouth became a place 
of refuge for persons who were accused in Massachusetts, or who had 
reason to fear that they would be selected. The settlers on the Pis- 
cataqua, without distinction of creed, indulged sparingly in bigotry 
and persecution. A stern and unrelenting discipline did not there 
involve, as in Massachusetts, the safety and existence of the colony. 
Many of the people were refugees for opinions’ sake; many were 
liberal livers and thinkers who retreated from the too nipping and 
eager air of Plymouth and the Bay; and many of the most promi- 
nent men were easily tolerant, but not from sheer indifference, of sen- 
timents which were not their own. But on the point of witchcraft 
there was a quite general pubhe opinion that a belief in it should not. 
prevail. 

Every now and then there was an opportunity to test the feeling 
of the people. In 1658, Susanna Trimmings, who lived at Little 
Harbor, met Goodwife Walford, who asked her the loan of a pound 
of cotton. Susanna said that she had but two pounds and would not 
lend any to her own mother. Whereupon the Goodwife said that 
she would rue it, and that she was going on a long journey and never 
would return. With this threat a clap of fire struck Susanna on the 
back, and the Goodwife vanished in the shape, to her apprehension, 
of a black cat. Then also the woman wore the red petticoat which 
was the regular thing for witches. Susanna went home, and was soon 
found by her husband ill and moping by the fire. An action was 
brought against Goodwife Walford, and several persons testified that 
she had done strange things. The case was not decided against her, 
but she was bound over to appear at the next court. At the next 
term the case was dropped. Then she brought an action for slander 
against her accusers, laying damages at £1,000, and succeeded in re- 
covering £5. She was wife of a church-warden, and it has been 
hinted that the charge of witcheraft originated in the enmity that 
existed between the Independents and the Episcopalians. Now and 
then an accusation would be brought against prominent individuals, 
who promptly answered with actions for slander, and thus broke up 
such prosecutions. 

It is the more strange that there was no popular excitement, for 
Great Island, now Newcastle, was the scene of an incident supposed 
to be preternatural, and the people ought in all decency to have been 
profoundly moved by it. Salem would have been delirious with appro- 


1682.) IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 467 


bation of such proof of Satanic agency. Dr. Mather would have dipped 
his credulous pen in the blackest ink to record it. The The @ gina’. 
story is told by Richard Chamberlain, justice of the peace, pig he 
in a pamphlet entitled * Lithobolia, or the Stone Throw- !!™- 

ing Devil. Being an exact and true Account of the various actions of 


infernal spirits or (Devils incarnate) witches, or both.” ete. This 












































































































































































































































Susanna Trimmings and Goodwife Walford. 


rare pamphlet was printed at London in 1698, five years after the_ 
terrible delusion at Salem had passed away; but the incidents re- 
corded in it happened in 1682, ten years before the troubles at Salem. 
In the summer of that year, Chamberlain was living in George Wal- 
ton’s family, ‘*a sojourner in the same family the whole time (about 
three months) and an ocular witness of those diabolical inventions.” 
They consisted of the throwing about by an invisible hana of stones, 


468 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. —— [Cuap. XIX. 


bricks, hammers, iron crows, spits and other kitchen furniture, just 
as it happened to come “into their hellish minds.” And these 
objects seemed to have a personal spite against the inmates of the 
house. When Chamberlain undertook to dissipate his alarm by play- 
ing upon some instrument, a big stone rolled into his room, — not 
attracted by his playing, as he says, for he was no Amphion. ‘The 
windows of the house were broken by stones which seemed to be 
hurled from the interior ; one stone lodged in the hole which it made 
in the glass, and was taken from it. Stones gambolled on the grass 
of the neighboring field, and hopped up to hit those passing by. A 
pile was made of the stones which thus saluted them in the open day- 
light, but it disappeared soon after, although no one had been noticed 
near it. One day Walton was returning from Portsmouth in a boat 
when his anchor leaped overboard and stopped it. When working 
supposea lm the fields, men found their sickles bent by blows from 
eee “B® stones hurled by some invisible agent. All these disturb- 
throwing." ances by night and day were attributed to a neighboring 
woman who had accused Walton of appropriating a piece of her land 
and fencing it into his own lot. The fence was thrown down, and 
when some men undertook to replace it, they were pelted with above 
a hundred stones. These incidents were witnessed by a number of 
prominent persons who testified to them. Among their names we 
find Woodbridge, the minister, Jeffrey, a merchant, the Governor of 
West Jersey, and the Deputy Governor of Rhode Island. And 
Chamberlain declares that he who would doubt the facts and disbe- 
lieve, in their Satanic origin, ‘‘ must temerariously unhinge or under- 
mine the best Religion in the world; and he must disingenuously 
quit and abandon that of the three Theologick Virtues or Graces to 
which the great Doctor of the Gentiles gave the precedence, Charity, 
through his unchristian and uncharitable incredulity.” 

But the people had little charity for his preternatural theory. 
The phenomena ceased about the time that the Council called wit- 
nesses, and began to take notice of the affair. Walton’s head was 
broken by a stone as he was on the way to be examined; and it 
appears to have been the last stone thrown. No charge was sus- 
tained against any person; the incidents, instead of creating a panic 
and fostering delusion, seem to have been neglected and forgotten. 
There was, indeed, as late as 1769, a place called ‘ Witches’ Creek,”’ 
half way between Great Island and Portsmouth; perhaps it was 
where Walton’s anchor concluded to come to a mooring. 

There is another place in New Hampshire, to this day called 
* Witch Trot,” that painfully connects the State with the dread affair 
at Salem. Parris, the Salem minister, in whose family the first symp- 


* porend 


1692.] CASE OF STEPHEN BURROUGHS. 469 


toms of the delusion appeared, and who eventually availed himself of 
it to destroy his rivals, or enemies, hated the Rev. Stephen Burroughs 
and drove him away from Salem. He retired to Wells, in Maine, and 
settled there with his family. Parris had influence enough, 4 yrest ana 
in the height of the witch trials, to have Burroughs ar- ys" 
rested for witchcraft and brought to Salem. It seems in- BU7°ushs. 
credible that it could have been done; but he had left many enemies 
behind when he went to Wells. The accusation was based upon some 
commanding personal qualities which Burroughs possessed. He was 
a man of great stature and uncommon strength. His personal 
presence carried control and infected people with the magnetism 
of a superior nature. His look was very daunting. His knowl- 
edge of the mysteries of wood-craft, and forest life seemed to many 
people an uncanny endowment. When at his trial he happened to 
look backward, all the persons fell down whom he was supposed 
to be afflicting. He was charged with lifting a barrel of cider, 
with holding out a heavy musket at arms’ length. No man, it 
was thought, without preternatural aid could perform such feats. 
He explained that he grasped the musket just behind the lock. It 
was said that he lifted a barrel of molasses by just putting his fin- 
gers into the bung-hole. ‘This he denied. He was asked if his house 
in Wells was not haunted; he denied this, but was willing to own, 
he said, that there were toads. Alas, the house in Wells was haunted 
by wife and children filled with agony and dread, as they 4;, 
waited so long for him; but he did not return. Parris "™ 
managed to have him hanged. He was a spotless man, and pos- 
sessed a ruling intelligence. | 

It was supposed that the enterprise to arrest him would be a-dif- 
ficult one, so an elder and two constables were sent to bring him to 
Salem. When they arrived and stated their errand, he promptly 
replied, ** Oh, yes,” and left his family, who were cheered, no doubt, 
with the reflection that a charge so preposterous could not for a 
moment be sustained. As the party started about nightfall, it was 
the more desirable to take the shortest route. Burroughs conducted 
them along a stretch of country leading through Berwick to the 
upper waters of the Piscataqua. There was no direct road; the 
track lay through an unbroken forest. The constables demurred at 
the prospect; Burroughs said that he knew the way; they dreaded 
him, but had to follow, as they afterwards declared, because they 
were under a spell. He knew the desolate forest as well as his own 
acres, for it was favorite ground of his. In the depth of it they were 
surprised by a storm which began with a pitchy darkness and a 
ereat hush. The men trembled with the suspicion that Burroughs 


execu- 


470 THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. [Cuap. XIX. 


was evoking supernatural aid They watched and shuddered with 
fear. Then came the powerful wind, bending and breaking trees, 
the rush of rain and the crashing thunders. ‘The horses were mad 
with terror, and started at a furious pace over the ground that is 
now called Witch Trot. The party came out at length upon the 
river safely, and Burroughs with them, who had no desire to escape ; 
but the constables on the day of his trial added their testimony to 

























































































































































































































































































































































































his familiarity with the 
powers of air and dark- 
ness, and always believed 
that he raised the storm. 
In 1720, an attempt was 
made in Littleton, Massachusetts, to revive the witchcraft 
Panie ie delusion, but it proved abortive. But the old. Scotch ordeal 
witcheraft for discovering witches by throwing the accused into the 
=emen water, when the innocent one would sink, not much to her 
personal advantage, was tried in the eighteenth century at an inlet 
ot Lynnhaven Bay, Virginia, called “ Witch-Duck.” 
When the curtain had fallen upon the Salem tragedy, Cotton 
Mather undertook to sum up the matter and vindicate his share in 
it. This superficial and ambitious divine wrote thus: It may be 


Burroughs and the Sheriffs. 


1692. ] COTTON MATHER’S VINDICATION. 471 


that errors on both sides have attended them [the troubles] which 
will never be understood until the day when Satan shall jj ners 
be bound after another manner than he is at this day; but Vindication. 
for my own part, I know not that ever I have advanced any opinion 
in the matter of witchcraft, but what all the ministers of the Lord 
that I know of in the world, whether Enelish or Scotch, or French or 
Dutch, are of the same opinion with me.” 


CHAPTER XX. 


COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. 


PROGRESS OF NEw JERSEY. — INSURRECTION UNDER JAMES CARTERET.— CHANGES IN 
THE New Jersey Tires. — THE “ QUINTIPARTITE DEED.” — Division InTO East? 
AND West JERSEY. — PROSPERITY OF West JERSEY UNDER QUAKER RULE. — 
ConFLicts oF JuRISpDICTION. — THE QuUAKERS BUY East JERSEY. — EARLIEST 
CONNECTION OF WILLIAM PENN wiTH AMERICAN COLONIZATION. — LIFE AND 
CHARACTER OF PENN.— THE GRANT OF PENNSYLVANIA. — EARLY SETTLERS. — 
PENN IN AMERICA. — PHILADELPHIA FOUNDED. — THE TREATY AT SHACKAMAXON. 
— Penn’s RETURN TO ENGLAND.— PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. — PENN AGAIN AT 
PHILADELPHIA. 


THE new Proprietors of New Jersey had no reason to complain of 
Progress of aNy want of progress and prosperity in their colony for the 
New Jersey. first few years after it came into their possession. The 
constitution of government which they had established was accept- 
able to the people; the climate and the soil were attractive; the 
vicinity to older colonies made it easy to supply the wants of those 
who should settle in it, — exempt from the privations and hardships 
which necessarily attend a settlement in an isolated wilderness. Such 
representations brought emigrants from England; the enterprising 
and discontented in New England, whether desirous of more room, 
or restless for political or religious reasons, saw, or thought they 
saw, that they could better their condition by a removal to the new 
province. The first towns grew rapidly; others were begun. ‘The 
axe and the plough, in the hands of sturdy farmers, everywhere en- 
eroached upon the primeval forests and the virgin soil. 

But when, in 1670, the first quit-rents were demanded by the Pro- 

prietors, there came a check to all this prosperity. ‘Titles 
overrents tO lands led to inevitable and bitter disputes. Some had 
and titles. . . os 

purchased from the Indians ; some claimed under the origi- 
nal Dutch owners; others had received grants from Nicolls ; fewer 
still held deeds from the Proprietors at that time, Berkeley and Car- 
teret. Bergen and Woodbridge were among the latter, and acknowl- 
edged their liability to the payment of these rents; but Elizabeth, 
Newark, and isolated farmers here and there, who had settled upon 


—s 


ae ee a 


oS 


1673. CHANGES OF GOVERNORS AND TITLES. 473 


their lands before the country had come under the jurisdiction of the 
English, united in resisting the demands of the proprietary govern- 
ment. 

Resistance, at length, came to be absolute insurrection. A leader 
only was wanted, and it was not long before one was provided. 
About a year after the demand for the quit-rents was made, James 
Carteret, the second son of Sir George, arrived in the colony on his 
way to Carolina, of which he was one of the landgraves. <A dissolute, 
unscrupulous, and ambitious man, he was ready to take advantage 
of any fortune that chance threw in his way. He put him- 4,4: 
self at the head of the movement against his cousin, Philip /2mesca™ 
Carteret, who held his commission from James’s father, Sir pertot the 
George. In the spring of 1672 the insurrectionary party "°" 
called an assembly at Ehzabethtown, formally deposed Philip Carte- 
ret, and elected James to be Governor in his stead. 

Philip made httle further attempt to contest the matter on the 
spot, but, appointing a deputy to represent him, took ship in the early 
summer and sailed for England, to lay the whole matter before his 
superiors. It was his wisest course. Unaided, he could do nothing 
against an unwilling people; and possibly he believed that his cous- 
in’s government would be to the malcontents a most salutary les- 
son. Such, at least, was the result. James showed himself to be ut- 
terly incompetent. By the time orders were received from the Duke 
of York, the insurgents were ready to submit. Captain Berry, Philip 
Carteret’s deputy, was acknowledged without further trouble 
in May, 1673;! and James Carteret sailed for Virginia ten 
days afterward.2, There was no further interruption of the 
proprietary government until the Dutch reconquest of New Netlter- 
land in the autumn of that year ; and even then, though New Jersey 
received the new name of Achter Col, and ostensibly passed once 
more under the Netherland rule, the real change was but shght, and 
internal tranquillity was almost undisturbed. 

New Jersey was placed in a new position when by the treaty of 
Westminster New Netherland was restored to England. |. 
The Duke of York’s title to New York had been entirely Jemey after 
extinguished by the conquest of the territory by a foreign Westmin- 
power, and its subsequent passage to the crown by treaty ; 
and he required a new grant from the King, in order to be again 
the rightful proprietor of the province. How much more, then, it 


The Proprie- 
tary Govern- 
ment re- 
stored. 


1 Whitehead, pp. 58, 59. 

2 He came back to New York afterward, where he was seen in 1679, “running about 
among the farmers, and staying where he can get most to drink, and sleeping in barns on 
the straw.” — Journal of the Labadists. 


474 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [Cuap. XX. 


was argued — and it was an argument the Duke was willing enough 
to listen to — was the title of his grantees, Berkeley and Carteret, 
in the province of New Jersey destroyed. James saw that he had 
an opportunity, under cover of this theory, to possess himself again 
of the territory he had parted with so rashly ; and he availed himself 
of it without delay. He gave to Andros, after he had taken pos- 
session of the government of New [ngland, a commission to govern 
all his property in America, New Jersey included, assuming that the 
grant to Berkeley and Carteret was void. 

In the meantime, however, Sir George Carteret had hastened to 
Riese do all in his power, not only to protect his own title, but 
oe eee LO, absorb that of his partner as well. He had gone to the 
Bsa King at once ; and Charles, before he sealed his new grant 

to the Duke, had been induced to assure Carteret by let- 
ter that he was “seized of the Province of New Cesarea, or New 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Entrance to Barnegat Inlet. 


Jersey,’ and that he had “the sole power, under us, to dispose of 

the said country, upon such terms and conditions as he should think 

fit.” Berkeley, whose title had been equal with that of Carteret, 

AR bes had, in the epMne of this year C1674)", conveyed his * un- | 

‘grant to. divided half” to John Fenwicke in trust for Edward Byl- 

‘and Byl- linge, but both his right to grant and his grantees were 
utterly ignored in this new royal document. 

This step on the part of Carteret, interfering alike with the in- 
terest of all parties, led to a compromise. <A short time after the 
ee issue of Andros’s commission, a new grant was made (Au- 
ree: cust 8, 1674), to Carteret, in severalty, of that part of New 
Jersey lying northeast of a line drawn from Barnegat Inlet to Ren- 

1 Proud says (History New Jersey, i., 136), “in or about 1675;” but there is no doubt 
it was on March 18, 1674. 





1676.] THE * QUINTIPARTITE DEED.” 475 


kokus creek; but in conveying this the Duke did not give, as he had 
done before, ** the full power and authority to rule and govern,” nor 
did he vary the terms of Andros’s appointment to be Governor over 
all the Duke’s possessions in America. For a time all went well once 
more, and in the beginning of the next year Philip Carteret returned 
as Governor, made liberal concessions on the part of his cousin, and 
was quietly accepted by the people. But just as his government was 
thoroughly restored, the successors of Berkeley's grantees proposed 
another compromise, the consequences of which were momentous. 

A quarrel had sprung up between Fenwicke and Byllinge with re- 
gard to their respective rights in their new purchase. It Een exh 
was against the tenets of their faith — both were members and Byt- 
of the Society of Friends — to go to law with one another, 
and they had decided to settle the matter by the arbitration of one 
of their own number. The dispute was referred to William Penn, 
already one of the most eminent members of their sect in England ; 
and his decision, after some argument with Fenwicke, was made 
satisfactory to both. Fenwicke in person, with a few companions, 
set sail for America to found a colony; but Byllinge, overwhelmed 
by debts, was compelled to make an assignment for his creditors ; 
and the greater part of his right and title in New Jersey was handed 
over to Penn, to Gawen Laurie and Nicholas Lucas — the latter being 
two of those to whom Byllinge was most deeply indebted. 

The matter had now become so complicated that all who were in- 
terested saw the necessity of an exact division of the province; for 
Berkeley had disposed of his share as an undivided half; while Sir 
George Carteret’s pretensions, as the Duke of York’s secretary 
wrote to Andros, had not yet been so adjusted that he could disregard 
the claims of others. Carteret evidently thought it better to nego- 
tiate directly with those whose rights were at least equal with his 
own, than to trust to the Duke’s last grant, or even to the docu- 
ments that had preceded it; while Penn, Laurie, and Lucas were anx- 
ious to make Byllinge’s property of immediate avail, if possible, and 
perhaps also to carry out another plan of colonization, the outlines 
of which had just been considered among them. On the first of July, 
1676, old style, therefore, after much preliminary negotia- Sea ot 
tion, a “ quintipartite deed ” was completed, and signed by tipartite 
Carteret on the one side, and Penn, Laurie, Lucas, and Hopi and. 
Byllinge on the other, which divided the whole province of = 
New Jersey into two great portions. “East New Jersey ”’ included 
all that part northeast of a line drawn from Little Egg Harbor to 
a point on the most northern branch of the Delaware River, in north 
latitude 41° 40’. “West New Jersey ” comprehended all the rest of 


476 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


the territory originally granted by the Duke. East New Jersey was 
the property of Carteret; West New Jersey passed into the hands 
of the associates; and the Quintipartite Agreement marked the 
first great purchase made by Friends in the New World, where they 
were to found a powerful State. 

The four managers of the newly defined territory now proceeded 
cubaivision 2 M&ke an equitable division of it among the persons in- 
ot ve terested. Dividing it into one hundred parts, and setting 

; aside ten for Fenwicke, who had already made (in June, 
1675) the first settlement at Salem on the Delaware, — they ar- 
ranged to administer or dispose of the other ninety in the interest of 
Byllinge’s creditors. And _ since, to 
make the scheme profitable, it was nec- 
essary, first of all, to attract more col- 
onists than the few who had joined the 
Salem settlers, they drew up a set of 
‘concessions and agreements,’ which 
should at the same time provide for the 
future government of their province, 
and, by its lberality, draw emigrants 
to the province. Like the constitution 
of New Jersey under Berkeley and 
Carteret, these ** concessions’ provided 
for taxation by the people themselves, 
through an annual assembly having one delegate from every “ pro- 
priety ;” but the new instrument went farther. It pro- 
vided for a secret ballot, ‘* whereby every man may freely 
choose according to his own judgment and honest intention,” instead 
of the “common and confused way of cries and voices ;”’ and every 
colonist could vote and was eligible to the position of a delegate. 
Each delegate was to be paid for his services at the rate of a shilling 
a day during the Assembly’s sitting ; each was to be known as the 
“servant of the people.” Religious freedom, it need hardly be said, 
was secured in the fullest sense. Imprisonment for debt was abol- 
ished, and a sensible bankrupt law substituted. Trial by Jury and 
the rights of the English common law were secured to every settler. 

These liberal provisions were published in England in the begin- 
ning of 1677. The proprietors invited and urged Friends to remove 
to a country where they would be secure from persecution, and cer- 
tain of prosperity. Several hundred persons went over that year. 
In March a company of two hundred and thirty had collected and 
embarked on one vessel. As their ship, the Aent, lay at anchor in 
the Thames, about ready to sail, King Charles passed by in his 





Seal of East Jersey. 


Its Laws. 













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Pour. | THE FRIENDS IN WEST. JERSEY. 477 


barge. The crowded decks attracted his attention, and he came 
alongside. He asked her destination ; he inquired if all on board 
were Friends, for, probably, he had heard of an enterprise in which 
so much interest had been aroused all over England. It certainly 
excited his curiosity, perhaps something more, for he wished them 
a good voyage and gave them his blessing. It did them no harm 
if it did them no good, though, perhaps, there was not another man 
in the kingdom less capable than Charles of comprehending the 
character and the principles of the people to whom he gave his 
benediction. 












































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ork in 
August. The commissioners on board, 
to whom the management of mn. guax- 
affairs had been entrusted by ¢* Commis. | 
the proprietors, reported the 4"°s: 
arrival to Andros. Recent events*in 
the colony had not been of a charac- 
ere on USEE ge, ter to dispose the Governor to welcome 
their coming. Fenwicke, who had now been two years at Salem, 
had denied the legality of the Duke of York’s customs-duties and 
other taxes, and in the January preceding the arrival of these new 
emigrants had been arrested, brought to New York and thrown into 
prison. He was still confined in Fort James, and when the com- 
missioners came before Andros, his first question was, what evidence 
had they to produce of title from the Duke. They had none. The 
successive grants from the Duke to Berkeley, and from Berkeley to 
others, gave, they asserted, right of government as well as title to the 
soil. This, the Governor declared, it would be as much as his head 
was worth to grant without orders from his master; but if they ‘had 
but a line or two from the Duke, he would be as ready to surrender 
it to them as they would be to ask it.” As he laid his hand on his 

















478 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. (Cuap. XX. 


sword in confirmation of his purpose to hold his government over all 
the Duke’s territory till further commands from England, the Friends 
saw themselves obliged to yield thus far; and agreeing to consider 
The ques. themselves only as magistrates under him until other in- 
eee 4s structions came, they were suffered to proceed upon their 
promised. voyage. Fenwicke was permitted at the same time to go 
upon his own recognizance, and directed to report in the following 
autumn at New York, for the final decision on his case. 

The Kent arrived at Newcastle on the Delaware on the sixteenth 
of August. It was three months later, however, before a place of 
permanent settlement was fixed upon. ‘This was the present town 
of Burlington. It was first named New Beverley; but this was 
soon changed to Bridlington—corrupted into Brellington, then 
Burlington —a parish in Yorkshire, England, whence many of the 
emigrants had come. ‘‘ Here is a town,” wrote one of them, John 
Crips, to a friend in England, “laid out for twenty proprieties, 
and a straight line, drawn from the river side up the land, which is 
to be the main street, and a market-place about the middle. The 
Yorkshire ten proprietors are to build on one side, and the London 
ten on the other side; and they have ordered one street to be made 
along the river side, which is not divided with the rest, but in small 
lots by itself, and every one that hath any part in a propriety is to 
have his share in it. The town lots for every propriety will be 
about ten or eleven acres.” ! 

The new village was prosperous from the beginning, and as 
shipload after shipload of colonists arrived, other settlements sprung 
up along the river and its tributaries, until the Proprietors saw their 
plantation increasing more rapidly in two or three years, than other 
colonies had done in ten, and this almost entirely through the 
exertions of Friends alone. 

The greatest drawback to the complete success of the undertaking 
Renewed WaS the question of jurisdiction. Taxes were still assessed 
ameuis on behalf of the Duke of York. In East New Jersey Philip 
sy a Carteret and Sir Edmund Andros were in open opposition. 
Carteret had proclaimed, with the hearty support of the Assembly, 
that all vessels coming directly to the province should be free from 
duties. Andros intercepted a ketch bound to Elizabethport with a 
cargo of rum, and compelled her captain to pay duties at the New 
Conflict be. LOrk custom-house. A proposal for a friendly meeting of 
ween “the two governors on Staten Island was declined by Car- 
Carteret. teret. Andros warned him to forbear exercising any jurisdic- 
tion; and announced that he should erect a fort ‘*at Sandy Point” 





1 Letter in Proud’s History of Pennsylvania. 


1678.] CONFLICT OF JURISDICTION. 479 


to aid in the enforcement of his authority. Carteret declared that 
this should be resisted; and when Andros went to New Jersey, a 
month later, seeking a peaceful conference, Carteret met him with a 
military force to oppose his landing. ‘As Andros came without troops 
he was permitted to land, but the conference came to nothing. The 
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Arrest of Carteret. 


crisis soon came. A few weeks after Andros’s visit, Carteret was 
taken from his house at Elizabethtown by New York sol- jyrcct of 

diers, in the night; and taken to the city, where he was put Crt: 

in the sheriff’s hands like a common criminal. He was tried ata 
special term of the Court of Assizes, in May, and, though Andros sent 
the jurors out three times, acquitted. He was compelled, however, 
to give security that he would not again assume any authority in New 


480 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. (Cuar. XX. 


Jersey. As some atonement for this ill-treatment, Andros escorted 
him back to Elizabethtown, The Assembly was asked to accept the 
* Duke’s Laws,” but they maintained their own, while at the same 
time they accepted the government of Andros. Carteret transferred 
the dispute to England, where it was presented by the widow of Sir 
George Carteret — who had died the year before — for the decision of 
the Duke himself. 

The Friends of West Jersey had been even earlier in presenting 
their complaints against Andros. They succeeded in having their 
case referred to the Duke’s commissioners in September, 1679; and 
wher decay Penn and his associates came forward with a masterly argu- 
freed from ment which secured their end. It was a bold and striking 
cf York's plea in favor of popular liberty; and the commissioners, 

advised by Sir William Jones, decided that James’s grant 
had reserved no jurisdiction, and that none could be rightly claimed. 
The Duke accepted the decision. In August, 1680, he executed a 
new deed, relinquishing all rights over West Jersey ; and in October, 
Carteret’s friends secured a similar document with regard to their 
portion of the province, and a deed confirming it to Sir George 
Carteret, the grandson of the original grantee. But East New 
Jersey had never been a profitable property; and now, while its 
neighbor grew apace, it seemed to lose rather than to gain. Philip 
Carteret imprudently brought forward again a question already once 
decided — the ownership of Staten ame once 
more into conflict with the representatives of the Duke of York. At 
the same time his home administration was disturbed by quarrels 
with a new Assembly, which he at last arbitrarily dissolved in the 
autumn of 1681. The proprietors at home were discouraged. The 
The Quakers Watchful Friends, whose own undertaking had been so suc- 
a eae cessful, now saw an opportunity to extend it further. Pro- 
es posals were made to the trustees of Carteret’s estate, which 
the latter were only too glad to close with; and in February, 1682, 





the eastern territory was sold to ten of the West Jersey proprietors, 


among whom was William Penn. 

William Penn was the son of Admiral Sir William Penn, a distin- 
ele ty guished naval officer born at Bristol in 1621, of a family 
Wiliam that had preserved an honorable station and record for 

fourteen generations. Sir William, the father, was pecu- 
liarly fitted for a life of enterprise, and had a capacity for command- 
Pray ing men, which was, however, signally battled when he 
Admiral undertook to bend his Quaker son to his own notions of 
preferment and court life. He became a Captain at twenty- 
one, Rear Admiral of Ireland at twenty-three, Vice Admiral at 


el” 4 


1681. ] WILLIAM PENN. 481 


twenty-iive, and Vice Admiral of England at thirty-one years of age. 
When Cromwell planned his expedition against the Spanish West In- 
dies, he was appointed, in 1654, Admiral of the fleet that was destined 
to codperate with the land forces under General Venables. Unfortu- 
nately the Protector sent on board civil commissioners charged with 
some control over the actions of the officers. This, and the climate, 
and a disagreement or failure of codperation between the sea and land 
forces, resulted in a disastrous failure, and the Admiral, on his re- 
turn, fell into temporary disgrace and was lodged in the Tower. 
But we find him returned for Parliament from Weymouth, in 1655, 
and, what is more important, a commander under the Duke of York 
in a great fight against the Dutch fleet in 1665, when he rendered 
such important service to the Duke that Charles II. made it a special 
point in the patent which he issued to his son for the government of 
Pennsylvania, partly to conciliate the Duke, who had some preten- 
sions to the territory and was opposed to Penn’s claim. 

The Admiral died in 1670. His turn for public affairs, and a 
certain vivacity of temper and sense of humor, were inherited eoeayt 
by his son William, who was born in London, October 14, William 
1644, of a pious and high-minded mother. She very early 
began to impart her religious feeling to her son, and to awake the 
instinct which he had plainly inherited from her. When he was 
five years old she asked him a great question. ‘* Who made you, 
William?” “Sure enough,” said the eager boy, “ was it not God?”’ 
“ But, how do you know?” “You have told me so a hundred times.” 
* But suppose I had not told you, could you have found it out for 
yourself?”” “I don’t know.” “Why, William, nothing is easier.” 
‘Tell me, mother.”’ ‘Do you see that stone lying there?”” “ What 
Orit, mother?’ ‘It is something, isitnot?” “Yes.” ‘ But how 
do you know?” “Why I see it, I can feel it, and lift it.” ‘Then-do 
you think it made itself?”’ ‘“ I don’t see how; it is a senseless thing, 
and no thing can make itself.” Many and sweet must have been the 
colloquies between mother and son upon high matters, while perhaps 
the Admiral was on the seas, or tempting the unstable element of 
courts. 

The boy was sent to school at Chiswell in Essex. One day in his 
eleventh year he perceived an exceeding glory in his room, |... 
and great comfort and emotion flowed through his soul. Bea 
This experience was not traceable to any external influ- 
ence; he had as yet held no communication with Friends who ex- 
pected and cherished these mental states. But this first touch of 
the divine presence did not impair the buoyancy of his youth. He 


loved sports and manly exercises, was overflowing with animal spirits, 
VOL. II. 31 


482 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


and was fond ci a joke. At fifteen, he was so advanced as to enter 
Oxford, where he associated with noblemen of rather discursive 
habits. 

But there came to Oxford one Thomas Lee, an eminent preacher 
of the Society of Friends. Penn heard him and was-greatly impressed 
with the new doctrines. Gradually he began to stay away from the 
Inclines to ANglican worship because of his love of hearing any Friend 
Quakerism. speak who came to town. For this he was fined in 1660. 
When, under Charles II., a mandate came up to Oxford, restoring the 
habit of the surplice to the students and making its use imperative, 
Penn, collecting a few of his spirited comrades, attacked the students 
























































~ a 


Wanstead, Essex, Home of William Penn's Childhood. 


who appeared in surplices and tore them over their heads. ‘This led 
Expetlea tO his expulsion, to the extreme disgust of the Admiral, who 
from Oxford. cherished views of propriety and advancement for his son. 
In a fit of anger, in spite of the protesting mother, he turned young 
Penn out of the house. Repenting at leisure of this undomestie pro- 
cedure, and alarmed at Penn’s increasing tendency to the peculiar 
Heiscentto Views of sectaries, he was summoned back and despatched 
Panis. to Paris in 1662, well provided with money ;. the father 
hoping to divert his niind by gayety and to change his habit of life. 
Penn did not dislike it; all his senses were keen and vital, and he 
liked to taste the humor of things. He was engaged once in a street 
fight, but he acquired fine manners and a more easy accommodation 
to circumstances. The delighted Admiral presented him at court, 


1681. ] WILLIAM PENN. 483 


then sent him to Dublin to look after some family property. Here 
he led a gay life, till one day he saw a placard announ- porn is cont 
cing that a Friend “would preach in the Market House.” ‘? Dublin. 
He was impressed to go and listen. The preacher was his old friend, 
Thomas Lee, who taught him at Oxford to despise ordinances and 
cherish the Spirit. His heart was turned back to the old genuine 
affections of his nature, and he became again the school-boy who 
had felt a presence in his room. 

The decisive moment of his life had arrived. He doffed the 
courtly garb and adopted the ordinary costume of the | ae 
Friend of that period; but the courtly eloquence and suay-_ nitely ne 
ity of manner which nature had bestowed upon him he Friends’ 
could not dispense with. ‘There remained too the inextin- 
euishable force and vivacity of his nature, which still sometimes 
led him into a broadness of speech and contemptuous allusion. Im- 
mediately surrendering his old habits of living he became a constant 
attendant upon the meetings of Friends. And it was upon one of 
these occasions in Cork that he was arrested, taken before the mayor, 
and for the first time committed to prison. His father, though dis- 
eusted at the change in his son’s opinions, continued to be useful in 
getting him out of prison, whenever his boldness lodged him there. 
He was recalled home in 1666, and subjected to the father’s argu- 
ments and threats. A severe struggle took place in his heart be- 
tween his paternal duty and the new light which had risen within 
him. The light prevailed, and the angry father again dismissed him 
from the house. 

Now he began to speak in Friends’ meetings, and to employ a 
sprightly pen in defence of the new doctrines. In 1668, 
after an abortive discussion with some Presbyterian minis- 
ters, he wrote his ‘ Sandy Foundation Shaken,” which 
gave such offence that he was committed to the Tower on the charge 
of heresy. Here he solaced confinement with industrious writing ; 
among other treatises composing his famous ‘* No Cross No Crown,” 
of which he said, “Itis a path God in his everlasting kindness 
guided my feet into, in the flower of my youth, when about two and 
twenty years of age.” And we find the key-note of the whole 
Quaker practice in England and America in this sentence: “ To say 
that we strain at small things, which becomes not people of so fair 
pretensions to liberty and freedom of spirit, I-answer with meekness, 
truth and sobriety ; first, nothing is small that God makes matter of 
conscience to do or leave undone.” He was kept in the Tower for 
seven months, and at length released in consequence of his clear and 
positive religious statements in a treatise called “ Innocency with her 
open Face.”’ 


Penn im- 
prisoned. — 
His writ- 


ings. 


484 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


The father’s temper had ‘like to break his heart when things 
went wrong,” but he underwent a hard conflict to set them right. 
A partial reconciliation between him and the son led gradually to a 
complete one before his death in 1670. ‘Then Penn inherited great 
estates, which he lavishly used and encumbered in his important en- 
terprises. 

But meantime the persecutions of the Quakers attained unusual 
Persecution Severity. Although Charles II. had enjoined the Boston 
cher dak, Magistrates to suspend their cruelties against the Friends, 
ry and had manifested a spirit of toleration in England, he 
subsequently, when under the influence of his ministers, issued fresh 
orders to New England to suppress the sect, and-allowed the statutes 
to be enforced at home. Mayors and Recorders took advantage of 
this mood and revived the municipal statutes against dissenters’ 
meetings and preaching. When the King recovered from his tem- 
porary mood of reaction and began to have considerable regard for 
leading Quakers, it did not affect the popular prejudice. The 
prosecutions went on, and the King made no active interference. 
The usual outrages prevailed through the kingdom. Meetings were 
mobbed, hats pulled off and trampled on, Friends were beaten, 
robbed, given over to any ruffianly treatment, thrown into loath- 
some jails, and if they had any money were fined, in some cases at 
the rate of £20 a month. 

Penn was arrested for preaching in 1670, and his trial at the Old 
Bailey occurred in September. He and his friend, Wilham 
Mead, a linen-draper who knew how to quote Latin in his 
plea, were arraigned on an indictment that absurdly charged them 
with gathering a tumultuous assembly in Grace Church Street with 
force and arms to the disturbance of the King’s peace, and did there 
preach to the great terror and disturbance of many of his liege sub- 
jects. We have Penn’s own report of this trial, published in Howell’s 
“State Trials” and in his Works. On September first, the accused 
simply pleaded not guilty, and were remanded till the third. On that 
day, as they entered the court, some official rudely pulled their hats 
off, whereupon the Mayor rebuked the officer and made him put on 
their hats again. At this the Recorder magnified his office by fining 
each forty marks for contempt of court, though the order for repla- 
cing their hats came from the bench. So, said Penn, it 1s not we, but 
the bench which ought to be fined. When the Recorder said that the 
indictment was founded upon the common law, Penn asked him what 
was that law; to which the testy and virulent Recorder replied that 
he had not time enough to explain the cases which made the common 
law ; and Penn rejoined, “ If it be common it should not be so hard 


Penn’s trial. 


1681.] WILLIAM PENN, 485 


to produce.” Penn’s retorts were so sharp that the tolerably well 
disposed Mayor ordered him into the bail-dock, a felon’s dirty place in 
the purlieus of the court room; and Mead conducted himself with 
such steadiness that he soon followed. The jury, though vigorously 
bullied by the Recorder, brought in the simple verdict, *« Guilty of 
speaking in Grace Church Street.” Sent out again, they soon returned 
with the same verdict. But this did not suit the court. The jury 
was shut up and watched overnight, without meat, drink, fire, or any 


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Trial of William Penn. 


other accommodation. The next morning it returned the same ver- 
dict. Again it was angrily sent out, only to return with the original 
verdict. This happened twice more, the trial lasting till September 
fifth, and Penn and Mead being transferred to Newgate while it was 
pending, and the obstinate jury being shut up without food or drink. 
When at last the original verdict was rendered, each juror was fined 
forty marks for following his own opinion, and Penn and Mead sent 
to Newgate till each paid his forty marks for having his hat reset 


486 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


upon his head. Such was the tolerated spite and injustice of that 
interval of persecution.! 

Soon after the trial at the Old Bailey, Penn’s father died, as it ap- 
pears under great concern of mind at a tardy recognition of his son’s 
courage and virtue. After taking the final leave of the household, 
Death of the He said: “Son William, I charge you do nothing against 
Aduival. “your conscience: if you and your friends keep to your plain 
way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will 
make an end of the priests, to the end of the world.” 

In 1671, Penn was again in Newgate for six months for being pres- 
ent at a Friends’ meeting. After his release, he went on a religious 
mission to Holland and Germany, with Robert Barclay, author of the 
famous “ Apology,” and George Fox. His interviews with the sus- 
ceptible Princess Elizabeth of Germany are memorable in the annals 
of (Juakerism. 

Among the effects of his father, Penn had inherited a claim against 
Penn's claim the Crown for arrears of the Admiral’s pay, and for various 
tgamstthe loans to the Admiralty. What with principal and interest, 
lis proposal. i¢ amounted in 1681 to £16,000, a sum which, in the 
money value of to-day, would be a very large one. Penn proposed 
to the government to liquidate this debt by a grant to him of terri- 
tory in America. Those members of the Privy Council who were 
hostile to the views of Quakerism relative to the Church and State, 
strongly opposed the grant. But even the Duke of York, with whom 
he had been lately in controversy, favored his petition, mindful per- 
haps of the Admiral’s great service to him in the tight pinch of the 
naval battle. The Duke might have preferred to extend his own 
province of New York farther to the southward. 

Penn was well skilled in the methods of courts, and knew when to 
wait, when to persist, how smoothly to deal with the men of influence, 
in order to prefer his claim. ‘The treasury also was empty, and the 
King thought he would be well rid of a debt of £16,000 for many 
square miles of wilderness peopled only by Indians. The Lords’ Com- 
mittee of Colonies, the Board of Trade, were quite contemptuous 


1 Eighty years later, on June 7, 1753, a Quakeress managed to get into the House of 
Lords, and reprehendcd the Peers on account of some fashionable excesses in dress and 
amusements. The Monthly Review said: ‘She was indulged with the attention of the 
House.” During the French Revolution, a Quaker preferred to keep on his hat in the 
tribune when he was present at a sitting of the Council of Ancients. It was the Presi- 
dent’s opinion that the Council, by allowing him to remain with it on, would give a proof 
of its respect for the freedom of religious opinions. But the order of the day was carried 
upon a very sensible remark by Rousseau, who said: ‘ He may come with his coat but- 
toned after the fashion of the Quakers, if he pleases, but let him take off his hat or stay 
away. If the delicacy of his conscience cannot yield to his curiosity, let him make his 
curiosity yield to the delicacy of his conscience.” 





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1681.] THE GRANT OF PENNSYLVANIA. 487 


over the idea of establishing over Indians, and amid foreign rivalries, 
a set of non-resistants. But a very cogent address in Council by 
Penn’s chief advocate, clearing up the anti-governmental, anti-priest, 
and anti-royal principles of the Friends, prevailed. Chief Justice 
North was appointed to draw up a charter, with specifications of 
boundaries, which was signed March 4, 1681. In considera- | 

tion of two beaver-skins annually, and a fifth part of all the Rare 
gold and silver that might be mined, the King granted to 
Penn a territory of forty thousand square miles. This monarch was 
nothing if not merry ; he must be allowed his sport. ‘ Here,” said 
he, “Iam doing well in granting all these coasts, seas, bays, ete., to 
such a fighting man as you are. But you must promise not to take 
to scalping. And will you practise entire toleration toward all mem- 
bers of the Church of England?” To which, of course, Penn readily 
assented. As regards the scalping, a striking decline from the prin- 
ciples of his father was shown by the grandson of Penn, who pro- 
claimed in July, 1764, that for every male Indian above the age of 
ten who was captured, a bounty of $150 should be paid; for every 
male killed and scalped, $134; for every one thus served under ten, 
$130; for every female killed and scalped, $50. But Penn's descend- 
ants had then long ceased to be Iriends, and the frontier influence 
of the French among the Indians was of the most murderous kind. 

The King had called the new territory, thus granted, Pennsylvania. 
But Penn, whose family originated in Wales, had intended ae 
to call it New Wales. In the conference with the Secre- territory 
tary, who handed him the charter, he objected to the King’s heete 
designation, and tried to prevail upon the Secretary to substitute his 
own, even offering him, when he proved stubborn, twenty guineas to 
alter it. But the Secretary could not overcome his sense of duty. 
Upon referring the matter to the King, with the compromise of Syl- 
vania, the King said, “ No. I am godfather to the territory, and will 
bestow its name.” 

Penn’s proprietary jurisdiction thus made secure, he issued a far- 
sighted and liberal advertisement of the inducements for 
emigration, which particularly addressed the Quaker dispo- Bosal, tot 
sition. His scheme of administration is too long to repro- ie Si 
duce entire: but two or three special traits of it deserve emphasis. 
He declared that he wished to establish a just and righteous govern- 
ment in his province, that others might take example by it. In Eng- 
land there was not room for such a holy experiment. Government 
isa part of religion itself, a thing sacred in its institution and end. 
Any government is free to the people under it, whatever be the frame, 
where the laws rule, and the people are a party to those laws. Gov- 


488 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. ([Cuap. XX, 


ernments depend upon men, not men upon governments. The first 
principle of Penn’s new code recognized liberty of conscience; all 
persons acknowledging the one Eternal God, living peaceably and 
justly, were not to be molested or prejudiced in matters of faith and 
worship. 

Penn went further than this; with the sad example of New Eng- 
land experience in his thought, he added that nobody shall be com- 
pelled at any time to frequent or maintain any religious worship, 
place, or ministry whatsoever. Only murder and treason were to be 
punishable by death. That, at least, was insisted upon by Chief Jus- 
tice North. But while Penn lived, no gallows was erected in his 
province. He said that a prison must be converted into a school of 
reformation and education; that litigation ought to give way to some 
regularly appointed arbitration; that an oath was a superfluity; so, 
also, were cock-pits, bull-baiting, card-playing, theatres, and drunken- 
ness. Lying was punishable as a crime. ‘This, indeed, went to the 
root of the matter, for all nations from the earliest times have acknowl- 
edged that a lie is the parent of a horde of vices. ‘Trial by jury was 
established, and in all cases which involved an Indian, the jury must 
be composed of six whites and six natives, and whenever a planter 
conceived that he was injured in person or property by a native he 
must not take the law into his own hands, but apply to a magistrate, 
and the latter must confer with the native’s sachem. The person of 
the Indian was declared to be sacred. 

Penn advertised the land in his province at forty shillings per 
hundred acres, and even servants could hold fifty acres in fee simple. 
“ Still,” said he to the Friends, eager to enter upon their new homes, 
‘* let no one move rashly, but have an eye to the Providence of God.” 
So great was his reputation in Europe that he attracted many emi- 
grants from its countries, mainly from Germany, and recruited from 
the soberest and thriftiest kind. A German Company, under the 
guidance of Franz Pastorius,! bought fifteen thousand acres. 

Three vessels came over in 1681. One of them was frozen in at 
Farly set. Chester, and the passengers could get no further. They 
ing were obliged to dig caves in the river bank and live in them. 
This was a common expedient with the earliest settlers, and at a later 
period Penn complained of the liquor drinking and excesses in the 
caves. It bad always been his object to live in his province and 
manage his affairs. When the ship in which he intended to embark 


1 See a German pamphlet in the library of Harvard College, by Fr. Daniel Pastorius, “a 
geographical statistical Description of the Province of Pennsylvania.’ It. contains the 
events which occurred from 1683 to 1699. At the time of writing it he was chief magis- 
trate at Germantown. 


1682.] PENN’S VOYAGE. 489 


was nearly ready, he requested an audience of the King. Said 
Charles, “* It will not be long before I hear that yous ha ver pan 

gone into the savages’ war Werte whateis sto spréevent ity ‘4 Waeie: 

«*¢ Their own inner light,” said Penn. *“ Moreover, as I intend equitably 
to buy their lands, I shall not be molested.” ‘Buy their lands! 
Why, is not the whole land mine?” “No, your majesty, we have 
no right to their lands; they are the original occupants of the soil.” 
“ What! have I not the right of discovery?” ‘ Well, just suppose 
that a canoe full of savages should by some accident discover Great 
Britain. Would you vacate or sell?” The King was astonished at 
the retort, and no less at the policy which soon bore such admirable 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































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2 Ae ne ai SN } Nf 


Chester, Pennsylvania. 


fruit that was unfertilized by blood. New England began by trying 
to convert the Indian, taking in the mean time his land in the name 
of the Gospel. Penn began by paying for the land and solemnly 
treating with the Indian that he might thus possibly convert him. 
After his visit to the King, Penn passed a day with his family at 
Worminghurst, engaged in devout exercises and domestic converse. 
He left there a truly Christian document in the form of a letter to 
his family, which was at the same time an address to all who professed 
the opinions of Friends. On September 1, 1682, he set ree 
sail in the ship Welcome, a name as propitious as MMay- voyage to 
flower, with a hundred passengers, nearly all of whom 
were Friends from his own county of Sussex. Robert Greenaway 


490 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


was the commander. The uncomfortable voyage lasted six weeks, 
during which thirty of the passengers died of the small-pox. One 
day the captain saw a ship which appeared to be in pursuit of his 
own, and took her to be an enemy. He made every preparation for 
resistance, and manned his guns. ‘Then addressing the non-resistant 
(uakers, he advised them to take refuge in the cabin. Penn and the 
rest did so, excepting James Logan, his private secretary. Logan 
stayed on deck and took his station at a gun. When the strange sail 
came near it proved to be a friendly one. Penn came on deck and 
severely rebuked Logan for remaining to fight. Said Logan, ‘I 
being thy secretary, why didst thou not order me to come down? 
But thou wert willing enough that I should stay and help to fight 
the ship when thou thought there was danger.” 

At length the Delaware was reached, and a landing was made at 
ee Newcastle on the 27th of October. . The Dutch and Swedes 
at gave the heartiest welcome to their new Governor. His 

first act was to naturalize all these inhabitants of the prov- 
inee. They were summoned to the court-house and addressed by 
Penn on the true nature and functions of government. ‘The commis- 
sions of all the existing magistrates were renewed. ‘Then he went 
up the river to Upland, now Chester, and met the delegates who had 
been already selected by his Commissioners to compose the first As- 
sembly. Their first session, held in the Friends’ Meeting House, 
lasted only four days, much time being saved by the admirable rule 
which was adopted, that ‘‘ none speak but once before the question is 
put, nor after, but once; and that none fall from the matter to the 
person, and that superfluous and tedious speeches may be stopped 
by the Speaker.” So the Quaker principle of freedom of utterance 
as the spirit prompted, was judiciously balanced. No four days of 
Plenty ana legislative work were ever more harmoniously spent in lay- 
prosperity ino the foundations of society. Penn’s own sincere tem- 
ae per was imparted to all. “ As to outward things we are 
satisfied; the land good, the air clear and sweet, the springs plentiful, 
and provision good and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity 
of wild-fowl and fish; in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob would be well contented with.” } 


1 The wild turkeys sometimes turned the scale at forty-six pounds ; one of thirty pounds 
sold for a shilling, a deer for two shillings. One settler bought a fat buck for two gills of 
gunpowder. Wild pigeons could be killed with sticks, apparently too numerous to get out 
of the way. Six rock-cod cost twelve pence, salt fish three farthings’ a pound. *‘ Peaches 
by cart-loads,” said one letter writer: ‘‘the Indians bring us seven or eight fat bucks a day. 
Without rod or net we catch abundance of herrings, after the Indian manner, in penfolds.” 
There were plenty of swans, and oysters six inches long. But all this was true of nearly 
all the more southern settlements in the earlier years. 


1682. ] PHILADELPHIA FOUNDED. - 491 


In good years the farmer gathered twenty or thirty bushels of wheat 
for every one he sowed. A native grape grew in great abundance, 
and yielded an excellent wine. The woods and meadows swarmed 
with all kinds of wild berries; and the settlers soon had their various 
fruit trees and bushes, melons planted, their presses started, and perry, 
cider, etc., running from them. ‘The natives were always hospitable, 
well inclined to barter because never overreached. Great plenty 
ruled in this province from the beginning. If the Dutch and Swedes 
had suffered from hunger and 
want on the banks of the Dela- 
ware, it was their own fault.t 

At first Penn instructed his 
Commissioners who came in 















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Penn’s Address at Newcastle. 


1681, to examine the neighborhood of Upland to find a suitable site 
for a town; but when he went up the river he pitched upou pyiadeipnia 
the broad peninsula that lay between the Delaware and the ‘°° 

Schuylkill. Here he projected a city upon a great scale of squares, 
streets with avenues of trees— some of which still preserve the names 


1 A planter, writing before 1696, gave the following rates of wages: Carpenters, brick- 
layers, and masons, six shillings a day ; shoemakers, two shillings on each pair; journey- 
men tailors, twelve shillings a week and their diet ; weavers, ten pence a yard; wool-comb- 
ers, twelve pence a pound ; potters, sixteen pence for a pot which cost in England only four 
pence ; brick-makers, twenty shillings per thousand of bricks at the kiln ; hatters, seven 
shillings for a hat; all other trades, of which every conceivable kind was pursued in the 
province, making it quite independent of the mother country, were rewarded in the same 
proportion. All kinds of food were much cheaper than in England; and the Barbadoes 
furnished a constant market for corn. Laboring men earned fourteen pounds a year, with 
meat, drink, washing, and lodging; maid-servants ten pounds a year. Floating mil's for 
grinding corn took advantage of the river’s current, and on the land horse-mills were used. 


492 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [Cuap. XX.. 


of the original trees—and houses to be surrounded with gardens, 
Before houses could be built the settlers lived in huts, and in caves 
which were excavations in the river bank arched over with branches 
and sodded. The chimneys were built of clay strengthened with 
grass. One house was in process of building by a man with the 
happy name of Guest. Penn’s first landing was made at Dock Creek 
opposite this unfinished house, which was afterwards known as the 
Blue Anchor Tavern, The first keeper of the tavern was Guest, and 
a long line of hospitable Friends succeeded him. Beyond Guest’s 
house, ten others were soon built in the old English fashion, of frames 



































Letitia Cottage, Philadelphia, supposed First Residence of Penn. 


filled in with brick, and called ‘* Budd’s Long Row.” The tavern 
“was but about twelve feet front,” says Watson in his copious 
“ Annals,” “on Front Street, and about twenty-two feet on Dock: 
Street, having a ceiling of about eight and a half feet in height.” A 
little cottage, built by one Drinker, who settled on this site alone 
several years before the arrival of Penn, was the first habitation on 
the site of Philadelphia. Penn meant to convey to the settlers by 
the name of his new city the disposition which he hoped would pre- 
vail within its walls. 

In this year of Penn’s landing twenty-three ships filled with col- 
onists came up the Delaware. In less than a year eighty houses and 
cottages were built, three hundred farms laid out, and bounteous crops 


1682. | TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. 493 


secured. In 1684, there were three hundred and fifty-seven houses, 
‘large and well built, with cellars,” and fifty townships had 
been settled. In 1685, there were six hundred houses. In teneof 

: . settlers. 
one year ninety ships brought more than seven thousand 
people into his province. 

A treaty had been made with the Indian tribes of the neighbor- 
hood, which only required to be ratified before the Governor. A 
scene, October 14, 1682, which history has made memor- . 
able, took place under the spreading branches of an Ameri- aes 
can elm, at Shackamaxon, or Sakimaxing, “place of. kings,” Cae 
an old resort for Indian councils. The Indians met Penn at ‘the 
half-way house,” that is, at noon. They were tribes of the Lenni 
Lenape, a nation 
which long ago 
had its seat beyond 
the Alleghanies, 
whence it migrated 
to the Hudson and 
Delaware. Their 
tribal names were 
derived from the 
creeks and rivers of 
their territory, as 
Raritan, Assunpink, 
Mingo, Navesink. 
They were of a war- 
like disposition, and 
falling into frequent 
fights with Indian 
neighbors. Penn described them well, with a few strokes: ‘They 
are tall, straight, tread strong and clever, and walk with a lofty chin. 
Their custom of rubbing the body with bear’s fat, gives them a 
swarthy color. They have little black eyes. Their heads and coun- 
tenances have nothing of the negro type, and I have seen as comely 
European-like faces among them as on your side the sea. Their lan- 
guage is lofty, yet narrow; like short-hand in writing, one word serveth 
in the place of three, and the rest are supplied by the understanding 
of the hearer. I have made it my business to understand it, that I 
might not want an interpreter on any occasion. In liberality, they 
excel; nothing is too good for their friend; give them a fine gun, 
coat, or other thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks ; hght 
of heart, strong affections, but soon spent. The justice they have is 
pecuniary. In case they kill a woman, they pay double, and the 



































The Treaty Ground at Kensington, before the Fali of the ‘‘ Treaty Tree.’ 


494 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


reason they render is, that she breedeth children, which men cannot 
do. It is rare that they fall out, if sober; and if drunk, they forgive 
it, saying, it was the drink and not the man that abused them.” 

On this occasion, Penn had an interpreter. The chief sachem, 
Taminent, sat in the middle of a semi-circle, composed of old men 
and councillors. At a little distance behind, ‘the young fry,” in 
the same order, The sachem deputed one to address Penn, during 
Re whose harangue no one whispered or smiled. Penn’s com- 
Bhacke. pany advanced to this meeting without arms; he was only 

distinguished by a blue silk net-work sash. The sachem 
wore a kind of chaplet, with a small horn projecting from it as a 
symbol of sovereignty. When he put it on all the natives threw 
down their arms; it was a signal that the place was inviolate. 

The confirmation of the treaty 
was engrossed upon a roll of parch- 
ment. Penn’s address, with its em- 
phasis of the Great Spirit, must have 
sparkled with a peculiar sincerity, 
because of his personal belief in a 
direct intercourse with the source 
of all power. He told the Indians 
that every thought of the heart was 
known above; that the desire of 
his own heart was to live in per- 
petual amity with them; that he 
and his friends came unarmed be- 
ae cause they never used weapons. 

ThaSdfecty< Monument! aba Then the conditions of the purchase 

were read, and in addition to the 

stipulated price he presented them with various articles of merchandise. 

The treaty concluded upon this pacifie basis, without the exhibition of 

a single weapon of modern warfare, and expressly disclaiming a resort ° 
to force, was faithfully kept by those barbarians for sixty years. 

While Penn was allotting land to purchasers, he reserved a tract 
of a thousand acres for his friend George Fox. Land was frequently 
purchased of the Indians by paying for as much as the purchaser 
could comprise in a walk. When some of the best English pedestri- 
ans were detailed for this new style of measurement, they covered so 
much ground that the Indians were mortified at the unequal bargain. 
Then an additional present of merchandise set the matter right. 
Thus the peace was always kept in politic fashion, and the Indian 
could entertain no cause for feud. Only one alarm ever occurred pur- 
porting to come from an Indian quarter, when one day in 1688, some 
































1683. | PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 495 


women came running in with the tidings that alarge body of Indians 
were coming down to massacre. ‘This was dire news to the defence- 
less Friends. But instead of sending out scouts to reconnoitre, who 
were willing to bear arms, a commissioner was despatched, who, upon 
arriving at the place indicated, found an old Indian chief lying all 
alone upon the grass nursing his lame leg, and a number of squaws at 
work in the field. No other man was in sight. The old chief said 
the women ought to be hanged for spreading so false a report. 

Penn used every lawful art of intercourse to conciliate the Indians. 
‘¢ He walked with them,” at one of their earliest meetings, sat with 
them on the ground, and ate with them of their roasted acorns and 
hominy. At this they expressed their great delight, and soon began 
to show how they could hop and jump, at which exhibition William 
Penn, to cap the climax, ‘“‘ sprang up and beat them all.” We cannot 
imagine the fathers of New England jumping in rivalry with savages. 
Their methods seldom raised a smile. 

In October, 1683, one Enoch Flower — what pleasant Quaker 
symbolism in the name — began to teach boys and girls in Bets 8 
a dwelling made of pine and cedar planks. His terms were, ana relig- 
“To learn to read, four shillings a quarter; to write, six shil- ters in Phil- 

4 2 : 5 . 5 adelphia. 
lings ; boarding scholars, to wit: diet, lodging, washing, and 
schooling, ten pounds the whole year.” A printing-press was set up 
soon after. From the time of the first settlement of New Netherland 
it was seventy years before any book or paper was printed there. 

In 1683, among the emigrants who came over was James Claypoole, 
author of several books and pamphlets, an admired friend of Penn. 
He was an uncle of the Lord John Claypoole who married Cromwell’s 
favorite daughter, Elizabeth. He was one of the Friends to whom 
Penn addressed a touching religious exhortation, just before his re- 
turn to England in 1684, to be read at all Friends’ Meetings in the 
province. The first Yearly Meeting in Philadelphia was held in 
July, 1683. 

One reason for Penn’s return to England was the necessity for de- 
termining the boundary line between his own province and 
that of Maryland. Lord Baltimore had already gone on this reine fe 
business, reasserting the right, under his patent, to the tid 
country along the west side of the Delaware, from Philadelphia to 
Cape Henlopen, which he had so persistently maintained against the 
Dutch in Stuyvesant’s time. On this vexed question, after many 
delays, Penn succeeded in getting a decision from the Committee 
of Trade and Plantations against Lord Baltimore. Baltimore, the 
Dutch had contended, had no title to this country, because it was 
settled by their people at the time his patent was issued. and that 


496 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [Cuap. XX. 


patent only entitled him to lands uncultivated and inhabited by sav- 
ages. The King had conquered the country from the Dutch and 
granted it to the Duke of York, and the Duke had conveyed it to 
Wilham Penn. The title, therefore, was now vested in Penn, as 
against Baltimore, by Order of Council. 

sut he was moved to go to England by another motive. He had 
heard of the accusations which were rife against him, that he was 
working with Jesuits to secure the supremacy of James II., who 
would have been glad to reintroduce the Roman Catholic religion 
into England. The only ground for the absurd report seems to have 
been the favor in which he had been held by Charles II., and still 
enjoyed from James II. To his care the elder Penn — whom James 
had so much reason for holding in affectionate remembrance — had 
warmly commended his son. Surely that son is not to be blamed 
that he retained the 
King’s esteem by his 
admirable bearing, 
his conciliatory tem- 
per, and his un- 
flinching integrity. 
The influence he ac- 
quired he used for 
the benefit of all who 
were in need, espe- 
cially for hundreds 
of his own sect who 
still suffered in pris- 
ons allover England. 
If he sought to re- 
tain that influence 
for his own purposes, 
it was only on behalf of that commonwealth he had founded, which 
he so loved, and for which he spent his own life and estate. If his 
principles of toleration found favor with James, it was not because 
of any leaning, on Penn’s part, to the Catholic Church. It 1s impos- 
sible not to believe that his numerous avowals against idolatries and 
ordinances were sincere; impossible not to accept as true his many 
disclaimers of any sympathy with the Church of Rome. The “ No. 
Cross, no Crown,” is thoroughly anti-papal.? 








































































































The Penn Mansion, later Residence of the Penn Family in Philadelphia. 


1 The line fixed by this decision was the present boundary between Maryland and Del- 
aware. The final line between Maryland and Pennsylvania continued a question of 
dispute till settled by the running of ‘‘ Mason and Dixon’s Line,” by Charles Mason and 
Jeremiah Dixon, in 1762. 

2 Were we professing to give a complete biography of William Penn, it would be nee- 


1694.] TROUBLES IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. 497 


But his enemies, and the haters of Quakerism, could not tolerate 
the favor which his diplomatic disposition, combined with his remark- 
able independence, won for him at court. They were less »,,, in 
the foes of Jesuits. “Penn thought it right to use all the in- #4 
fluence he could command for the benefit of his American province, 
and to have the new persecutions against the Quakers abated. He 
sueceeded in both purposes. Before leaving America he appointed 
a Provincial Council to act for him during .his absence; but it was 
not long before disputes arose which caused him much anxiety. He 
could not succeed in prevailing upon the Assembly to restrain the use 
of spirituous liquors, and to withhold them altogether from the Indi- 
ans. His officers committed many extortions in the sale of his lands. 
He experienced great difficulty in collecting his quit-rents, and was 
seriously embarrassed by the great outlay which he had made: ‘ Six 
thousand pounds out of pocket,” he said repeatedly. 

At the revolution of 1688, he fell under serious suspicion of aiding 
in the plots for the return of James II. Once he was arrested and 
brought before the Lords of Council, and, at his own request, was 
taken before the King. <A letter had been written him by James, 
and when examined in regard to it, he could not, he said, prevent 
him from writing to him; but if that brought him under a suspicion 
of plotting for a restoration, it did not compel him to violate his duty 
to the state. The King seemed satisfied with his defence, and he was 
not again molested. It did not seem to him proper, however, to 
leave the kingdom while under such suspicion, and he remained in 
England. | 

During this time he was pained by the accounts sent to him of the 
dissensions in his province. The three lower counties.on the porn ro. 
Delaware, called the ‘* Territories,”’ had insisted on a sepa- ive 
rate government, and to this he reluctantly assented. Other ‘ts? 
difficulties occurred, relating to the religious doctrines of Friends. 
These were chiefly fomented by George Keith, who had been ap- 
pointed the principal of the Friends’ public school in Philadelphia, 
which was established in 1689. The court took advantage of these 
disturbances to depose Penn from the government of the province, and 
another governor was sent out, who administered affairs till Penn was 
reinstated in 1694, having shown the hollowness of the charges 
against himself and reéstablished old feelings of amity with the sus- 


essary to meet the various charges brought against him by Macaulay, in his //istory of 
England. A complete refutation of them may be found in a Preface to Clarkson’s Life 
of Penn, by William E. Forster, the English statesman ; in The Life of William Penn, by 
Samuel E. Janney; in a Defence of William Penn, by Henry Fairbairn; and in Dixon's 
Life of Penn, which on this point, at least, may be considered as an authority. The evi- 
dence is ample, and would be accepted in any court of justice. 

VOL. II. 32 


498 COLONIZATION BY FRIENDS. [CHap. XX. 


picious party in the Society. The new Governor, Fletcher, who was 
also Governor of New York, had, in the meantime, with the usual 
fatal facility of royal governors, quarrelled with the Assembly and 
retired in disgust to New York. 

Penn made his defence and explanation before the Council in 1693; 
His restora. HIS reinstatement in the proprietary government took place 
ovens in August, 1694. While he was preparing to return he 
appointed his cousin, Colonel Markham, Deputy Governor of the 
province, his friend Thomas Lloyd, who had been his Deputy for some 
time, having recently died. Markham’s administration was, on the 
whole, satisfactory, and there was little for several years to disturb 
the tranquillity and prosperity of the colony, which already contained 
20,000 people. Penn permitted his private affairs to retain him in 
England till 1699, when he once more sailed for America with his 
fathitys with the firm intention of Se there for the rest of his. 


days. 


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O0000 it ttttteteerrenenrenee aaater rane eee t nt OOOBNNDE OCHO KOANDOD: T OSUORDBDDUOUOOSEH 












































Wampum received by Penn in Commemoration of the Indian Treaty. 


CHAPTER XXI. 


THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 


THE EXPLORATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE SETTLEMENT OF LOUISIANA. — 
FRENCH MISSIONARIES AND Hunrters.— Discovery or Onto, INDIANA, AND OTHER 
NORTHWESTERN StTatres. — THE Poricy or COLBERT AND TALON.— DISCOVERY OF 
THE Upper LAKES. —CoONGRESS OF NaTIVE TRIBES aT Mackinac. — MARQUETTE 
AND JOLIET SAIL FOR THE DISCOVERY OF THE MIssissippl.— FRENCH COLONY OF 
1699. — D’IBERVILLE AND HIS Broruers.—BiILoxt AND Poverty Poinr.—Wark 
OF SucCcESsION. — PENSACOLA. — MINES. — CROZAT’S GRANT. 


THE English and Dutch settlers, to whose history this volume has 
thus far been for the most part devoted, never showed any disposition 
to make permanent homes with the aborigines. ‘Their efforts to 
Christianize them were made loyally, but did not include life in their 
wigwams or villages. Even the hunter or trapper of English blood, 
who brought furs from the frontier to the sea, was not a man who had 
carried on his hunting or trapping in league with the natives. He 
had lived in a solitary hut, or he had made his excursions from a fron- 
tier village. 

From the very beginning, however, a 
different disposition showed it- 

. self in the French colonies of Pe Pyne 
‘ Acadie and of Canada. When Picreton | 
_the white population of Canada '™* 

was not more than three hundred per- 
sons, a considerable number of those per- 
sons were living in the villages of the 
Hurons,! whose homes were then further 
to the east than that great lake which 
now preserves their name. Some of these 
Frenchmen were traders for furs, some were priests, at first of the 


Tendency of 





































































































































































































Totem of the Hurons (from La Hontan). 


1 The handful of Wyandots, now in Kansas, represents the great tribe of Hurons. The 
spelling Yendat is the earlier form. See Gallatin’s Synopsis. The word “ Huron” is 
itself not Indian but French, derived from the French word hure, meaning a rough mane 
or head of hair. 


500 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XX]. 


Récollet order, afterwards of the fraternity of Jesuits. It was by such 
traders and missionaries that several of the western States of the 
American Union were first opened to the knowledge of Europe. 

The great Champlain, from whom the real history of Canada _be- 
gins, arrived in Quebec on the 3d of July, 1608, only a year after the 
settlement at Jamestown.! In 1615 he discovered Lake On- 
tario, and Lake Nipissing. He pressed his explorations 
westward, and recent research has shown that as early as 1654, Jean 
Nicollet, a Frenchman who had become an Indian in all his babits, 
visited, in the course of his western travels, the region which we now 
know as Wisconsin. These were pioneer adventures. Nicollet was 
himself a sincere Catholic. He and other pioneers were followed, as 
early as the year 1640, by the Fathers Chaumonot and Bréboeuf, who 


French pio- 
neers. 











































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































cuasted along the northern 
shore of the State of Ohio, 
and the eastern shore of 
Michigan as far as the 
Straits of Mackinac. In 
1659, two young traders, 
who pushed their explora- 
tions farther west, joined a tribe of Indians, with whom they went so 
far west upon Lake Superior, that they heard for the first time of the 
creat tribe of the Sioux, whose conflicts against the whites occupy the 
journals even as late as our day. At that time, the Sioux appeared to 
these travellers a powerful nation, of more gentle manners than the 
eastern Indians, whom they had known before. The Frenchmen re- 
ported that they were not cruel to their prisoners, and that they wor- 

























































































































































































{sland of Mackinac. 


1 See vol. i., p. 321. 


1660. | FRENCH MISSIONARIES. 001 


shipped one God.t_ These pioneers returned to Montreal in the spring 
of 1660, with sixteen canoes packed with furs. In these movements, 
dictated now by adventure, now by religious zeal, and often by both 
combined, our States of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, 
and Minnesota, were first visited by the whites. Perhaps it would 
be too much to say, in all cases, that those who made these explo- 
rations were what we should eall civilized men. 

In the summer of 1660 Father Mesnard took with him some In- 
dians of the Algonkin race, and founded’a new mission. He Rea ote 
established himself at first at a point on the southern shore dicone in 

: of Lake Superior which is still 
known as Chagwamegan,? the name it then 
bore. Mesnard, however, on the invitation 
of the Hurons, returned to the western bay 
of Lake Huron, where he lost his life in 
some unknown way. In 1665, Father Al- 
louez established a mission at the same point, 
and was able to preach in the Algonkin lan- 
cuage to twelve or fifteen different tribes. 
The same language is still used by the Chip- 
peways of that region. . 

The Jesuit writers say that the fame of 
Father Allouez extended even to the Sioux, and that they ono mis 
told him of the prairies on the banks of the Mississippi. *°"* 
Father Dablon, another missionary, learned of the Mississippi from a 
map which the Sioux drew for him, and as early 
as 1669 proposed to himself an expedition to 
discover it. With Father Allouez he went as 
far as the Fox River, and learned that the Wis- 
consin River, of the present State of Wisconsin, | 
was one of the affluents of the Mississippi. 

Meanwhile the genius of Colbert in France 
had apprehended the value of the French es- 
tablishment in Canada. He was beginning to 
undo the unfortunate results of the narrower 
policy of Cardinal Richelieu. In pursuance of 
this policy, Jean Talon, who had gained the Tete of ee ai er 8 
favor of the king in France, was entrusted 
with the oversight of commerce in Canada. He arranged a great coun- 





Totem of the Sioux (from La Hontan). 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































1 The Sioux call themselves Dahcotahs. 

2 Chagwamegan means “on the long, narrow point of land, or sand-bar.” For this, and 
many similar interpretations, we are indebted to Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, the learned 
master of the Indian tongues. 


502 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XX]. 


cil of Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, at the foot of Lake Superior, in 
vert: 1671. Nicolas Perrot, who knew their languages and customs, 
ater. Orion convened the assembly. It is in the report of this council that 
iP the name ‘** Chicago”? first appears in literature. M. de St. 
Lousson represented Louis XIV. He found here the chiefs of tribes 
as distant as Hudson’s Bay on the east, and the head of Lake Supe- 
rior and Lake Michigan on the west 
and south. In the joint hyperbole of 
French genius and the Indian dialect 
he described the glories of Le grand 
Monarque. The chiefs declared that 
they asked for no other father than 

Sivan ii ak the great Onnonthio} of the French. 
A cross was erected, to which the Arms of France was fastened, and 
possession was assumed in the name of the French crown. 








































































































































































































































































































View onthe Fox River. 

















Louis Joliet had been sent from 
France to Count Frontenac, the 
governor of Canada, as a proper 
person to attempt the discovery, ~~ ee 
overland, of the Pacific Ocean. Se 
Talon had already suggested in 
France, the appointment of Poulet, a captain of Dieppe, for an ex- 
ploration of the Pacifie by way of the Straits of Magellan. Father 


















































































































































1 The name lingers among the Indians of the St. Lawrence. In the deposition of Charles 
Soskonharowane, of Caughnawaga, taken to determine whether Rey. Eleazer Williams 
should or should not be known as King Louis X VIL, son of Louis XVI, this Indian 
says, “ Many incidents of his youth would remove the thought of his being the son of the 
great Anonthica.” Sworn to April 16, 1853. 


1673.] MARQUETTE’S VOYAGE. 5038 


Marquette, who had already gone as far as Wisconsin as a missionary ; 
joined Joliet, and, in 1678, they started on the expedition in ites 
which, so far as we know, the source and course of the Mis- 23° 
sissipp1 were discovered by Europeans. Of the discovery of its mouth 
by the adventurous Spaniards, and part of the region aueye; the his- 
tory is already told in an earlier chapter. : 

In this eventful voyage, the first in which civilized men navigated 
a large part of the course of a river, which has since become the high- 
way of half a nation, Marquette and 
Joliet descended the Mississippi as far 
as the mouth of the Arkansas River. 
They satisfied themselves that they 
were in the neighborhood of the Gulf 
of Mexico, and wishing to avoid any 
collision with the Spaniards returned 
to Canada. We have a charming ac- 
count of the enterprise by Marquette 
himself, which was published in Paris 
in 1681. The voyagers passed up 
Green Bay, and the Fox River. Near 
the head of the Bay was the most ad- 
vanced French station, and here they 
bade their compatriots good-by. The 
Indian village there was made up of 
Miamis, Mascoutins, and Kickapoos, 
of whom the priests rated the Miamis 
most highly for civility. The travel- 
lers saw, with pleasure, a cross, which had been erected in the vil- 
lage, and was adorned by the devotion of the natives. AN 
They addressed the assembly of them, explained their on Fox 
object, and enlisted two Miami guides, who should show 
them the difficult passage by which to cross from the Fox to the Wis- 
consin. River; from the waters of the St. Lawrence to those flowing 
into the Gulf of Mexico. The channel of the river was so choked 
with wild rice, that the Frenchmen could not have found its course 
without such help. A passage of little more than a mile brought the 
explorers to the waters of the Wisconsin. The two guides there left 
the party of seven Frenchmen alone on these strange waters, five or 
six hundred leagues from Quebec, according to Marquette’s calcula- 
tion, to take the stream which would bear them into lands wholly 
new. Marquette’s own map preserves, with curious accuracy, their 
route in Wisconsin, through the county of Portage, which takes its 

















The Wild Rice. 


1 Sce chapter vii., vol. i. 


504 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XX]. 


name from the easy transfer here made between the two great systems 
of American waters. 

They seem to have crossed the portage on the 10th of June. A 
week was sufficient for the voyage of forty leagues, according to their 
estimate, which brought them to the Mississippi, which they entered 




























































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BUS WL ag TOsRUAVOGADUAAEROAYAEG UU ANENRA TEATS TYR ECAU EGU OAT 


Zo 4l 42 43 44 


Marquette’s Map.1 











with inexpressible Joy. They estimated the latitude of the point 
where the Wisconsin joins it at 424 degrees, — about half a degree 
farther south than it is placed by the more modern observations. 

1 The map here given is a part of that published in Paris by Thevenot as “ Marquette’s 
Map.” It differs from the original manuscript, which is still preserved, in the spelling of 
a few of the words, — probably only through an error of the engraver. 


1673. ] RECEPTION BY THE ILLINOIS. 505 


For eight days the navigators floated down the river, without seeing 
.men or signs of men. ‘The herds of buffalo, which they called by the 
Indian word Pisikiou, were new to them, and are carefully described. 
For fear of surprise, the explorers made but little fire, spent the night 
in their canoes, anchored a little distance from the shore, and always 
kept a sentinel on the alert. At last, on the 25th of June, a well 
worn path on the shore indicated the presence of men, and 
Marquette and Joliet, warning their crews not to be sur- with the In- 
prised in their absence, followed up the trodden trail to com- 


municate with the natives. These proved to be Llinois; and they re- 





Marquette’s Reception by the Illinois. 


ceived the Frenchmen cordially. The chief of the village came forth 
naked from his wigwam to welcome them, with his hands raised to 
the sun; others flourished the pipe of peace. To these pipes they 
gave the name ‘ calumet,”’ 1 now so familiar to us, which was, how- 
ever, new to the voyagers. While the formalities of smoking were 


1 Marquette notes the fact that the calumet was made of red stone. The Indians of the 
Northwest still use the Pipe Rock for their calumets, which has acquired a sacred value. 
It is found in the ridge between the Missouri and the Mississippi. It appears to be the only 
locality now known in the world, for that almost precious stone which antiquaries know as. 
Rosso Antico. 


506 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


going on, an invitation arrived from the great chief of the Illinois 
that the strangers should visit him at his village, — and they did so., 
They found him standing between two old men in front of the cabin, 
which served him for a palace, —all three naked. The chief held a 
calumet turned towards the sun. After felicitating the strangers on 
their arrival, he invited them into his cabin, and received them, as 
Marquette says, ** with the usual caresses.” After a feast, and a sort 
of triumphal procession in which the strangers saw the town, which 
consisted of three hundred cabins, more than six hundred persons ac- 
companied them to their canoes, assuring them of the pleasure which 
their visit had given. They gave to Marquette a calumet, which 
proved valuable to him afterwards. 

Leaving their hospitable friends they continued their voyage. They 
The Paintea Lecognized the rocks known long afterward as the Painted 
ae hi Rocks, on which the designs were so striking that Marquette 
thought the best painters in France would scarcely have done so well. 
Traces of these paintings have been made out within 
the present century. They struck the Missouri, — 
to which they gave the name of Pekitanoui.2 Their 
description of its mighty flow, of its muddy water, 
and the distinctness of its current from that of the 
Mississippi, notes the points which every traveller 
first observes, to this day. Marquette says in his 
journal that he hoped by means of it to make the 
discovery of the Red Sea or Gulf of California, both 
these names being given in his time to the same gulf, 
which we know only by the latter title of the two. 

In this hope he was encouraged by his Indian 
The Ms. friends, who told him that by going up the 
sourt River. Missouri, for five or six days, he would come 
to a beautiful prairie twenty or thirty leagues long ; Te eae 
that he could carry his canoes easily across this . 
prairie to the northwest, where he would find a little river. By this 
river he could descend ten or fifteen leagues till he came to a little 
lake, the source of another deep river ** which flows to the west and 
discharges into the sea.’’ All this imaginary geography may have had 
little foundation, but it excited Marquette’s hopes of visiting the 
Pacific. From the course of the Missouri, and these narratives of the 








1 See Dr. Shea's paper, Wisconsin Hist. Trans., vol. viii., p. 116. The painting last pre 
served could be made out, even from the other side of the river. It was called the Piasa 
Bird. We have found no representation of it sufficiently accurate to copy. It was de- 
stroyed in quarrying, within the memory of the present generation. 


2 For Pekitanoni is the misprint of the French printer. 


1673.] THE OHIO RIVER. 507 


Indians, he was already satisfied that he should find that the Missis- 
sippi discharged itself into the Gulf of Mexico. 

He and his companions fixed the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio 
at 36° north, — supposing themselves two degrees farther south than 
they were. ‘They give the name of Ouabouskigou to this river. The 
name Wabash, which is the modern form of this word, is now 
confined to the stream which makes part of the western bor- 
der of the State of Indiana! The travellers here speak of the Shaw- 
nee Indians, resident on the banks of the Ohio, as a peaceful race, 


The Ohio. 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































who suffered shamefully 
from the inroads of the 
eruel Iroquois. It is to 
be observed that French 
hunters seem to have 
come down the Ohio, 
almost to the point of 
its union with the Mississippi, before Marquette’s voyage, for he al- 
ludes to their account of iron mines upon the river. In a memorial 
of the date of 1677, La Salle, of whom we are soon to speak, claims 









































Mouth of the Ohio 


1 Ouabachioui, or Wabashiwi, in the Illinois dialect, means “ silver.’> Some romantic 
red man may have called the stream a “ silver stream,” as so many other poets, of other 
races, have called other rivers. But Father Du Marest mentions the report, which would 
grow naturally from the name, that silver mines had been found near it. This report has 
not been confirmed, nor is it likely to be. In the Chippeway, “ Wabashkiki” means 
“swampy ” or “marshy”? So certain is it, that one man’s silver is another man’s dirt. 
But there seems no reason why Chippeways should have named a river of the Tllinois, or 
Shawnees. Our name Ohio, is from the Iroquois, in allusion to the beauty of the stream. 
It is so said on a MS. map of 1673, in Mr. Parkman’s possession.” 


508 - THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


that he discovered the Ohio. Its upper waters are not far from his 
post on Lake Erie. 

Passing the junction of the Ohio, Marquette notes the canebrakes 
and the mosquitoes, peculiarities of the Mississippi which two centuries 
have not changed since his time. The discoverers were fain to surround 
themselves with mosquito nets as they sailed. As they floated down, 

they saw on shore savages, armed with guns, who invited 
«aibes tiga them to land, and regaled them with buffalo beef, bear’s 
cane erease, and “ white plums.” ! Their hosts assured them that 
they bought their guns, powder, knives, hatchets, and cloths from 
Europeans on the eastern coasts; that these men had images and hats 
and played on instruments, and that a voyage of ten days was enough 
to bring the travellers to the sea. And they seem to have given to 
Marquette the impression that they themselves had found European 
traders at the mouth of the Mississippi. On this news he eagerly 
resumed his voyage. | 

At a point not far from the site of the city of Helena he found a 
village named Mitchigamea. The name seems to show that its people 
had strayed thus far from the north.2_ These savages had no guns, but 
they appeared hostile until they saw the calumet. By an old man who 
spoke the Illinois language, communication became possible, and these 
people took the strangers as far as to the next tribe, of which the chief 
town was ten leagues further down. It was named Akansea, as the 
French travellers spelled it,? and here they met the tribe known to us 
till lately, as the Arkansas Indians. They have since recovered their 
original name of Quapaws.* Here the Frenchmen were hospitably 
entertained, a good interpreter was found, and the natives heard with 
wonder what Marquette told them of the mysteries of faith, and 
showed a great desire that he might give them further instructions. 
As to his voyage to the gulf, however, they dissuaded him. It was 
possible to make it in five days. But the tribes whom he would meet 


were hostile. They cut off from the Arkansas all commerce with* 


Europeans, and they were so much in the habit of plying to and fro 
on the river, that the voyagers would be, according to these Indians, 
in great danger. 


1 The prunus Americana of Michaux. Its range is as wide as from the Saskatchewan to 
Texas. Its colors vary, and, while Marquette calls the plums blancs, they are sometimcs 
yellow, and sometimes red. 

2 See Dr. Shea, /oc. cit., p. 116. 

3 Or their French printer. 

4 See Dr. Shea, loc. cit., p. 116. Mr. Gallatin suggests that they are the Pacachas of De 
Soto. Tonty calls them Cappas. Mr. Gallatin says: ‘The superiority of this race of 
Indians struck the French, who called the Arkansas ‘ Beaux Hommes. Their men are 
said to have exceeded in height the average of the Europeans.” 


a 


1673. ] THE ILLINOIS RIVER. 509 


This friendly reception by the Arkansas was not to be wholly 
relied upon. ‘The same evening the chiefs held a council to ye aykan- 
decide whether they should not knock the Frenchmen on the * 
head and take their goods. But the great chief forbade, assured the 
travellers of his protection, and even gave to them, as a token, his own 
calumet. 

Joliet and Marquette, however, decided that it was time for them 
to return. They knew that they were near the Gulf of Mexico. In- 
deed they mistook its real boundary, and expected to find it at a point 
a hundred miles farther north than New Orleans. _They supposed 
themselves to be in the latitude of. forty-four degrees, and in this 
supposition they were nearly correct, for the site of the village of 
Dakansea, or Akansea,! was nearly opposite the mouth of the Arkan- 
sas River. They reflected that if they fell into the hands of the 
Spaniards all the results of their expedition would be lost. They 
therefore turned on their course on the 17th of July. But, when 
they reached the Illinois River, they took that beautiful stream, and 
made one of the portages,.since so well known, into Lake Michi- 
gan. Of the Illinois Valley Marquette writes: “We have yoyaro up 
seen nothing equal to this river for the goodness of land, ‘°° 
prairies, wood, cattle, deer, goats, wild cats, bustards, swans, ducks, 
parroquets, and even beaver; there are many little lakes and little 
rivers.” A chief of the Illmois guided their return to Green Bay, 
and here they arrived in the end of September. 

In this voyage our States of Missouri and Kentucky were discoy- 
ered, so far as we know, to Europeans. There can be no doubt that 
Tennessee, Arkansas, and Mississippi, which were now visited by 
Marquette, had been traversed in some parts by De Soto and his fol- 
lowers.” 

Marquette, whose simple and devout narrative makes the reader 
love the adventurer, remained two years among the Miamis. ection 
On his way in his canoe to Mackinac in 1675, he stopped life of Mar- 
on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan to raise an altar and noes 
celebrate the mass. He then asked his companions to leave him alone 
for a little while. They did so, and when they returned they found 
him dead. Joliet, his companion in adventure, had returned to Mon- 
treal in 1674. On his way thither his canoe upset, he lost his papers 
and his journal, and some curiosities from the discovery. <A little 


1 Marquette gives one name on his map and the other in the text. 

2 See vol. i., p. 165. Coxe, in the appendix to the “Carolana,” a book written to show 
that the valley of the Mississippi belongs to the English crown, says that the first redis- 
covery of the great river after De Soto’s was made by adventurers from New England. 
But Coxe’s memorial was dated in 1699, and we have no earlier mention of Col. Wood. 


O10 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXII. 


boy, of ten years old, who had been given to him, was also lost. 
Joliet himself was four hours in the water, and, as he says, rescued 
only by. miracle. He reported, on his arrival, to Count Frontenac, 
the governor, and he relates the success of the expedition in a de- 
spatch to Colbert of the 14th of November, of the year after it was 
completed. 

When Joliet returned with the tidings of the success achieved by 

this modest expedition, Robert Cavelier de la Salle, a Nor- 
Robert Cay- ree : : 
elierdela man gentleman, was living in Canada. He had,been trained 
aes by the Jesuits in early life, and was determined both to 
make a reputation and a fortune. He had come to Canada eager to 
seek a passage to Japan and China, and at this moment had a trading 
house at Lachine, above Montreal. It is said that the name ‘ La- 
chine”’ is taken from that of China. When the news of Marquette’s 
discovery was made known, La Salle waited upon Count Frontenac, 
and represented that the time had come for an expedition to the 
Pacific. So little interest had been taken in France in these dis- 
coveries, that as late as April 16, 1676, Louis XIV. writes to Fronte- 
nac, in a letter which still exists in manuscript, “ With regard to new 
discoveries you will not address yourself to them excepting in a great 
necessity.” This was not encouraging. But Frontenac gave La Salle 
a good introduction at court, and he obtained from the Marquis of 
Seignelay, who had succeeded Colbert as Minister of Marine, all that. 
he asked for. 

He sailed from Rochelle for Canada, in the summer of 1678, with 
thirty men, and with the stores proper for equipping the vessels which 
he meant to build upon the lakes. Arriving at the head of Lake 
Ontario, he made the portage by Niagara Falls to Lake Erie, and at 
Fort Frontenac began to build a ship of forty-five tons, which he called 
the Griffin. On the 7th of August, 1679, she sailed on her western 
voyage, and on the 28th of that month arrived at Mackinac. The 
appearance of a vessel of her size, armed with seven cannon, waking 
on occasion with their thunders the echoes of the wilderness, amazed 
the natives, who had, till now, never seen the servants of their great. 
Onnonthio, Louis XIV., but in the humbler garb and equipage of 
trappers and missionaries. La Salle proceeded in state to hear mass 
at the chapel of the Ottawas at Mackinac, and then continued his 
Voyazeot Voyage prosperously to the settlement of Green Bay, where 
the Gr™ Ne arrived in September. Freighting the Griffin with furs, 
he proceeded to St. Joseph at the head of Lake Michigan, at the 
mouth of the river which still bears that name, nearly opposite the 
river Chicago. Here he built a fort, and here he expected the Griffin, 
which did not return, however, and was in fact never again heard of. 


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1679.] LA SALLE AND FATHER HENNEPIN. oll 


Anxious though he were, he pushed his explorations westward, and 
somewhere at the head of the Illinois River, probably in the very 
county which bears his name, he established Fort Créve-Cceur, which 
took its name from his depression of spirits in the calamities of that 
sad winter. No tidings came of the Griffin, and La Salle determined 
to return by land to Niagara. 

He first detached Father Hennepin, a missionary, with one com- 
panion, to trace the Illinois to its mouth, and then to ascend jyonpepin's 
the Mississippi in search of a route to the Pacific. This Joey: 
Hennepin did. He appears but meanly as a narrator, or as a voyager, 
in comparison with the modest and unselfish Marquette. He availe 
himself of the “local colouring ” which he 
thus acquired, to give probability to a ly- 
ing narrative, which he published in France 
some years afterward, in which he claimed 
for himself the honor, which belongs to La 
Salle alone, of tracing the river to the Gulf 
of Mexico. ‘There is no better instance in 
literary history of the danger of such an at- 
tempt, or the certainty that it will furnish 
the means within itself to disprove its own 
statements. What Hennepin did was to sail 
down the Illinois to its mouth, and then to 
ascend the Mississippi as far as the falls of 
St. Anthony. Here he was taken prisoner 
by the Sioux, who permitted him to return 
to his countrymen, on condition that he would revisit them in the 
next year. | . 

La Salle had left his companion Henri de Tonty! in charge at Créve- 

Coeur while he went back to Niagara. At this 
: . time however the Iroquois, always hostile to the 
French, and excited, as La Salle thought, by his 
personal enemies, attacked the Illinois, among 
whom the fort was situated.2 Tonty’s whole 
garrison was five men. He found himself 
obliged to evacuate Créve-Coeur and to return. While he passed 
down Lake Michigan on its west side, La Salle passed up on the other 
with reinforcements. His heart must have quailed again 4, sae's 
when he came to Créve-Ceeur to find it deserted. After this ™'™™ 
failure, he could only do his best to secure alliances with the Indians, 





Sioux Chief (from Catlin). 


Signature of Tonty. 


1 He was son of Lorenzo Tonty, who invented the Tontine. 
2 Mr. Parkman has identified the site of the great town of the Illinois. It is near Utica, 
La Salle County, Illinois. 


512 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


and then returned to Montreal. Here he had to compound with 
his creditors, for the loss of the Griffin left him unable to meet his 
pecuniary obligations. He said, himself, that with the exception of 
the governor, Count Frontenac, it seemed as if every man in Canada 
were opposed to his adventure. He succeeded, however, in bring- 
ing together the resources for his undertaking, and started once 
more, on the expedition which proved successful, in the summer of 
1681.) 

The party embarked on Lake Erie at the end of August, and ar- 
rived at the port at St. Joseph early in November. La Salle there 

































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Site of Chicago 


chose for his party twenty-three Frenchmen and eighteen Indians, of 
the Abnakis and Mohegans, New England tribes, which had put 
themselves under his protection. Daniel Coxe, in his memorial to 
William III., cited above, says that these native New Englanders 
were chosen, because they had in the year before accompanied a con- 
siderable number of adventurers from New England to the Missis- 
sippi. The statement is probable enough, but the narrative to which 
Coxe refers has not yet been found in the Massachusetts archives. 
The Indians took with them ten of their wives and these women had 
three children. The whole party thus consisted of fifty-four persons, 
among whom were the Chevalier Henri de Tonty, Father Zenobe, of 


1 We have his own narrative, written in the third person, recently discovered in the ar- 
chives in France, and printed in Thomassy’s Geology of Louisiana. We have also Jou- 
tel’s narrative, and that of the Chevalier Tonty. 


1682.) .. LA SALLE’S SECOND EXPEDITION. 613 


the Recollet Order, and Dautray, the son of the procureur general of 
(Juebec. 

They crossed the lake to the Chicago River, to which they had 
given the name of the Divine River.! Time has preserved the native 
name, of which the derivation is not savory, and, as time will, has 
forgotten the piety of the discoverers. This river proved 
to Be frozen, and ‘Tonty, who commanded the advance, had EN of 
to build sledges for the party and its boats. They left the ee 
site of the present city of Chicago on the 27th of January, 1682, and 
were obliged to haul their luggage and provisions eighty leagues. On 
this march they passed the chief village of the Illinois, but the tribe 
wintered elsewhere. At the widening of the river where Fort Créve- 
Coeur stood, which they called Lake Pimedy, they found the ice 
melted. Here they were able to launch their canoes, and in them 
they arrived at the mouth of the Illinois on the 6th of February. 
La Salle placed this point at 38° of north latitude. In this calculation 
he was a degree too far south. 

The ice of the Mississippi detained them for a week, when they 
sailed. The next day, on the fourteenth, they passed the village of 
Tamaroa, but here, also, they found no inhabitants, and they con- 
tinued their voyage for more than a hundred leagues without meeting 
any person. On the first of March, having lost one of his hunters, 
La Salle established a fort on shore, and ordered several excursions in 
hope of finding him. In one of these two natives were taken prison- 
ers, who said that they were Sicachas. They were probably of our 
tribe of Chickasaws.? They said their town was distant a day and a 
half’s journey. But, after La Salle had accompanied them for that 
time, the town proved to be still three days off, and he refused to 
go farther. One of them returned with him, and the other said 
he would bring the chiefs to the river. La Salle returned to his boats, 
—the lost hunter had meanwhile been found,?— and on the 3d of 
March he continued his voyage. 

On the 18th, after sailing forty-five leagues, the sound of drums 
and war-cries gave notice that the savages had discovered Aveae 
them, and on the right bank of the river their village could with the 
be seen. La Salle established himself at once on the left 
bank and in an hour’s time built a fort on a point of land there. ‘The 
Indian chiefs sent across a canoe, — the occupants of which received 
the calumet of peace, —and pleasant relations were at once opened 


1 La Salle’s text is distinct. “ Pour aller vers la riviére Divine, appelée par les Sauvages 
Chicagou.” On many of the maps the name Divine is given to the Illinois. 

2 Their name is mentioned in the narratives of De Soto. 

3 The hunter’s name was Prudhomme, and was given to a fort at this place, which re- 
tained that name long after. 

VOL, 11 33 


514 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXL 


between the parties. La Salle remained with his hosts three days, 
and, when he left, they provisioned him from their stores. He no- 
ticed, at once, the difference between them and the northern Indians. 
‘* These are better formed,” he says, ‘* free, courteous, and of a gay 
humour. The northern Indians are all trzste and of severe disposi- 
tion.” 

This village is described as opposite the mouth of the Ohio. “ Many 
kinds of fruits and peaches were already formed on the trees.” La 
Salle planted a cross there, with King Louis’s arms, and on his re- 
turn, he found they had surrounded the cross with a palisade. They 
also gave him provisions, and interpreters to communicate with their 
allies, the Taensas, eighty leagues further down. 


































































































































































































































































































































































































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Wisconsin Indians gathering Wild Rice. 


On the 22d he came to the Taensas, whom he found living in eight 
The Tan. Villages. He had passed, without stopping, the villages of 
ai the Arkansas. He describes the houses of the Taensas as 
built of walls of mud and straw, the roof of canes, which form a dome 
ornamented by painting. ‘* They have bedsteads and other furniture 
and embellishments. They have temples in which they bury the 
bones of their chiefs, and they are clothed with white robes, made of 
the bark of a tree, which they spin.” The whole account shows rela- 
tionship to the Natchez and, probably, to Mexican or other Southern 
tribes. Their chief received De Tonty hospitably, La Salle having 


1682.] LA SALLE’S GREAT DISCOVERY. O15 


sent him as his ambassador. Continuing their navigation, the French 
opened communication with the Natchez, who told them that they 
were still ten days from the sea. On the 2d of April they were 
for the first time attacked by Indians, who belonged to a tribe called 
Quinipisa.t The French had offered them the calumet, but the sav- 
ages fired their arrows and fled. La Salle did not pursue them, but 
kept on his course. On the 6th the river divided into three branches. 
La Salle took the west, he sent De ‘Tonty to the middle, and Dautray 
to the left. Two leagues farther and the water was salt, — a little 
more, — and the sea appeared, and the great discovery was made! 

On the 9th of April, La Salle planted a cross with the arms of 
France. They sang the hymn Vezilla Regis and the Te 1, sane at 
Deum, and in the name of King Louis he took possession of [finest 
the river and all the streams which fall into it, and all the *'P?" 
countries which belong to them. This act of possession has been sub- 
stantially respected ever since. It 
is under this act that France held 
her rights to the great province 
known as Louisiana, — and, there- 
fore, it is under this act that the 
United States holds the State of 
Louisiana, and all its territory 
north of the line of Texas and 
west of the Mississippi to the 
Rocky Mountains, to this day. 7 
It must be remembered, that, un- 
til 1803, the name LOUISIANA ap- | 
plies to the whole Mississippi - 
valley =e 

La Salle’s provisions were 7 
nearly exhausted. The party if? 
found some dried meat near the ¢ 
mouth of the river, and were 
glad to satisfy their hunger with 
it, till the suspicion was started 
that it was the flesh of men. On this the whites left it to the savages, 
who declared it was delicious.?- On the 10th of April, La Salle 
began his return; and, until they came to the Quinipisa In- 
dians, the party had to live on alligator’s flesh and potatoes. He suc- 








Portrait of Louis XIV. 


Ilis return. 


1 On the map, as drawn by Franquelin, this is spelled Kennipesa, the same as were after- 
wards spelled Colapissas, and Aqueloupissas, ‘‘ Those who hear and see.” 

2 See report of Father Zenobe, of which the original is in possession of M. Dooz, of 
Baton Rouge. 


O16 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Caap. XX]. 


ceeded in capturing four women of the Quinipisa; he explained to them 
that his intentions were peaceable, and by their means purchased maize 
and other supplies from the tribe. He was well received by the Taen- 
sas and Arkansas, arriving at the villages of the latter on the 17th of 
May. When he was a hundred leagues below the Illinois River he 
fell dangerously ill. He was therefore obliged to intrust his dispatches 
to De Tonty, who went on in advance. La Salle himself was detained 
forty days by his illness. He arrived at St. Joseph at the end of Sep- 
tember, but the approach of winter prevented his return to Quebec. 
‘¢ He thus finished,” he says in closing his report, “* the most important 
and difficult discovery which has ever been made by any Frenchman, 
without the loss of a single man, in the same country where Jean 
Ponce de Leon, Pamphile de Narvaez, and Ferdinand de Soto per- 
ished unsuccessful, with more than two thousand Spaniards. No 
Spaniard ever carried through such an enterprise with so small a 
force, in presence of so many enemies. But he has gained no advan- 
tage for himself. His misfortunes and the frequent obstacles in his 
way have cost him more than two hundred thousand livres. Still he 
will be happy if he has done anything for the advantage of France, 
and if his endeavors may win for him the protection of Monseigneur.” 

Father Mambré took to France La Salle’s report of his great dis- 
His report covery. Unfortunately for the great explorer, Count Fron- 
to France. tenae had been replaced by M. de la Barre, who had con- 
ceived a dislike of La Salle. He had written home, charging him 
with the Iroquois war; and he afterwards represented that La Salle 
was a mischief-maker among the Indians, who perverted his royal 
commission for the purposes of mere trade. But so soon as La Salle 
himself was able to report in person at Paris, he swept away any in- 
jurious impressions which had been thus made. ‘The French mon- 
archy was never at a higher point of success or ambition. The peace 
of Nimeguen in 1678 had given to Louis almost all he could ask for. 
Seignelay, the Minister of Marine, listened with pleasure to La Salle’s 
narratives.! He sent directions to La Barre to restore Fort Frontenac, 
on the Niagara, to his agents; and to La Salle himself he gave large 
powers for the colonization of Louisiana. 

In the memoir, which is still preserved, which La Salle addressed 
to the Marquis Seignelay, he proposes to establish a colony sixty 
leagues above the mouth of the river. This would have been, accord- 
ing to his own map, not far from the point where the Atchafalaya 
makes a separate course from the Mississippi to the sea, — and it is 
probable that he intended at that point to establish his colony. With- 


1 On Franquelin’s map, made in 1684, under La Salle’s direction, the Mississippi is 
named the ‘‘ Colbert,’’ and the Red River is named the “ Seignelay.”’ 


1685. ] LA SALLE’S VOYAGE TO TEXAS. O1T 


out any disguise, he proposes, as the principal object of this colony, 
such an attack on the back of the Spanish possessions, as was to open 
to the French their thirty silver mines in New Biscay. And he coolly 
remarks, that if the peace of Europe makes it necessary to postpone 
such designs, it will be well to be prepared for them in the event of a 
war. He says that Spain makes six million crowns yearly by these 
mines, and that, with superior ease of transport of silver, France will 
make much more. La Salle is truly enough called a representative 
of the spirit of chivalry, and to the real spirit of the chivalrous ages 
such a proposition as this not unfitly belongs. 

Seignelay and the King gave him more than he asked for. The 
colonists sailed from Rochelle on the 24th of July, 1684, ad- 5, snes 
mirably well equipped, in four vessels, —a part of a fleet St vovase: 
of twenty-five, of which the others were bound to the French West 
Indies and to Canada. But the passage across the Atlantic was then 
long. Much time was consumed in stopping at San Domingo, and the 
year had almost ended before the squadron of La Salle was near the 
mouth of the Mississippi. By a terrible misfortune, due to the difh- 
culty of rightly calculating longitude in those times,! they passed the 
true mouth of the great river. _ 

On the Ist of January, 1685, La Salle landed, — perhaps on the 
southern shore of our State of Louisiana, near the Sabine, — but he 
could learn nothing from the Indians, and continued west for a 
fortnight longer. When they found the coast trending south, they 
were sure of their own error. But the captain of the fleet, Beaujeu, 
refused to return along the coast, and after an altercation between him 
and La Salle, the vessels entered Matagorda Bay, which they called 
the Bay of St. Bernard. Here the stores of the colony were 
landed, and here Beaujeu, who had been at cross-purposes, Mabghcis 
left them. By. such a series of misfortunes did it happen 
that the State of Texas was the earliest, after Florida, of the States 
which we call Gulf States, to be colonized by Europeans. Beaujeu 
left the party on the 12th of March,? under circumstances of cruel 
desertion. On his return to France he made the most unfavorable 
report, and to him, and possibly to Jesuit hatred, may it be attributed 
that no relief was sent out to the great explorer. 

To the stream which flows into Matagorda Bay from the northwest, 
La Salle gave the name Les Vaches, from the buffaloes he found 


1 A quarter of a century after, Sir Cloudesley Shovel and his fleet were lost on the coast 
of Cornwall, because their longitude was more than a degree out of the way. 

2 He left among other stores eight cannon, which the King had given to the colony. 
They were lately to be seen at Goliad, identified by having Louis XIV.’s mark upon 
them. 


518 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [CuHap. XX]. 


there. Near the same spot, the town of Lavaca retains the name, 
the only name given by La Salle to his establishments in Texas which 
has been preserved. The name St. Louis was given to the new settle- 
ment. The Indians, whom he found in Texas, were of the 
same great race as the tribes he had met on the Mississippi. 
They had large and populous villages, with well-built cabins, said to 


The Texas 
Indians. 




































































































































































































































































































































































yee ay 
te. /|| RLY 


; Ky Sly 
gn a 2A 
gla SCC: 
Salat 


or 8 Ss f~ Po thn fr. 








La Salle’s Landing in Texas (reduced fac-simile from Hennepin). 


be sometimes forty and fifty feet high.1 They had traded with the 
Spaniards for horses, clothing, spurs, and silver spoons, and knew what 
money was. La Salle found them gentle and hospitable’ Among 
such tribes he was to pass what little was left of his adventurous life. 


1 Father Douay’s narrative. It is supposed that the name Texas is from the Spanish 
Tejas, in allusion to these covered houses. 


1687.] LA SALLE’S OVERLAND JOURNEY. — 519 


His colony once sufficiently established, he left it on the Ist of No- 
vember, 1685, on an expedition of discovery, always hoping to find, 
what Joutel, his second in command, learned to call “ his unfortunate 
river.’ Once and again from such expeditions, in which he tray- 
ersed Texas far in different 
routes, he returned to the set- 


tlement, always to hear some a, 
new story of misadventure. 
But his own buoyant and easy 
temper would restore the spirits 

of his men, and he would find 
new resource in every difficulty. At last, at the end of 1686, he de- 
termined to lead a party across to Canada to obtain succors from 
France for the colony, for which, thanks to Beaujeu’s treachery, no 
supplies had arrived in two years’ time. 

On the 7th of January, 1687, this hero, who combines in his own 
character so much that would have challenged regard in a 
chevalier of the days of Philip Augustus, — and would com- jaarcae te 
mand respect in the vigorous enterprises of to-day, — left Nea 
the wretched colony, on what was to prove his last adventure. For 
want of better material, the clothing which he and his men wore was 
made from the sails of the little vessel which had been lost. He was 
to lead his party nearly two thousand miles overland. The same 
journey may be made to-day by railroad, and the traveller if he 
chooses, takes his ease. But even now, no man thinks the journey a 
trifle. Poor La Salle and his companions were to make it with little 
guidance beside that which the compass gave them, and must trust to 
their weapons or their address, to secure their passage among hostile 
tribes. 

He had bought five horses from the Indians, who had already 
learned the use of horses from the Spaniards. These beasts were 
used as pack-horses for the party. Twenty of the colonists, among 
whom were seven women and girls and some children, were to remain 
behind under Barbier, a hunter, who had been married since their ar- 
rival in America, and who was appointed governor in the place of 
Joutel. La Salle made them a farewell address in his own engaging 
way, and all who were to stay, while they felt the necessity of his 
journey, were melted to tears. Yet, doubtless, they felt that their 
dangers were less than his. 

The travelling party consisted of about twenty also. La Salle and 
his brother Cavelier, the priest, with their two nephews, — {a gane’s 
Joutel and Father Anastasius, Duhaut and Liotot, the sur- ‘men 
geon, were those who seemed the most distinguished of the party. 


Signature of Beaujeu. 


520 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


Beside them were a man named Hiens, who had been a_buccaneer, 
and was sometimes known as English Jem, and Nika, a faithful 
Shawnee Indian. 

In that climate, there is no real hardship in travelling in January, 

and had the party been better provided, 
Wa zZ L We Lean it would have made rapid progress, com- 

pared with what proved possible. But 
they lacked shoes, until they could sup- 
ply their place with buffalo-hide and deer-skin. The rivers were 
swollen, and they were obliged to make boats from hides to ferry 
them. Thus they crossed the Brazos, and in two months’ time, they 
approached Trinity River. Nothing but the scantiness of their equip- 
ment, and the fullness of the streams and rivers, accounts for the slow- 
ness of their progress. Meanwhile the members of the party were 
not on good terms. La Salle appeared reserved and anxious, and 
Liotot and Duhaut had quarrelled with young Moranget, his nephew. 

On the 15th of March, La Salle sent a party from camp to find 
some provisions which he had left on his last expedition. They found 
the provision spoiled,— but they killed two buffaloes, and sent to La 
Salle for horses to bring the meat. La Salle sent Moranget and two 
others with the horses. They found the successful hunters, among 
whom were Duhaut, Liotot, and Heins, already curing the meat. 
Moranget, hot-headed boy as he was, broke into rage with them, be- 
cause they had put by for themselves some part of the meat, to 
which the customs of hunting entitled them. It was not the first of 
Mutiny in Moranget’s outbursts of rage. Duhaut was so angry, that 
theeamp- he conspired with the others to kill Moranget, — and, as he 
knew the fidelity of Nika the Indian, and Saget, La Salle’s servant, 
their death also was determined. Night came, the three victims each 
served his watch in turn. So soon as they slept, Duhaut and Heins 
stood by with their guns cocked, — and Liotot, with an axe, killed the 
three sleeping men. La Salle was six miles away. 

They did not dare join him. When the others had been absent two 
days, La Salle sought them in his anxiety, accompanied by the friar 
Anastasius. As they walked he talked with the priest on religious 
themes, and of his gratitude to God for his safety in twenty years’ 
peril. Suddenly he was overcome with profound sadness, and was so 
much moved that Father Anastasius scarcely knew him. They came 
near Duhaut’s camp, and La Salle noticed two birds of prey hovering 
above. He saw on the ground a piece of bloody clothing. He fired 
his two pistols to summon the hunters. They heard the 
shots, and crossed a little river to meet him. Ila Salle asked 
for his nephew. One of them replied insolently, that ‘‘ Moranget 


Signature of Cavelier. 





Murder of 
La Salle. 


1687. ] FATE OF LA SALLE AND HIS COLONY. 521 


was along the river.” La Salle rebuked him. Duhaut fired his gun 
in reply, and La Salle fell dead, — shot through the brain. 

‘There you are, great pashaw,” 1 — this was the contemptuous cry 
of the false surgeon. Such was the death of one of the noblest heroes 
of France, when he seemed at the very prime of his life. He was 
only forty-three years old. Had he lived, with his spirit and power 
of command, to carry out the enterprise he had planned, the history 
of Louisiana must have been different. By his death, the valley of 
the Mississippi was left for nearly twenty years more to be the home 
of savages. | 

After his death, the first history of his colony, which had left France 
in such high hope, sinks into the separate effort of the colonists to 
escape with their lives from a wilderness. In a quarrel pas, of 
among the murderers, Duhaut, who had himself fired the fa- P"b"* 
tal shot which killed La Salle, was himself killed, and the little com- 
pany afterwards broke in pieces. Joutel, Father Anastasius, — the two 
relatives of La Salle, — and four others, made a separate party, which 
persevered .towards Canada. They had horses, which they had ob- 
tained from the natives, and, by following a northeast course, from 
the country of the Caddos, above the lake of that name on Red River, 
they came out, to their delight, on the 24th of July, upon a cottage 
built in the French fashion, and a cross upon the northern side of the 
Arkansas River, just above the place where it unites with the Missis- 
sippi. 

The cottage was the home of two Frenchmen, Charpentier and De 
Launay, both of the city of Rouen, whom De Tonty, La Salle’s old 
companion, had left at the junction of the Arkansas and Mississippi, 
in the spring of 1685. De Tonty had gone down the river, in vain, 
in hopes to meet his old chief there. The names of these Frenchmen 
deserve permanent record, as those of the persons who established the 
first permanent post of Europeans south of the Illinois River, in the 
valley of the Mississippi. 

From this point the friends of La Salle went home by routes now 
familiar to the French. The fate of the twenty colonists left at St. 
Louis, in Matagorda Bay, is not clear. A Spanish officer, dispatched 
to find them in 1689, found only the deserted settlement. ‘T'wo of the 





S97? 


1 “Te voila, grand bacha, te voila.””. Joutel’s narrative. There are three narratives by 
members of this wretched expedition : Father Cavelier, Joutel’s, and that of Father Anas- 
tasius. We have followed Mr. Parkman’s thrilling narrative. The spot is not determined. 
The Texan historian supposes it to have been near the Neches River where the old Indian 
trail crosses that stream. Yoakum’s //ist. of Texas, i. 38. But the old map of De Lisle 
places it distinctly at a point about seven miles west of Trinity River, in the county of San 
Jacinto, not very far from the field of the critical battle known by that name. 


O22 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuar. XXI. 


murderous party were arrested by the same officer, and were even- 
tually condemned to the Spanish mines. Thus the first French effort 
to colonize the southwest left no sign, in 1689, but the cottage of the 
two Frenchmen who were established at the mouth of the Arkansas, 
with the addition of a third from La Salle’s party. 

The successful colonization of Louisiana, and from Louisiana up- 
wards, of the valley of the Mississippi, was due not to the spirit of 
chivalry, so far as that was represented by La Salle, or to his chival- 
rous plans for seizing the Spanish silver mines, but to more modern 
developments of the spirit of mercantile adventure. 

It is probable that the long and successful enterprises of La Salle 
Canadian nd his companions were the first steps which led to the edu- 
explorers. cation of a race of men still existing, known as the Cana- 
dian Voyageurs. In all the great river adventures of North America 
from those days down, these voyageurs have taken their part, humble, 
but none the less essential. The names of such men are in the nar- 
ratives of Hearne and Mackenzie, of Lewis and Clarke, of Franklin, 
Back, and the Simpsons. ‘The nomenclature which they have created 
is still in use on all the American rivers between New Brunswick 
and California, and their readiness to undertake any of the hardships 
of a campaigner’s life makes them favored volunteers in the compo- 
sition of any expedition of adventure. From the time when De Tonty 
went down the river in 1686, in unsuccessful hope of meeting La 
Salle, there was, perhaps, not a single year that some of these voy- 
ageurs did not ‘“ try the adventure ” of the Mississippi in whole or in 
part.} 

But it was not for ten years after La Salle’s death that the French 
Crown made any effort to renew the colonization of the Mississippi 
valley. The work was then put into competent hands. 

The Sieur Lemoyne d’Iberville was the third of eleven brothers, 
sons of Charles Lemoyne, Baron Longueuil, of Canada. ‘To him was 
intrusted the oversight of an expedition fitted out by the King to plant 
Ba a gr urs Two frigates conveyed the colonists, of which 
of D’tber- D’Iberville himself commanded the larger, so that the evils 

of a divided command, which had broken the strength of 
La Salle’s effort, were avoided. A third vessel joimed at Saint Do- 
mingo, and on the 25th of January, 1699, the expedition arrived at 
the island of St. Rosa, just below Pensacola. At this point the 
Spaniards had established themselves more than a month before. 


1 It has been said that a party went to the mouth of the Mississippi as early as 1686. 
No such party made a permanent establishment; this statement is derived from some recol- 
lection of De Tonty’s expedition. 


1700.] D’IBERVILLE AND BIENVILLE. 528 


D’Iberville spent some weeks in exploring the coast, and on the 2d 
of March entered the Mississippi River. He had with him Father 
Anastasius, who 

had accompanied A oF N 

La Salle, and who FlerucWe__ 
found no difficulty 

in recognizing its 
turbid waters and its majestic flow. Evidence more convincing to 
D’ Iberville was found, when, forty leagues up the river, they found 
the Bayagoula Indians, who brought out cloaks which La Salle had 
given them, a breviary which Father Anastasius had left in 1682, and 
a letter which De Tonty had left in 1686. They called it ‘‘a speaking 
bark.” ! D/’Iberville’s first post was at Biloxi Island, in Mobile Bay. 
He returned to France, and was again despatched to the river. He 
founded his second post at a point on the Mississippi, now known as 
Poverty Point, about thirty-eight miles below the present city of New 
Orleans. 

The settlement at Biloxi was within the limits of the present State 
of Alabama, and was the first establishment of whites there. 

It was abandoned after a year for a station further up on Gear Bp 
the Mobile River, about eighteen leagues from the sea. The is 
settlement at Poverty Point was the first settlement made in Lou- 
isiana. It was established in 1700. By this time D’Iberville had the 
assistance of a Canadian colony to meet him by the way of Lake Erie 
and the Miami portage. 

While D’Iberville was absent in France, his brother Bienville fell 
in with an English ship, commanded by Captain Barr, which was 
twenty-eight leagues up the river, having been sent. out to explore 
and take possession of the Mississippi. Buienville boldly told him 
that the Mississippi was farther west, that this river was a depend- 
ency of Canada of which he had taken possession, and Barr went 
in search of the great river, just where poor La Salle had looked 
for it so vainly. The reach of the river where this interview took 
place is still known as the * English turn.” The expedition thus ar- 
rested was a private expedition sent out by Coxe, an Englishman, 
who held a charter given by Charles I., for a supposed province of 
Carolana or West Florida. Our only other account of this expedi- 
tion is by Coxe’s son, and was published twenty years after. He 
complains that the captain of one ship deserted the other, but says 
that one of the two ascended the river one hundred miles.? 


Signature of D’lberville. 


A 


1“ Heorce parlante.” 
2 The younger Coxe’s map is drawn to show that all of southern Louisiana, except the 


524 THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


During the war of succession, in the earlier part of the eighteenth 
century, Spain and France were in alliance, and the Spanish governors, 
both of Mexico and. of 
Florida, rendered one and 
another service to the in- 
fant French colony which 
D’ Iberville, and his brothers 
}ienville and Serigny, re- 
quited as they could in their 
weakness.1. The history of 
the infant State is but little 
more than that of a small 
garrison, whose enterprising 
commanders were making 
alliances with the neigh- 
boring savages. Communi- 
cation was constantly kept 
up with Canada, and in 
1700, Le Sceur, an explorer 
of mines, went so far as 
Lake Superior, and re- 
turned, with what the 
chronicler says was two 
hundred thousand pounds 
of copper ore.? It must be 
doubted whether any such 
quantity was carried across the Portages of Wisconsin or Minne- 
sota, especially as Le Sceur’s journal says that it was in three ca- 
noes. 

The pacification of Europe resulting from the Treaty of Utrecht, 
gave the signal for an enlargement of the little colony. At that time 
the military force in Louisiana did not exceed one hundred French 
soldiers, and seventy-five Canadians. There were perhaps three hun- 








Portrait and Signature of Bienville. 


very mouths of the Mississippi, was included in the charter of ‘‘Carolana,” that is, was 
north of 31° north latitude. The line of 31° is the northern line of our State of Florida, 
and the southern of the greater part of Mississippi. Coxe claims the river for England on 
the ground that his father’s ship was the first to enter it from the sea. It probably was, 
but the claim of discovery is absurd. Still, had William the Third lived longer, he might 
have followed up this claim. 

1 Archiv de la Marine. No. 9, No. 458 in Mr. Forstall’s list. 

2 La Harpe’s narrative, preserved in MS. in the Philosophical Society’s Library. The 
text is, “ Monsieur Le Sueur arriva avec 2000 quint* de terre bleue y verte, venant des 
Scidux.”” The narrative, in an English translation, has been published by Mr. Trench in 
the Louisiana Historical Transactians. 


£718.) CROZAT’S GRANT. 525 


dred whites beside, and twenty negroes held as slaves, scattered over 
the enormous territory known as Louisiana. So soon as the 

peace came, the King granted the whole territory to Antoine CeniiAee 
Crozat, one of those great financiers who play so curious a 
part in the French history of those times. The grant says specific- 
ally, that in consequence of the war there had been no possibility of 
reaping the advantages which might have been expected. It says 
also that Crozat’s zeal, and singular knowledge in maritime commerce, 
encourages hope for as good success as in his former enterprises, 
‘‘which have procured great quantities of gold and silver to the 
kingdom in such conjunctures as have rendered them very accept- 
able.”’ 

In the grant, the great rivers are thus named: ‘The river St. 
Louis, heretofore called Mississippi, the river St. Philip, heretofore 
called Missouri, the river St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache.” 
But these names have lasted as little as the other. special goats cov. 
privileges granted to Crozat. The grant cedes all territo- ernment. 
ries watered by the Mississippi. Crozat appointed as his governor, 
La Mothe Cadillac, a soldier, in place of Le Muys, who had died on 
his passage home. Le Muys had been the governor-general named by 
the King. 

Cadillac arrived at the colony in May, 1713, bringing the news of 
peace, the news of the grant to Crozat, and of his own appointment. 
With him came several officers of administration. D’Iber- 3..:nnineot 
ville had died, but his influence in the colony was inher- Bienville’s | 
ited by his brother, Bienville, so long celebrated in the ‘°°ole7y: 
history of Louisiana. Naturally enough altercations grew up between 
the new officials and Bienville and his friends, which were the basis 
of parties extending well down into that century. In a colony where 
there were not a hundred persons resident at any one point, and 
at this time not more than four hundred persons in wall, such alter- 
cations were, doubtless, all the more bitter. Crozat’s plans were 
based on the hope of commerce with the Spaniards. But the Span- 
ish government changed its policy, and fell back on a system of exclu- 
sion, which had originated with Philip I., and which generally char- 
acterized its rule of its colonies, until it brought that rule to an end. 
Cadillac remained in the country but two years. He made some per- 
sonal explorations, and ordered an expedition into Texas, which 
will be best described in our chapter on the early history of that 
State. 

His successor was M. de L’Epinay. Bienville was appointed King’s 
Commandant, while De L’Epinay was Governor-general. There was 


526 | THE FRENCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. [Cuap. XXI. 


no less dissension between these two than between Bienville and 
Cadillac. But the fortunes of the colony were not dependent on as 
trivial motives as the discords of local commanders. With the death 
of ** Le grand Monarque” in 1715, and the accession of the Regent 
Duke of Orleans to the sway of France, a new destiny awaited Lou- 
isiana. It came through the spirit which was given to emigration by 
the enterprise, so disastrous in Europe, of the famous John Law, 
known in history as the Mississippi Scheme. 


























Indians in a Canoe (fac-simile from La Hontan). 


CHAPTER XXII. 


THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. 


JoHun Law.—- THE REGENT ORLEANS. — Law’s Bank.— THE WESTERN COMPANY. 
— RENEWED EMIGRATION. —THE INDIAN CoMPANY. — SPANISH War. — New Es- 
TABLISHMENTS. — FAILURE OF LaAw’s PLANS. — RUIN OF SPECULATORS. — MIs- 
SIONS IN Louisiana. — THE City oF NEw ORLEANS. — ESTABLISHMENT AT 
NaTCHEZ.— RELATIONS WITH THE INDIANS. — CUSTOMS OF THE NATCHEZ. — CHO- 
PART’S Fotity.—Itrs REesutts. — CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE NATCHEZ AND CHICKA- 
SAWS.— BIENVILLE RE-APPOINTED. — His ILL-success Aas A MILITARY LEADER. — 
VAUDREUIL AND KERLEREC. 


JOHN Law was born in Edinburgh in April, 1671,-the son of a gold- 
smith of considerable fortune. ‘The goldsmiths of that day 
were the bankers of the world, and all the social privileges 
of a banker of to-day belonged to this Scotch goldsmith then. John 
Law was but fourteen years old when his father died. He was edu- 
cated with care, but did not choose to embrace his father’s calling, 
preferring a life of pleasure 
and travel. He left his 
mother at the age of twen- 
ty, and went first to Lon- 
don, where, like many other 
adventurers, he applied his 
knowledge of finance and 
mathematics to the calcula- 
tions of the gambling table, 
without more success than is 
usual. His mother paid his 
debts and saved his estate. 
For himself he became pop- 
ular in London; but the 
fortune of Louisiana was 
changed, as it happened, on 
the 9th of April, 1694, when 
in a duel in Bloomsbury Square, he killed on the spot a gentleman 
named Edward Wilson, ‘“‘ commonly called Beau Wilson.” For this 


John Law. 





John Law. 


028 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [CuHap. XXII. 


offence he was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death, but was par- 
doned by the King. He was, however, thrown into prison on some 
charge connected with the duel, but he effected his escape and fled to 
the continent. 

At Amsterdam he became a clerk of the English Resident, in order 
His career tO Study the system of the celebrated Bank of Amsterdam ; 
and finan- and at thirty years of age he returned to Scotland. About 
schemes. the year 1700, he presented in print a plan for what we 
should now call The National Bank of Scotland, — far in advance of 
the financial wisdom of the day, 
and, indeed, only differing from 
the systems now in use in the 
European national banks, so far 
as it included the system, then 
universal, of monopoles of com- 
merce and of farming out the 
revenue. Another plan of his, 
at this time, that for a land bank, 
has been often brought forward 
since, but never really tried. 

Neither Scotland nor England 
was prepared for his financial 
schemes, and, returning to the 
continent, he engaged himself 
in the not uncongemal occupa- 
tion of gambling, — managing 
faro banks with profit. This 
occupation brought him into 

The Regent Orleans. acquaintance with the Duke of 
Orleans, an acquaintance which afterwards proved so important. On 
the close of the war of the succession he urged his financial plans on 
Reception of the French government, which was already bankrupt. But 
his plans om Louis XIV. rejected them, not so much because the plans 
rea were not good, of which nobody in France was a judge, as 
because the author of them was a Protestant. Law went to offer 
them to Victor Amadeo at Turin, and to the Emperor of Germany. 
Both these sovereigns declined to try his experiments. But at their 
courts and elsewhere, he won two million livres at gambling, — and 
this he carried to Paris, where it became the nucleus of his after 
fortunes. 

Louis XIV. died. His ambition, his selfishness, and in especial, the 
war of the succession, had brought France to bankruptcy. It is not 
fair to ascribe this bankruptcy to John Law. The truth is, that he 





1715.] JOHN LAW. 529 


postponed for a few years the inevitable catastrophe. To borrow the 
language of the modern exchange, he flew the great kites, which, 
for a little while, promised to carry France over an abyss. When 
the King died the royal stocks were at a discount of from seventy to 
eighty per cent. A treasury report of September 20, 1715, shows 
that the annual expenses were one hundred and forty-eight million 
livres! All the receipts of the year were pledged in advance, except 
three millions. Seven hundred and ten millions of stocks were due 
in the current year. The troops were not paid, commerce was ruined, 
and whole provinces were depopulated. The Regent was urged to 
proclaim the crown bankrupt. The Regent declared that he should 
be dishonored, and that France would be dishonored, by such a course. 
In place of it he attempted every half way measure known in his 
time, or indeed, since, to insolvent states or failing merchants. When 
it is remembered, that in fourteen years the expenses of the monarchy 
had been two billions of livres more than the revenue, and that this 
amount had been borrowed ; that the arrears, when the King died, 
were seven hundred and eleven millions, and the deficit on the year 
then current was seventy-eight millions; when it is also remembered 
that Law’s plans, such as they were, maintained the credit of the 
crown for five years; the injustice will be seen of that sweeping 
charge, which says that the public bankruptcy of France was the 
consequence of those schemes. 

When the Regent came into power he had placed the Duke de 
Noailles at the head of the department of finance. To this 
department he referred Law and his plans. Law proposed septa 

: . France. 

a public bank, which should collect the revenues, carry on 

the great monopolies, issue bills current as money, and discount notes 
of merchants and others who wished to borrow. ‘The Council of 
Finance rejected this proposal, and Law substituted a private bank 
of discount, on a basis which seems modest to later times. ‘The cap- 
ital was six million livres, divided into twelve hundred shares. It 
was authorized to discount merchants’ notes, and to issue bills re- 
deemable in coin. The Duke of Orleans accepted the title of Patron 
of the bank, which was opened in Law’s own house. 

So necessary were these simple bank facilities, in the disordered 
commerce of France, that the bank at once became popular pistory of 
and acquired credit. At the end of a year Law’s predic- Y**" 
tions were fulfilled, and he was able to take a second step. The gov- 
ernment, also, could give him its countenance, by a decree ordering 


1 The value of a livre varies, from time to time, especially as it is a paper livre or made 
of silver. But the reader of our time may remember to advantage, that, in 1700, the word 
represented, in substance, what the word “franc” stands for now. 


WO lanl le 34 


030 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuar. XXII. 


public officials to receive the notes of the bank, as if they were coin. 
From this time, of course, they answered all purposes of exchange 
within the kingdom. With such facilities the notes instantly gained 
ralue, the deposits of gold and silver increased, and the bank was on 
the high road of prosperity. Its notes even commanded one per cent. 
more than specie, at times, for the government was not above tam- 
pering with specie; but the bank redeemed its notes in the coin it 
received. The trade of the country felt the benefit to commerce of 
such a currency. ‘Taxes were paid cheerfully, and branches of the 
bank, in accordance with Law’s original plan, were established in five 
provincial cities. 

A second feature of Law’s great scheme had been the management 
of the great commercial monopolies, which made, at that time, a part 


INGO me) 4 oy Q J? Cent levres Tournors 


ls A BANQUE promet payer au Porteur 4 viie Cent Irvres Tournois 
en Efpeces @’Argent, valeur receue A Paris le premier Janvier mil 





Fac-simile of Bank-note issued by Law. 


of the commercial system of all the great nations. He was now 
tempted to engraft this part of that plan upon his private bank. 
And it is from that temptation, and the plans made in consequence, 
that Law became the founder of New Orleans, and, practically, the 
person who directed the French settlement of the valley of the Mis- 

sissippi. Crozat, who had obtained the grant of the Missis- 
of the |, sippi trade for twelve years, had not been successful in his 
Company.” plans, for reasons which have been stated. He asked per- 
mission to give up his privilege, and Law gladly became his successor. 
It seems as if Crozat had attempted commerce only, with hopes of 
success in mining, while Law, with a broader view, expected to make 


Formation 


1717.] THE WESTERN COMPANY. 531 


the colonists at least support themselves by agriculture. The con- 
tract for the trade in beaver in Canada expired in 1717. Law, there- 
fore, asked permission to form a company, which should unite all the 
commerce of Louisiana with the fur trade of Canada. The Regent 
granted all that he asked, in an edict issued in August, 1717. 

The company thus formed received the name of the ‘ Western 
Company.” The grants made to it were for twenty-five years. The 
sovereignty over all Louisiana was granted to it, on the condition of 
homage to the king of France, and of a gold crown at the beginning 
of. every new reign. This token of vassalage indicates the nature of 
the hopes with which it was undertaken. The capital was nominally 
one hundred million hvres. But subscribers were permitted to pay 
three fourths of their subscriptions in royal bonds, which were still at 
the old discount of seventy or eighty per cent. Only one fourth of 
the subscription was asked for in coin. It will be seen, therefore, that 
the real capital paid in was about forty million livres. 































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































New Orleans in 1719 (from an old Map). 


With this capital Law and his associates went to work with spirit 
in the details of colonization. We can still refer to the little 
é : : : . Prepara- 
emigration tracts which they circulated through France and _ tions for eo!- 
. : onization. 
Germany to collect emigrants. Vessels were armed, troops 
sent forward, and colonists enlisted. The great feudal cultivators of 
France did not encourage the emigration of peasants. The emigrants, 
therefore, were not so often as might have been wished, persons used 
to agriculture. They were indeed enlisted largely by the 
= Bienville 
hope of collecting gold, — then, as now, the hope most governor. 
ne se e€- 
j . 1 i bane aay. t of New 
tempting to a poor and discouraged people. Mibvete NYO ee eae sc 
Inay was recalled, and Law showed his good sense and 
knowledge of the position by appointing Bienville Governor-general of 
Louisiana. Bienville was also instructed, probably by an echo of ad- 
vice given by himself, to select a new site for the capital. With the 


532 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [CHap. XXII. 


knowledge he had acquired of the geography of his dominions, he 
chose the admirable site of New Orleans, commanding the approaches 
to the sea by the river and by Lake Pontchartrain, and here in Feb- 
ruary, 1718, he left fifty persons to clear the ground and to build. 
Through the year different vessels arrived with colonists for different 
landowners, — in one party alone eight hundred persons. 

The next year two of Bienville’s brothers arrived with news of the 
short Spanish war, set on foot by the folly of Alberoni. With great 
promptness Governor Bienville moved against the Spanish port of 
Pensacola, and took it. It was soon retaken by a superior force, but 
was again captured by a French squadron in September. Mean- 
while, without check from the war, John Law was going forward 
with apparent success in his great schemes. The Western Com- 
pany, as the charter called his corporation, had not at first attracted 
much public attention. But its shares gradually rose to par, that is, 
to a money par, though they had been largely paid for in reduced 
securities. In May, 1719, he was strong enough in public confi- 
dence to obtain from the Regent power to join with it the East India 
Company of France. The exclusive right of trading beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope was given to it. Its name was changed to 
that of ‘The Indian Company,” and, for its new purposes, it was 
authorized to issue fifty thousand new shares at a par of five hundred 
livres. 

But the company was already so prosperous that it refused even to 
The Indian 1SSue these new shares at less than five hundred and twenty 
Company: livres, fifty livres down, and the remainder in twenty equal 
monthly payments. Nor was any person permitted to take one new 
share who did not exhibit four old ones. Old shares, therefore, rose 
_ rapidly under the new enthusiasm. ‘This condition brought them 
from three hundred livres up to seven hundred and fifty lvres, — 
that is, they rose from sixty per cent. of their nominal value to fifty 
per cent. above it. 

It was at this crisis, when the Western Company became the 
Indian Company, that it really won the bad name which from 
that moment to this has hung around the * Mississippi Scheme,” so 
called.!. A capital of forty million livres was not an extraordinary 
sum with which to develop the fur trade of Canada, and all the re- 
sources of the Mississippi Valley. The methods of the Company for 
its legitimate business, even in the midst of stockbroking in Paris, 
were judicious, though they were not so considerable as its capital 
would have justified. Concessions of land, as they were called, were 


1 Which has seemed to attend subsequent financial transactions which bore the same 
name. 


1719.] THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. 033 


made to adventurers under the Company, and these adventurers sent 
out settlers, as the Company itself did. In 1718, seven ves- progress of 
sels were sent out with stores and emigrants, numbering in ¢™mstton. 
all, perhaps, fifteen hundred persons. The year 1719 sent eleven 
ships, besides those ships of war belonging to the crown, which as- 
sisted in the operations against Pensacola. Meanwhile new establish- 
ments for trade were opened on the Red River, the Missouri, and the 
Upper Mississippi! In this year five hundred negroes from the 
Guinea Coast were brought in, and another cargo arrived the next 
year. A terrible epidemic, contracted at St. Domingo, where the ves- 
sels always stopped, swept through the emigrants of 1720. From 
one vessel, one man, who was set on shore at his own request, was 
the only person who ever arrived; the ship itself was never heard 
of again. In 1721 nearly a thousand: white emigrants arrived, and 
thirteen hundred and sixty-seven slaves were brought from Guinea, 
not three quarters of the poor wretches who were embarked for the 
voyages. In this year the Garonne, belonging to the Company, with 
supphes and three hundred German emigrants, was taken by pirates 
near St. Domingo. 

This year, however, the most active of the operations of the Com- 
pany, as far as Louisiana was concerned, was the last of its prosperity 
at home. ‘The popularity gained by the union of the East and West 
India Companies in August, 1719, was so great, and the demand so 
flattering for the consolidated stock, that Law was able to advance 
another step towards his original design, and to undertake, by the 
Company, the payment of a considerable part of that ter- ire 
rible public debt, with which the Regent’s administration ssippi 
had found itself saddled by the later wars of Louis the Mag- at Ws 
nificent. In exchange for the privilege of collecting the revenue of 
France, he proposed to take up, by the issue of company stock, gov- 
ernment stock to the amount of more than fifteen hundred millions, 
a considerable part of which was approaching maturity. The plan 
was gigantic, but it offered unquestionable advantages. If so large 
an enterprise could have been carried out with the privacy and deli- 
cate handling necessary, it seems to have rested on an intelligible and 
practicable basis. In fact the new shares which Law issued, of which 
nine tenths were to be paid in government stock, were sought with 
overwhelming eagerness. This means, partly, that the French people 
went crazy. But it also means, partly, that people trusted John Law 
and his business-like methods of administration more than they did 


1 In the Yazoo country, at Baton Rouge, at Bayagoula, at Ecores Blancs, at Point Cou- 
pée, at the Black River, at Pascagoula, and among the Ilinois. All these plantations 
proved permanent. 


5384 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


the Regent Orleans and the men around him. For the real question 
was, whether the holders of government securities would or would not 
exchange them for his securities, when they could do so, if they would 
add a payment of one ninth of the amount in cash, for all which they 
would receive his bonds, or those of his company. The speculators 
and the capitalists of France alike, chose to make the change. And 
this is the cause of the frenzy, in which all France combined to give, 
for a moment, an exaggerated value to the bonds of the India Com- 
pany. It was not the possession of the whole valley of the Missis- 
sippi. Land is as valueless in itself in any market, as is the ocean 




































































ln 
i 

























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































A Caricature of the Time of the ‘' Mississippi Bubble.’? 


or the clouds. It needs the occupancy of men — men who know how 
to subdue the earth — before it has a money value. If the Indian 
Company could have given this element of value to their empire on 
the Mississippi, it would have been worth the whole debt of France a 
hundred times told. But such inhabitaney, or such a population, is 
not to be gained by any inducements which such companies can offer. 

For the moment, however, the public enthusiasm supplied the place 
of more substantial values. Three hundred thousand new shares were 


applied for, where there were but fifty thousand to distribute. The 


enlargement of currency, accompanied by universal confidence, quick- 





L7I9>| SPECULATION AT ITS HEIGHT. 585 


ened every form of industry. The annual taxes were reduced by 
fifty-two million livres in the year 1719, while thirty-five Sanne 
millions had been taken off before, since the Regent’s acces- effects of the 
sion to power. The rate of interest fell, lands rose in price, at the height 
labor found its reward, and plenty appeared everywhere. ign 
The author of such wonders was hailed as a demi-god; the crowds fol- 
lowed him, the nobility courted him, the Regent honored and obeyed 
him. To John Law, the Scotch goldsmith’s son, poor France owed 
the one gleam of prosperity which she had enjoyed for twenty years. 
It is said that in the three years of its power in Louisiana, the 
Indian Company expended twenty-five million of francs. It would 
probably be impossible to say what this immense sum was expended 
for. La Harpe, a very competent authority, testifies that eight million 
franes only were expended on supphes and transportation for the col- 
ony, and he avers that this sum brought no return to France. He 
says that convicts and prostitutes were sent out as colonists; that 
inexperienced clerks were put in charge of the stores and plundered 
them openly; that the Company did not hold to its contracts with 
Swiss and German companies, and with miners; that these contracts 
themselves were unfortunate ; that it was always making places for 
adventurers, and always quarrelling with Bienville. All this is said 
more simply, when we say that a company of directors in Paris under- 
took to rule a colony in America. Napoleon has taught us om. com. 
that two good generals are worse than one bad one. When Puy sre 
a directory of generals is on one side of the world, and their ""* 
army is on the other, its ruin is certain. It is a curious question, 
whether under a careful management, that part of the capital of the 
Company which was subscribed for the develop- 
ment of Louisiana, could, in these days, have 
been made productive. An annual income of 
four per cent. would have satisfied the share- 
holders. Their privilege ran for twenty-five 
years, and when it reverted to the crown, the 
separate holders could take lands to represent 
the principal. It is certain that the furs of 
Canadz-androts Louisiana wouldynoteamountsto Aimee! the Western Company. 
an annual value of one million six hundred thousand livres. Indeed, 
the Company relied, not so much on furs, as on mines and tobacco. 
They never found any mines of value, and the product of tobacco 
was inconsiderable. So far their empire in the West yielded them 
but little. If, however, the Company had been willing to do as 
Winthrop and his associates did, go themselves with their charter 
to the province of which it made them masters, it could not have been 








536 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. (Cuar. XXII. 


hard to make that province worth forty millions frances before 1742. 
But no man of the stockholders, though the examples were before 
them of Winthrop, of Champlain, of Penn, and other colonists, had, 
at any moment, any such idea. 

Whatever may have been the legitimate basis on which Law’s 
sean Sea earlier plans were founded, all recollection of it was swept 
lation in the Way and all thought of any basis was forgotten in the 

whirlwind of excitement which swept over France, when all 
men tried to join in the successes of those whose early investments in 
Indian stocks had proved fortunate beyond the wildest hope. Under 
this wild excitement shares issued at 500 livres eventually sold at 
5,000 livres, and even more. In its five issues, the Company put out 
624,000 shares, which at the nominal par amounted to 312,000,000 
livres. To pay four per cent. interest on these, would have required 
12,480,000 livres annually. It is an interesting fact that its income 
was more than six times this amount, being 80,500,000 livres annu- 
ally. ‘The Company was therefore amply able to make good its tech- 
nical obligations. But, of course, persons who had bought for 5,000 
livres a share nominally worth 500, would not be satisfied with a 
miserable annual income of twenty livres for that investment. The 
price of shares was merely fanciful. It could not be held at the ficti- 
tious level. And the moment the decline began, nothing would arrest 
it. These statements are due to the memory of John Law. He un- 
doubtedly made the grossest errors in his efforts to arrest the fall of 
these securities. But it was, in the first instance, not the audacity 
of his proposals, but their success, which caused his ruin. 

Ruin came. So soon as the holders of shares began to buy with 

them houses and castles and jewels, and did not buy other 
Cae shares, so soon as they ceased to speculate and began to 
aneer Invest in real securities, so soon the price of bonds fell. All 
the ingenuity and all the audacity of Law, all the willing help of the 
unscrupulous Regent could not arrest the fall, more than they could 
make water run up hill. In one year from the greatest success of the 
“system,” as this rash adventure was called, it had wholly disap- 
peared. In*that time thousands had become rich who were poor, 
thousands were poor who had been rich. Law fled from Paris, and 
all his estates were sequestered.) This was in November, 1720. 
News of his fall and flight arrived in Louisiana on the 15th of April, 
1721. The year 1721, however, saw the largest accession yet made 
of emigrants to the colony. 

1 For an admirable account of all Law’s transactions, examined in the light of modern 


financial science, such as it is, see M. Thiers’s chapters, translated into English with illus- 
trations, by Frank S. Fiske. 


——————— ee ee 


A721. | VOYAGE OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 537 


As the “system ”’ rolled on, adding one extravagance to another, it 
was announced that Law had become a Roman Catholic. Whatever 
may have been the sincerity of this conversion, it was followed by his 
appointment as minister of finance, and men said he had become a 
Catholic that he might become a minister. It was perhaps this con- 
version which gave rise to the first measures of the Company for assist- 
ing the religious missions in Louisiana, — missions to which, in the out- 
set, France owed even her knowledge of the river. Pierre Francois 
Xavier de Charlevoix, the writer to whom we have since yoyave of 
owed our most interesting history of New France in that °™ev™% 
century, who was indeed the diligent historian of Jesuit enterprise 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View on the Arkansas River. 


through the world, embarked at Rochelle, in July, 1720, to visit the 
Canadian Missions. He was at Kaskaskia, in our State of Illinois, in 
November 8, 1721. The brethren of his order had already established 
a post here, six miles from the Mississippi. He went from this point 
down the river in a canoe made from a long walnut tree. Thirty 
miles above the mouth of the Arkansas he found the village already 
in ruins where Law was to have established, on his own concession,! 
nine thousand Germans from the Palatinate. All who came were 
discouraged, and eventually planted what is now known as the ‘“ Ger- 
man Coast”? above New Orleans. No part of the world shows more 
beautiful homes and farms than those made there by these exiles who 
were then thought to be abandoned to misery. Charlevoix found that 


1 The concession was twelve miles square. 


988 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [CHap. XXII, 


Qn 


the small-pox was already ravaging tribes which La Salle had found 


numerous. He arrived at Natchez, on the loth of December, and at. 


New Orleans on the 5lst. It is amusing now to see, that the little 
circle of critics in New Orleans thought, that, if he had chosen, he 


could have found his way to the Western Ocean. That enterprise: 
was reserved to Lewis and Clarke, nearly a hundred years after, and. 


occupied them then more than two years. The Jesuit missionary 
proved his own good sense, and made good his Christian profession, 
by reconciling Bienville the Governor, and Hubert, one of the other 
officers, who were in one of the chronic quarrels which embittered life 
in the petty colony. 
Charlevoix, like the other early explorers, sent home accounts of 
the resources and geography of the country, which are amus- 
Reports of : 
eaxly OF: ing when read by the hght of our modern knowledge. We 
an easy method by which the French could attack the Spanish silver 
mines. La Harpe, one of the most 
valuable officers who served under 


sented at home, urged the necessity 
of keeping the English away from 
these same silver mines of New 
Mexieo. And in Charlevoix’s first 
letter describing the resources of the 
new colony, the two productions 
which he describes with most enthu- 
siasm are the ‘“apalacchine ” and 
the wax of the candleberry. The 
first of these is already wholly for- 
gotten. It is the Llex Cassine of 
the botanists, and, at the time 
Charlevoix wrote, had a reputation 





SS 


— 
SS 





—— 





ié as a substitute for tea, and even as 
= dispelling the emotion of fear. 
Ilex Cassine (Yaupan). There will be many, even among the 


American readers of these lines, who have never heard of candleberry 
wax, which Charlevoix supposed was to be an important article of 
foreign export. Those who ever have made a candle from it, will 
sympathize with the ‘ five or six slaves,’ who being unfit for ordi- 
nary duty, were thought by the good father sufficient to gather a 
shipload of wax every year. 

1 By acurious parody on this criticism, the biographical dictionaries, French and Eng- 


Jish, say that Chateaubriand, at the end of the eighteenth century, crossed from the Mis- 
sissippi to the Pacific, —an impossible journey in the period of his tour. 


have seen that La Salle proposed to establish his colony as. 


Bienville, in a report which he pre-. 





1721.] THE FRENCH AND INDIANS. 539 


The city of New Orleans, so named in honor of the Regent, was 
regularly laid out on paper when Charlevoix visited it, — on 
the convenient plan made by La Tour and Pauger, but it New Oe 
was still a city on paper. ‘There were two hundred people it 
encamped there, who were to carry out the plans of the engineers. 
To each applicant a lot was given sixty feet in front by twice that 
depth. Each landholder was directed to fence in his lot and to leave 
a vacant space, three feet wide, for open drains which should carry 
off superficial water. These ditches were connected, and a dyke or 
levee of earth made on the river side. ‘The seat of government was 
removed thither in the same year, and the names of the two hundred 
settlers whom Charlevoix found there, are preserved. Bienville’s is 
first upon the roll. 

The result in America of the work of the Western Company, or 
the Indian Company, had been the establishment of a few thousand 
emigrants in a climate to which they were not accustomed, on soil of 
whose capacities they were ignorant, with hopes which could not be 
gratified. <A staff of officials, larger than would be appointed now 
for the same region, though its population is counted for millions, 
quarrelled among themselves, but regularly drew their salaries. ‘The 
common-sense and practical intelligence of Bienville were the most 
cheerful element in the horoscope of the infant state. 

The French establishment at Natchez was the most flourishing of 
the trading establishments on the river. The massacre by 
the Natchez Indians of almost all its male inhabitants, was Sees 
the first terrible event which broke the course of the de- ““"” 
velopment of the colony, and the vengeance taken upon that tribe was 
the first great effort made by the colonists against the natives. 

The policy of La Salle had been to coneiliate the natives of all 
tribes. He would not permit his men to fire upon them, except under 
extreme provocation, and he would not adopt the easy policy, which 
was a favorite policy with the Spaniards, of taking one side or an- 
other in their mutual feuds. D’Iberville and Bienville seem to have 
been willing to continue in a policy of conciliation. But, from the 
beginning, it was the custom of the French to supply the Indians 
with guns, powder, and shot. They relied on the Indians of the 
north for hunting, as the supply of furs to Europe made the largest 
element in their trade, and they boldly took the risk that such arms 
might be used against themselves. 

So long as the charge of the outposts was entrusted to officers of 
humanity or discretion, this hazardous policy, which armed the In- 
dians as well as the whites, brought few disastrous consequences. Al 
parties regarded themselves as adventurers, and the loss of one life,. 


540 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


more or less, in a brawl with savages was not regarded so seriously 
; as it would have been in the earher settlements of New 
ie ne England. As early as 1716, some Indians of the Natchez 
the Indians. . : . . . . 
tribe, or allies of theirs, had killed some voyageurs coming 
down the river. Bienville suspected that they had been instigated to 
this atrocity by English traders from the Carolinas. He took resolute 
measures. He seized on some of the Natchez chiefs, and gave the 
tribe to understand that he would take the lives of these men if the 
heads of the murderers were not sent to him. After some intrigue 
and wavering, caused partly by their doubt of his firmness perhaps, 
and partly by real inability to meet so hard an order, it was complied 
with in full. From this moment the Brother of the Sun, as the chief 
of the Natchez was called, must have felt that he had a master. This 
transaction is known in the colonial history as the first Natchez war. 








































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































View of the Mississippi at Natchez, 


So far as we can see, the Natchez might have been retained, as a 
useful ally of the French, for an indefinite period, but for the folly 
and selfishness of one French commander, named Chopart. The tribe 
The Natene, W2S More compactly organized than most of the Indian 
ibe tribes. It understood subordination to its chiefs, and, in- 
deed, in many other regards, showed a higher civilization than that 
of most of the Indian nations. The conjecture has always seemed 
probable that it was an off-shoot from that superior Mexican race, the 
civilization of which, as described in the exaggerated accounts of the 





1722.] THE NATCHEZ INDIANS. o4] 


companions of Cortez, is still one of the problems and wonders of his- 
tory. The Natchez worshipped the sun. His temple was of oval 
shape, built of clay, without windows, and arched ina dome. It was 
about one hundred feet in circumference, and, to defend it from the 
rain, was covered with three layers of woven mats. Above it were 
three wooden eagles, one red, one white, one yellow. No person was. 
permitted to live in it, but the Guardian of the Temple had a little 
shed without, where he lodged. ‘The whole was surrounded by a 
palisade on which were exposed the skulls which had been brought 
back from battle. In this temple a perpetual fire was kept, supplied 
from time to time by the Guardian of the Temple. It was his duty 
to feed the fire with logs, to see that they did not blaze, and that the 
fire did not go out. 

The palace of the great chief, who took the name of the Brother of 
the Sun, was similar to the temple. It was raised on an ee tae 
artificial mound, that he might the better converse with his ernment ana 
brother in the heavens every morning. The door of the aay 
palace fronted the east, and, when the sun arose, his brother saluted 
him with howls, ordered that his calumet should be lighted, offered 
to him the three first puffs of smoke, and raising his hands, and 
turning from east to west, directed his course for that day through 
the heavens. 

On the death of the supreme chief his sister’s son succeeded. The 
princesses of the blood espoused none but men of obscure family, and 
had the right of dismissing a husband whenever they pleased. The 
power of the Brother of the Sun was absolute; no man would refuse 
him his head if he asked for it, and if he appointed a guard to wait 
upon the French, none of these men were permitted to receive any 
wages. He had a sort of body-guard, or personal staff, appointed even 
at his birth. For, so soon as an heir presumptive was born, a certain 
number of infants was chosen from the infants of the tribe near his 
age, and these were assigned for the service of the young prince. 
They hunted, fished, planted, and farmed for him, —they were his 
servants, and they furnished his table. That they might serve him in 
another world, they all sacrificed themselves to follow him, when he 
died. Ina religious rite of great solemnity they were strangled that 
they might go at once to be his servants in the world of spirits. All 
these customs, and many others, described in the early writers, are 
analogous to those ascribed in the Spanish writers to the Mexican 
tribes. Charlevoix observed bas-relief carvings, ‘not so badly done 
as one expects,” among the chiefs of a neighboring tribe. 

The Natchez were not disposed to make war, but for some reason, 
perhaps because of the small-pox which their new friends gave 


42 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


Or 


them, their numbers diminished rapidly after the arrival of the 
French, or were supposed to do so. It was thought that they were 
more numerous in La Salle’s day than when Iberville landed; and, 
in 1722, Charlevoix thought they had diminished in six years from 
four thousand to two thousand fighting men. They were fond of the 
French, and the French found them very useful. Opposite to their 
town, the French had established a post which bore the name of 
Rosalie, a name still preserved. It was given by Bienville in compli- 
ment to Mad. la Duchesse de Pontchartrain. The convenience for 
trade, the excellence of the soil, and the beauty of the situation, which 
is exquisite, called up a very considerable number of whites,— and, 
as has been said, this was the most successful settlement in the valley. 
After the ‘first Natchez war,” for nearly ten years this beautiful 
village showed every sign of external prosperity. But for the folly 
and selfishness of Chopart, the commander, this prosperity might have 
continued. 

Chopart formed the idea, which seems almost insane, that he should 
Chopart’s like the site of the great village of the Natchez for his own 
manne home, and that the fine plain about it would be an admi- 
rable plantation for himself. He had the effrontery to send for the 
Brother of the Sun, and to tell him that the great chief of the French 
had ordered the Natchez to leave this village, as he needed it. The 
chief and council refused indignantly. They said that the nation had 
long possessed this territory, and that it was sacred. ‘The very ashes 
of their fathers were buried beneath the temple. They reminded him 
that till now all the points occupied by the French in their territory 
had been given in token of regard, or had been bought and paid for. 
Chopart was deaf to their arguments. He insisted that in two months’ 
time they must be ready to remove. The wily Natchez pretended, 
after deliberation, to assent to his mad demand. Chopart even made 
them agree to pay an indemnity in compensation for the extension of 
time. 

In fact, however, the Natchez agreed, in secret council, that they 

would by one fell stroke get rid of the French, and that 
bland the forever. They sent messengers to the other Indian tribes 
rematen- to bind them to the same work of destruction. Nor did any 
tribe refuse so far as to betray them. The Choctaws joined eagerly 
in the plan, and took, as their part, the destruction of the French on 
the lower part of the river. To make sure that the massacre should 
take place on the same day, at all the lower settlements the Choctaw 
chief and the Natchez chief exchanged parcels of little sticks, in each 
of which were as many twigs as would indicate the number of days 
before that appointed for the butchery. This had been fixed at the 





1729.) THE NATCHEZ INDIANS. 543 


time when Chopart had directed the abandonment of the village and 
the temple. 

The fatal night came on without any preparation on the part of the 
French to oppose the Indians. Women from the Natchez tribe, more 
faithful to their French lovers, or to those who are so called, than to 
their race, warned them of their danger. Some of these men com- 
municated the warning to Chopart, but he ridiculed their fears, ar- 
rested them and put them in irons. He had just returned from a 
visit of state to the Brother of the Sun. The Indians had well kept 
their horrible secret, all parties had drunk and revelled together, and 
it was not till three in the morning that Chopart returned, received 
the report of danger, ordered the men to be ironed who brought it, 
and then retired to 
sleep off the effects of 
his debauch, warning 








































































































Chopart and the Indian Envoys. 


the sentinel not to call him till nine in the morning. This was ‘on 
the 28th of November, 1729. 
Morning came. There was not a settler’s house but had in it one 
or more Indians, who came in on one pretence or another. 
The great chief set out from his village, attended by his Ba teondtl 
warriors, beating the drum of ceremony, and bearing the bee 
calumet aloft. The calumet, as La Salle had seen, may be a cal- 
umet of war as well as of peace. The pretence of the procession 
was that they might bring to Chopart the tribute exacted in pay- 
ment for delay. They reached his house and wakened him. He 
came out in his robe de chambre, and bade the cortége enter. They 
did so and offered their tribute. They then proceeded to the river, 
where a galley just up from New Orleans was unloading valuable 
stores. Every Indian in the train picked out his man among those 


544 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


at work on the galley, fired, and killed him. ‘The discharge was the 


signal agreed upon. All through the settlement the Indians closed 
on the French, and in an hour’s time more than two hundred! French- 
men were killed. Of the garrison, which consisted of one small com- 
pany, only one soldier escaped. Most of the women and children were 
spared, to be held as slaves. But some of the women were killed in 
the effort to defend their husbands. 

Chopart was among the last to be killed. He saw the slaughter, 
Death of Dut saw it too late. He fled to his garden, not so much as 
Chopart seizing a gun. He whistled for his soldiers, — but, they 
were not left to hear. He was surrounded by Indians. But no 
Natchez would lay hands on him. He was a dog, they said, unworthy 
to be killed by a brave. A Puant chief was called, who killed him 
with a club.? 

Had the simple arithmetic of the Natchez and Choctaws proved as. 
accurate as they expected, that day would probably have been the last 
of the whole colony. But if, in the best calculations of the greatest, 
a little dog may do more mischief than he can conceive, — what must 
not be expected in the computations of ignorant savages? It hap- 
pened that one day when the Natchez chief burned his fatal stick in 
the temple, his little son stood by. While the father’s attention was 
engaged elsewhere, the boy, with a child’s passion for imitation, burned 
two sticks, as he had seen his father burn one, without being observed. 
In consequence of this accident, the Natchez pounced upon their prey 
two days earlier than the day fixed upon in their solemn treaty. 

With all the facilities of modern skill, the traveller is a long day in 
descending the Mississippi, even on the flood, from Natchez to New 
Orleans. The distance, in a direct line, is more than a hundred miles, 
and, by the winding of the river, it is twice as far. The poor fugi- 
tives from Natchez had no means of carrying the intelligence of the 
massacre to New Orleans in the fatal two days which were left to that 
post. When, therefore, on the appointed day, the first of December, 
six hundred of the Choctaws assembled in force by the Lake of St. 
Louis, Perier, the governor, had no notice of what had taken place 
above. The Choctaws sent to him a delegation, saying that they had 
come to present to him the calumet. Perier was alive to the advan- 
tage of conciliating this important tribe; but he was too good a sol- 
dier to admit them inside his fortifications. He sent a civil message, 
that he would gladly receive the chief with thirty of his warriors. 
This answer disconcerted the Choctaws, and seems to have been enough 


1 This number corresponds best with what we know of the colony. But Dumont says. 


seven hundred. 
2 The Puants were Indians from Green Bay, now in Wisconsin. 


ee 


1729.] THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE NATCHEZ. 545 


to avert an immediate attack. They sent a delegation to the Natchez 
to present the calumet to the great chief. The delegation was not 
received with such honor as was expected. They soon learned that 
the Natchez had made their attack two days before that agreed upon. 
What was worse, perhaps, in the presents which they received, from 
the plunder then taken by ‘“‘the Brother of the Sun,” there were no 
cuns, powder, or balls. The Choctaws were indignant at all this, and 
turned their rage against the Natchez. They accused them of selfishly 
anticipating the assault, that they might gain all the benefits. They 
forbade them to kill any of their captives, lest they should have to 
account for such lost lives to the Choctaws. | 

Meanwhile, on the third of December, fugitives who had escaped 
the slaughter, arrived at New Orleans. Perier acted with pide 
promptness. He sent an officer to communicate with the ae Ne 7. 
Choctaws, and, before long, had succeeded in engaging these j 
fickle savages on his side. He formed a little army, and, with his 
new allies, moved 
against the Nat- 
chez. The nego- 
tiations and prepa- 
rations consumed 
the months of De- 
cember and Janu- 
ary, but, in Feb- 
ruary, the Choc- : : 
taws arrived, at. ~ . poo H) \WaN 
Natchez, sixteen = \ og ft) Ne 
hundred in num- 
ber. The French 
contingent joined 
them in March, 
and the fort of the 
Natchez was in- 
vested. ‘They did 
not stand a siege 
in which cannon 
were to be served against their palisades. They agreed to surren- 
der their prisoners and to make peace on those terms. Loubois, the 
French commander, on the spot, acceded to these terms, without 
meaning to keep them, haying a theory that he was not bound to 
keep faith with them, more than they would with him. The next 
morning, therefore, after he had received the prisoners, he prepared 


to renew the siege. But he found that the Natchez did not trust him 
VOL. LL: 35 


in 


AN 
ih, \ \ fas 
= 


rf 


I 
: 





Costumes of French Soldiery early in the Eighteenth Century. 


546 THE MISSISSIPPL SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


any more than he deserved, and that they had abandoned their 
town. 

The main body of the tribe kept together, and, after one or two 
efforts to surprise the fort at Natchez, moved up the Red River, and 
made an attempt on that at Natchitoches. But St. Denis, the com- 
mander, was too watchful for them. The same summer, Perier> find- 
ing himself reinforced by three companies of marines from France, 
made a final movement up the river. He found the Natchez in their 
last retreat, attacked them and compelled them to surrender. In 
truth, two hundred of them, of whom most were women, were taken 
prisoners, and were sold as slaves to the plantations at St. Domingo. 
Three hundred escaped, and found asylum among the tribes which 
hated the French. At this day, among the Creek Indians, who now 
cultivate the fertile lands reserved to that tribe in the upper valleys 
of the Washita River, there are three hundred or more good citizens 
who speak the Natchez language, and trace their descent back to the 
vassals of the *t Brother of the Sun.” ! 

The poor Natchez, however, in their untimely insurrection, achieved 
more than they knew. For when the news of the destruction of the 
only promising post on the river reached Paris, the Western Com- 
pany, quite discouraged, represented to the king their loss, and returned 
to him their unprofitable right in the colony. The king, very wisely, 
appointed Bienville its governor again, in the place of Perier, and 
Bienville’s last administration began. He arrived at New Orleans in 
1734; Perier, who had been promoted to be leutenant-general, resigned 
the government and returned to Europe. 

The surrender by the Western Company marks the miserable fail- 
Failure of Ure of the old system of giving the business of colonization 
Gampangc Over into the oversight of favored boards of men who did not 
oe cay mean to emigrate. After thirty years of nursing, after all 
the energy of Law’s movements, and the large sums of money which 
had been expended on the colony, its population, when it was returned 
to the king, was estimated at only five thousand. Of these, nearly 
two thousand were negroes. The whole number was scattered among | 
eleven posts. Fourteen years later, a careful census showed even a 
smaller number, — so that this estimate of five thousand, even, was 
probably exaggerated. In 1745, there were but seventeen hundred 
white men, fifteen hundred women, and two thousand and twenty 
slaves, of whom the Illinois had about three hundred white men, the 
Missouri posts two hundred, and Natchez, which had been the most 
attractive settlement of all, only eight white men and fifteen negro 
slaves. It must be remembered, therefore, that we are stil! tracing 


1 See Gallatin’s Synopsis, Arch. Am., vol. ii., p. 114. 





1736. ] BIENVILLE’S EXPEDITION. 547 


chronicles which derive their interest only from the results which were 
to grow from petty beginnings, and not from the numbers engaged, 
or, indeed, even from the personal characteristics of most of the 
actors. 

Bienville probably wished to show, that if he had been commander, 
the savages would not have come off so well as they did 4... wes 
under Perier’s administration. He demanded of the Chick- (38°) ine 
asaws that they should surrender the Natchez. The Chick- CMcssaws. 
asaws had by this time cemented alliances with the English of Caro- 
lina, — they were confident of their own power, — and they sent back 
word to Bienville that the Natchez and they now formed one nation, 
and that they should not comply with his demand. Bienville then 
determined to attack the Chickasaws. He sent orders to D’Artag- 
nette, who commanded the fort at Kaskaskia, among the Illinois, to 
























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Bienville’s Army on the River. 


meet him in person on the 10th of May, 1736, in the Chickasaw 
country, with the largest army he could muster from Illinois Indians, 
French troops, and settlers. Bienville himself proposed to lead an 
army from New Orleans and Mobile. The expedition thus set in 
motion was by far the most formidable which the little colony ever 
attempted. Bienville’s contingent made its rendezvous at Mobile. 
On Easter Day, the 1st of April, it moved up the Mobile River in 
a fleet of thirty piraguas and as many batteaux. On the 20th he 
reached a point which he called Tombecbé, — which is the Jones's 
Bluff of the Little Tombigbee River of the Alabama geography of 
to-day. Hither he had sent an advance guard, the year before, to 


548 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [CHap. XXII. 


build a fort. The Choctaws met him there with the calumet, and 
received the tribute, for so they began to regard it, — in considera- 
tion of which they served as auxiliaries. On the 4th of May, the 
army, thus reinforced, reémbarked and proceeded slowly up 
the river, and, on the 24th disembarked for the last time, 
and then began the construction of a palisade and shed for the pro- 
tection of its stores. 

The enemy was in a stockade fort, seven miles distant, built upon 
a hill, surrounded by the cabins of an Indian village. The fort was 
built of heavy timbers a foot in diameter: it was circular in shape, 
with three rows of loop holes. The Chickasaws were not only pro- 
tected by the logs, but stood in pits or trenches which covered all but 
the upper parts of their bodies. ‘They kept silence, and let the French 
come within good musket shot before they fired. As the French ap- 
proached they saw Englishmen whom they supposed to be allies of 
the Chickasaws. The stockade proved to be quite too strong to be 
taken by storm, as Bienville had proposed. After a loss of nearly 
one hundred and twenty, very severe for so small a force, he was 
obliged to withdraw his men, without producing the least effect on the 
enemy.t He spent the night in his. camp, but on the next day he had 
the grief of seeing that his men, who had been left dead on the field, 
had been cut to pieces by the Chickasaws, who had exposed the quar- 
tered bodies on the palisades in derision. A rumor was spread that 
D’Artagnette, with the Illinois contingent, was approach- 
ing. But Bienville had no such good fortune. He returned 
to his eamp on the Tombigbee, not much molested on his retreat. 
His attack was made on the 26th of May. 

Poor D’Artagnette had, in fact, with military precision, arrived in 
time to make the junction contemplated in his orders. He reached 
the Chickasaw country on the 9th of May, and waited within sight 
of the enemy till the 20th, but heard no news of Bienville. His 
Indians murmured, and wished either to retreat or attack. D’Artag- 
nette chose to attack,—and did so successfully, — but while driving 


His expe- 
dition, 


The French 
repulsed. 


the Chickasaws from a second village he was himself wounded. His. 


Indians abandoned him, — but a loyal company of forty-eight French- 
men held by him. ‘This force was so small, that he was compelled to 
surrender, and he and they were prisoners of the Chickasaws at the 
time when Bienville made his rash and unsuccessful attack. ‘The 
whole Illinois detachment had been 396 men, of whom 130 were 
Fate ot the Hench, 38 Iroquois, 88 Arkansas, and 190 Illinois and Mi- 
prisoners. amis. So soon as Bienville retreated, the savages took their 
French prisoners to a plain, tied all but one of them to stakes and 

1 This estimate of the loss is that of Du Tortre in a despatch sent to Paris. Dumont’s 


account says the French loss was thirty-two killed, and at least sixty wounded. 


= 


1740. | A SECOND EXPEDITION. 049 


burned them to death by a slow fire. The whole expedition was a 
wretched failure, of which the blame seems to rest with Bienville. 
The Chickasaws never lost the prestige which their success gave them. 
The historian of Alabama says of them : ‘* The Chickasaws have never 
been conquered.” } 

In 1740 Bienville led another expedition against them by way of the 
Mississippi river. He moved with thirty-six hundred men, — of whom 
one third were whites and the rest negroes and Indians, — from Fort 
Assumption, which stood near the site of our city of Memphis. This 
was the largest army which the colony had ever put in the field. The 
unconquered Chickasaws were frightened, and offered to make peace 
on condition of surrendering all their white slaves. Bienville assented. 
He received from them two English prisoners, satisfied himself that 
they had no French in their hands, and with this concession, withdrew 
his expedition. The Chickasaws pretended, and the French believed 
what was probably true, that the Natchez had, for the time, so far 
withdrawn from their confederacy, that a war against the former tribe 
did not serve the purpose of vengeance against the latter. The two 
campaigns certainly did not add to the reputation of Bienville as a 
military leader. But he retains the reputation of a successful admin- 
istrator of a colony, who had to act often on his own responsibility, 
who was always separated from his metropolitan masters by an ocean 
of slow navigation, and often by the frequent wars. He dismissed his 
auxiliaries with presents. Fort Assumption was razed, and no new 
military works were erected on its site for one hundred and twenty 
years. After an absence of more than ten months the army returned 
to New Orleans. Bienville himself returned to France the next year, 
and was succeeded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil. Bienville never re- 
turned to America. He died in 1767. 

In truth Louisiana had succeeded as a royal colony no better than 
it succeeded under the Western Company. Its officers and garrisons 
in Bienville’s time entailed on the Crown an annual expense of five 
hundred. thousand livres, — not a very large sum in current money, 
but not inconsiderable in the pinched finances of the latter part of the 
reign of Louis XV. If the figures could be relied on, with which the 
Western Company gave back their charter to the King in June, 1731, 
its population was then five thousand on the Mississippi oe 
and all its affluents, beside two thousand slaves. A census campaign of 
taken fifteen years later showed a population of only four : 
thousand whites, of whom eight hundred were the troops in the gar- 
risons. These figures would show even a decrease in the years of the 
Royal administration. Twenty years later, under the careful admin- 


1 Pickett’s Alabama. 


550 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [Cuap. XXII. 


istration of Ulloa, a census showed a population of 5,526 whites, and 
about as many blacks. It was not unnatural that Louis XV. should 
care but little for his namesake, 
which, after half a century of 
nursing, had shown such incon- 
siderable growth, and gave so 
little visible promise of im- 
provement. An army of eight 
hundred men to protect four 
times their number of settlers 
gave indeed but little hope for 
any permanent establishment of 
value. 

The Marquis de Vaudreuil was 
appointed Bienville’s successor, 
and he filled the post of Royal 
Governor at New Orleans for 
eight years, whence he was 
transferred to Canada. He 
was in fear that the English 
would attack him by sea, as 
through the Choctaw allies of the Carolinians and Georgians they 
threatened him by land. Under more vigorous lead the English would 
have done so. But no English fleet attempted to force his petty for- 
tifications. By land, his people were, again and again, in terror of 
attack from the Choctaws of the English party. At one time Vaud- 
reuil was inspecting his post at Mobile, so that the colony at New 
Orleans was without its chief. On the German Coast so called, on 

the river, and indeed close to the little city, the Choctaws 
cones killed one and another Frenchman. Vaudreuil returned to 
Choctaws. find the city in dismay. He sent out detachments of re- 
eulars, militia, and friendly Indians, on every side. His strategy was 
successful, and was rewarded by the capture of the whole Choctaw 
army, excepting two men. The others, — only eleven in number, — 
were brought prisoners to the city, and the Marquis’s satisfaction for 
such a victory was of course chastened by his mortification for the 
terror of his subordinates. 

In 1750 that part of the Choctaws who were attached to the French 
interest obtained a series of crushing victories over the smaller party 
who were in the English interest, and, by what was known as the 
Grand Pré Treaty, extorted such hard terms as to secure for a time 
peace from their most dreaded enemy. The Chickasaws offered 
peace also. But Vaudreuil wrote to his government that he did 





Vaudreuil’s 


a “Y 


1752.] PRODUCTIONS OF THE COLONY. 501 


not want to make a treaty with them till he had conquered them. 
In this desire, he was never gratified. 

In 1751, so great was Vandreuil’s consideration at Court, and so 
desirous was the Court to maintain Louisiana against the English, that 
he had under his orders two thousand soldiers, — a force more than 
one third of the whole white population of that immense region. 
With such a force the expenses of the colony of course increased also, 
and in the last year of his administration they were 930,767 livres. 
On the 9th of February, 1753, he gave up his place to Capt. Kerlerec 
of the Navy, and took the command of Canada. The petty victory 
over the Choctaws which we have mentioned, a series of a 
anxious discussions about the paper currency of a handful tion of Kerl- 
of traders, and the well sustained memoirs in which a large auhtions of 
staff of officers explain how the river should and how it ies 
should not be defended, make up the voluminous annals of the col- 
ony during his administration. Meanwhile that conquest of the soil 
and climate made progress which is so seldom recorded in history, 
but on which all history of course depends. ‘That commerce in the 
wax of the candleberry to which Charlevoix had called attention, 
still attracted interest. One year the king bade Vaudreuil pur- 
chase the whole crop on his account at the rate of ten or twelve 
livres a pound. A dispatch of a later year says that one planter 
raised six thousand pounds of the wax, a handsome crop for those 
days at the rate named. The report says that this is the only lu- 
minary used by the inhabitants. Another report of the year 1752! 
speaks of the difficulties of the cotton culture, resulting from the 
amount of labor necessary to separate seed from fibre, and alludes 
to a gin which M. Dubreuil, the same planter who had succeeded best 
with the wax, had invented for that purpose. ‘This unsuccessful gin 
antedates Eli Whitney’s by forty-one years. The manufacture of 
sugar, sufficient for the needs of the few colonists, was introduced, but 
afterwards declined. Indigo was cultivated, and eventually became 
an article of export. There can be no doubt that while the expenses 
of the crown doubled in the period of Vaudreuil’s stewardship, the 
real prosperity and wealth of the planters were increasing in a larger 
proportion. Full memoirs preserved in the French Archives show 
that intelligent men, even then, foresaw in a small degree some part of 
the immense value which the valley of the Mississippi had in store for 
the world. It is interesting to see that at a period of scarcity in New 
Orleans the Illinois farms were already productive enough to supply 
the distant seaport with bread-stuffs. The culture of silk and tobacco 


1 No. 241. Portfolio No. v. Archives de la Marine, Sept. 22,1752. M. Michel to the 
minister. 


502 THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME. [CHap. XXII. 


is eagerly recommended, and the development of the mines of copper 
and lead in the northwest, the existence of which was perfectly well 
known to the officers of the crown. 

The administration of Kerlerec, as governor, covered ten years. At 
the end of that time he was recalled to France, and thrown into the 
Bastile. He was a captain in the French navy, who had distinguished 
himself in battle. But in the colony he was constantly quarrelling 
with Rochemore, the intendant of commerce, and his arrest was caused 
by charges of mal-appropriation of ten millions of livres in four years 
under the pretence of preparation of war. He held office during the 
most of the French war of George II.’s reign, and for long periods 
of that time was left without any direct dispatches from France; for 
the English cruisers, who never attacked him directly, were successful 
in cutting off all his communications. Kerlerec’s administration began 
with high hopes of conciliating the Choctaws. But he soon lost con- 
fidence in them, and his reports home, regarding the under officers of 
the crown, and indeed most of the people, with whom he had _ to 
do, were anything but flattering. The army itself was recruited from 
such worthless material as to give Kerlerec quite as much trouble 
as the savages whom it was to keep in order. 












/COLONIES 
FRANCOISES 
1121 


Coins struck in France for the Colonies. 


a 








































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The Old Fort at Saint Augustine. 


LO bcd bod Aah as 0). 9B be 


SPANISH COLONIZATION. 


SPANISH FOOTHOLD IN THE UNITED STATES. — SUCCESSIVE ACQUISITIONS BY THE 
UniItTED Statrtes.— THe Fortunes oF Fioripa. — BORDER Wars wiTH CAROLINA 
AND GEORGIA. —OGLETHORPE’S EXPEDITIONS. — FLORIDA CEDED TO ENGLAND. — 
Its PopuLatTion. — DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. — ORIGIN OF THE NAME. — 
ROMANCE OF ESPLANDIAN. — FA1 HER Nica’s PRETENDED DIscoveRIEs. — Coro- 
NADO’S EXPLORATION IN ARIZONA AND New Mexico. — DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA. — 
His RECEPTION BY THE INDIANS. — LOCALITIES OF HIS DISCOVERIES. 


THE destiny of the United States has passed so far under the em- 
pire of institutions which have an English origin, that it is easy to 
forget how large a portion of her territory has in other times be- 
longed to the Spanish crown. ‘The prevalence of the English lan- 
guage as the language of public procedure in every State and Territory, 
and the sway, in a very large degree, of English law and the habits 
of English administration, are enough to keep out of view the fact, 
that, at one time or another, more than half the present Extent of 


territory of the United States has been, on the map at least, amnion in 
subject to the King of Spain. The Spanish claim to Mex- America. 

ico and the regions north of it, was pressed indefinitely northward. 
Somewhere on the coast of what we call Oregon, Drake saw the 


shore in 1579, and he took possession of the country in California for 


bot SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIII. 


the English crown as New Albion. But England scarcely asserted 
her rights under this discovery for centuries. 

At one and another time since she seized the port of Astoria in 
1813, she has made one and another claim to this territory, running 
back to her rights under Drake’s discovery. But the decision which 
gave to the United States, holding under the Spanish claim, the 
region south of the line of 49° north latitude, states, quite correctly, 
the average opinion of the older geographers.’ On the seacoast of 
The Pacite the Pacific the Spanish claim resulted from a series of dis- 
ai 2 coveries and explorations, beginning, as will be seen, when 
Hernando Cortez discovered California in 1536. In the interior the 
eagerness for silver early established colonies of which Santa Fé in 
New Mexico was the most important of those far to the northward. 
It is generally supposed, that the droves of wild horses now found 
through the whole of Western America, as far north as the climate 
will permit, were of Spanish origin. So far as the natives received 
any supplies from the workshops of civilization, it was from Spanish 
traders; and, to this hour, some fragments of the Spanish language, 
acquired at a very early period, will be found in their dialect. 

Kastward of the Rocky Mountains, the Spaniards showed no dispo- 
sition to extend their dominion, after the expeditions of De 
Soto and Ponce de Leon had seemed to prove that no treas- 
ure of gold or silver was to be found there. The Spanish 
government made no protest when, under Louis XIV., the French 
claimed a right to the whole valley of the Mississippi, founded upon 
the discoveries of Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle. On the ground, 
an irritable commander of a Spanish post in Texas might quarrel 
with an impetuous French officer in a garrison on the Red River. 
But at home the policy of Spain was well defined; and if the King 
of France were willing to keep a line of defence between the English 
colonies and the Spanish mines, the King of Spain made no objec- 
tion. It was not until the treaty of Paris, in 1763, that the King 
of France showed that he was tired of this expensive good-nature. 
He then gave this immense territory to his well-beloved brother of 
Spain, who showed himself, indeed, somewhat coy about receiving 
the magnificent but costly present. Twenty years afterward, the 
Spanish crown gave it back to France, only to learn, in a few months, 
that France had sold it to the young Republic of America. 

Florida, from which so much was hoped in the days of Ponce de 
Leon, had remained in the possession of Spain, after the cruel mas~ 


Spanish pol- 
icy east of 
the Rocky 
Mountains. 


1 This claim was reinforced by Gray’s discovery of the Columbia River, and Lewis & 
Clarke’s exploration of it. These discoveries gave to the United States precisely the same 
sort of right as that which La Salle’s gave to France, for the valley of the Mississippi. 


ee Eee 


1819.] FLORIDA. doa 


sacres which have been already described.!. But no discoverer had 
found gold, or silver, or the fountain of life in Florida. 
2 - -1/ A 5 Ses a The Span- 
[he Spanish posts, therefore, were simply military positions, iards in 
held to insure the command of the Gulf of Mexico. On the 0” 
eastern side St. Augustine, without trade, and with but a small civil 
population, was held by Spain until 1762, when it was ceded to Eng- 
land, to be restored in 1783. By Spain it was ceded to the United 
States in 1819. On the other side, Pensacola, as has been seen, once 
and again fell into the hands of the French. Afterwards, with East- 
ern Florida, it fell to the English. But no settlement of Florida 
followed from either of these establishments. ‘The territories, nomi- 
nally Spanish, thus added to those which were colonized under the 
flag and protection of England, or under titles derived from her, 
cover rather more than half of the superficial area of the United 
States, with the exception of the province of Alaska, recently pur- 
chased from Russia. Of the several parts of this immense domain, 
the earliest to come under the dominion of the United States, was 
the western part of the valley of the Mississippi, which was that 
which came latest under the Spanish flag. In 1819 the United 
States acquired Florida from Spain, and all her rights on the west- 
ern shore of the continent north of 42° north latitude, comprising 
the State now known as Oregon, and Washington Territory. In 
1845, by a joint resolution, the Congress of the United States an- 
nexed Texas to the Union, and this decision was confirmed by the 
arbitration of war. ‘The question whether Texas were a part of 
Louisiana or not, had always been an open question between France 
and Spain, but it bad practically been yielded by France, and in 
the treaty of 1819 the United States had acquiesced in that decision. 
By the treaties with Mexico of 1848 and 1853, the dominion of the 
United States was extended by the acquisition of California and the 
region now covered by the territory between that State and Texas. 

We recur now to the earlier history of the Spanish possession of 
these regions. 

The reader has already been told ? of the destruction of the oldest 
town in the United States, St. Augustine, by Sir Francis 
Drake, on his return from his expedition to the Spanish Deneeons 
Main. The Spanish Armada occupied the attention of Eng- maine 
land too intensely, when Drake returned, for any effort to be see 
made, either to follow up his victory in Florida, or to renew the 
English establishment at Roanoke. The Spaniards who had _ fled 
from his arms in Florida, returned to the ruins of their fort and 
reéstablished it. The Menendez, who has earned the right to be 


FeV Ol ie p-.208, 2° Voli. p. 222. 


596 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIII. 


called “ great’? by his cruelty and falsehood, had died. But the 
government of St. Augustine was made hereditary in his family! 
until the year 1655. The history of the colony, meanwhile, is scarcely 
more than that of an insignificant garrison, elevated occasionally to 
general interest in the events of a general war.” 

In 1593 twelve brothers of the order of St. Francis were sent to 
Florida, to continue such missions as had been established 
among the natives. By their efforts and those of other 
brethren sent to continue and enlarge their work, many missions were 


Missions in 
Florida. 




















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































General View of St. Augustine. 


established in the course of the next hundred years. Of these, the 
most important was at first at the island of Guale. But the chief of 
the savages in this neighborhood excited his people against them, in 
a severe attack which resulted in the murder of five priests, and the 
cruel injury of another. The Governor avenged them by burning the 
eranaries and dwellings of the Indians. In the years 1612 and 1613, 
thirty-one missionaries of the same brotherhood were sent to Florida, 
and the name of St. Helena was given to it as a religious province of 
that order. Twenty missions were now established, and the brethren 


t 
1 In Buckingham Smith’s collection of Florida papers is the will of one of the smaller 
Menendez governors. 
2 It has been admirably treated, in its detail, by Mr. Fairbanks in his history. The 
South Carolina Historical Collections give original authorities on the “wars” with Carolina. 
3 This name must not be confounded with the name of St. Helena on the shore of South 
Carolina, though both had the same origin. 


1678. ] THE SPANIARDS AND THE ENGLISH. O57 


preached to the natives with success in their own language. In 1638, 
a war broke out between the colony and the Apalachee Indians. 
Such Indians as were captured were reduced to slavery; _ 

the tribe was so far overcome as to be kept for the time beino aa 
within its own limits. Meanwhile the growth of the colony ””’ 

was so small, that in 1647, eighty-two years after Menendez founded 
the colony, the number of families in St. Augustine was but three 
hundred, and this was almost the whole of the settlement. There 
were also fifty Franciscan friars domiciled in the city. When it is 
remembered that Menendez took with him two thousand six hun- 
dred and fifty colonists from Cadiz, it will be seen that the _his- 
tory of Florida, thus far, had been a history of decline and not of 
progress. 

With the colonists of Virginia and other northern colonies the 
Spaniards had little intercourse, peaceful or otherwise. So 
soon as Charles II. gave a charter for the settlement of Hnglish ps 
Carolina, which was in 1663, jealousies arose on both sides, poe 
and the hatred of Englishmen for Spaniard, and Catholic for heretic, 
was enough to keep the little colonies suspicious of each other, even 
when nominal peace united their sovereigns at home. In 1665 an 
expedition under Captain John Davis, a buccaneer, made a descent 
on St. Augustine and ravaged the town. In 1667, however, Charles 
If. of England concluded a treaty with Spain, in which Spain con- 
ceded to England all colonies which Charles and his subjects * then 
possessed.” On the other hand, Charles agreed to cut off all future 
protection from the buccaneers, who, till this time, had considered 
Spanish property to be fair prize if found in the Pacific, and were 
not distressed if they seized it in the other great ocean. No Eng- 
lish settlement was in fact made in Carolina, under Charles’s charter, 
until 1670. But, in the diplomacy of the two nations, it was virtually 
agreed that the English claim to that region was good, and the line 
of the St. Mary’s River was eventually agreed on as the line of the 
separation between the English and Spanish dominions. It is there- 
fore, to this day, the dividing line between the State of Georgia, which 
bears an English name, and that of Florida, which retains the Spanish 
-nhame given it by Ponce de Leon.? 

The Spaniards, on their side, attacked the English colonies in 1670 
and 1686, but without other success than burning and ravaging the 
homes of a few settlers on the coast. Such raids, of course, kept up 
the feeling of mutual hatred, strong enough at the very best. But 


1 Each king was Charles II. Charles II. of England reigned from 1660 to 1685. Charles 
IT. of Spain reigned from 1665 to 1700. 
+See yol.i., p. 147. 


508 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [CHap. XXIII. 


for the rest of the seventeenth century, there was no exploit on 
either side which deserves the name of war. 

Menendez had been authorized, at the very beginning of the col- 
ony, to introduce five hundred negro slaves. So many laboring men 
pressed themselves upon him in Spain, that he made no use of the 
concession. But in 1687 one hundred negroes were introduced as 
slaves, and for nearly two centuries Florida suffered under the dis- 
advantage of slave labor. Cabrera, who was governor in 1681, un- 
dertook the enterprise of removing the Indians not Christianized to 
the islands of the coast. The result was simply an insurrection of 
these tribes, who took refuge within the limits of Carolina. In a sub- 
sequent incursion, these Indians attacked the Tomoquas, a Christian 



































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Pensacola. 


tribe, friendly to the Spaniards, whose name is still preserved in the 
Tomoka River. They killed a large number of the Tomoquas, and 
carried the other prisoners to the colony of St. Helena, where their 
Christianity did not protect them so far but that they were reduced 
into slavery. 

Meanwhile, on the western coast of the peninsula of Florida, the 
Bayh tae Spanish government established a fort at Pensacola, in the 
mentof_ —-year 1696. ‘The name of the place, spelled by them Pen- 

cacola, is that of a tribe of Indians who once resided there. 
The Spaniards were stimulated by the efforts of the French to settle 
at the mouth of the Mississippi, and, indeed, had only just founded 
Pensacola when the French colony under D’Iberville arrived. <A 
square fort, known by the name of Charles, the king of Spain, a 
church, and other public buildings, were erected. Andres d’Arriola 
was the first governor. Within two years D’Iberville touched at the 
new post, nor was it long before his brother was attacking it, in the 
War of the Succession. Before that time, however, new opportunities 


1700. ] WAR WITH CAROLINA. 009 


for carnage and ravage had been found by English and Spaniards on 
the eastern shore. 

Near the close of the year 1700, on the death of Governor Blake of 
Carolina, James Moore had been chosen as his successor. With the 
poor object of personal gain from the traffic in Indian slaves, he 
granted commissions for the capture of Indians with power to sell 
them as slaves; and, on the outbreak in Europe of the war with 
Spain, he undertook an expedition against St. Augustine with the 
same object in view. He embarked with this purpose in September, 
1702, having arranged that Daniel, an officer of spirit, should make a 
descent upon the town by land, while Moore himself block- yy cic ox 
aded the harbor by sea. The Spaniards, under their goy- penn 
ernor Cuniga, had heard of the movement, and retired with ""* 
their effects into their castle. When Moore arrived, he found his 
guns too weak to assault them, and sent Daniel to Jamaica for heavy 
artillery. While Daniel was absent, two Spanish ships, one of 
twenty-two guns and one of eighteen, appeared off the harbor, and 
so terrified the English that they raised the siege. Moore retired 
by land to Charleston, without losing a man, burning the town of 
St. Augustine and his own transports. Daniel, on his return with 
the mortars and guns for which he had been sent, hardly escaped 
capture. 

The Spaniards retaliated for this foolish assault in exciting the 
Apalachee Indians,’ their allies, to attack the English set- g,..isn pe- 
tlements. The Apalachees marched, nine hundred in num- “te 
ber, but fell into an ambush of the Creeks, who were always the 
firm allies of the English, and were routed by them. In reward for 
this service, all who survived of the Indians who had been held as 
slaves in St. Augustine and those who had been taken since 1640, 
were now set free by Cuniga, under a promise that they should return 
to work on the fortifications whenever they were needed. Cuniga 
urged the government at home to send him the means to make five 
new posts on his frontiers. Before any such aid reached him, Moore, 
with a thousand Creeks and about fifty of the Carolina militia, at- 
tacked the Indian allies of the Spaniards and defeated them. He 
carried away three hundred slaves, — most of the people of seven 
Indian towns.!. He burned San Luis and Ayaralla, and took the 
church plate and vestments, and everything else of value. These 
Indians had, before this time, made some progress in civilization — it 
was, perhaps, the loosening of the habits of savage life which made 
them so easy a prey to the untamed savages who attacked them. 
This incursion was followed by others, frequent enough to forbid the 


1 South Carolina Report in Carroll’s Collections, i. 353. 


560 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIII. 


recolonization of the wasted country before the end of the war. So 


enraged were the Indians that the Carolinians were obliged to put 
up forts for their frontier defence, one of which was established at 
Apalachicola, close to the limits of the State of Florida.! The Ye- 


massees, who had been driven out from Carolina into Florida, kept. 


up an unremitted warfare on the frontiers. 


So soon as Bienville, Governor of Louisiana, learned in 1719, that. 


hoo existed between 5 pain and France, he took Pensacola by 
recapture of SUTPTISe. The Spaniards retook it at once, in the same 

way. But, in September of the same year, Bienville took 
it again. This time the French commander destroyed the fortifica- 
tions and the town, leaving only a small battery and a handful of 


men. In 1722, the Spaniards reoccupied the harbor, and built a 


town on Santa Rosa island, near where Fort Pickens now stands. 
But the settlement was gradually transferred to the northern side of 
the bay, where the present city of Pensacola stands; the point taken 
on the island having proved particularly sandy and barren. 

In 1752, Oglethorpe’s settlement of Georgia pressed even closer 
than Carolina had done on the frontiers of Florida. Oglethorpe 


Hostilities 


between RA en a a) 7" eat) 5 72 Fle : moe 
Georgia ana PYOvince. The English fort, King George, erected on the 
sa oc banks of that river, had already given umbrage to the Span- 


iards, and in 1736, the Spanish government ordered Oglethorpe to 


evacuate all territory south of St. Helena Sound. The Governor 


brought three companies of foot with him to Frederica, the most 


northerly Spanish settlement, —the place still known by the same 


name on the sea-coast of Georgia. Oglethorpe went at once to Eng- 
land for aid. At that moment the people of England were indig- 
nant with Spain for other reasons, and Oglethorpe returned, with the 
commission of major-general, and a regiment of men. The Span- 
iards strengthened St. Augustine in their turn. In October, Wal- 
pole’s pacific policy was abandoned, war was declared, and the Eng- 
lish sent a squadron under Admiral Vernon to the West Indies, with 
directions to aid Oglethorpe, who at once set on foot operations 


against St. Augustine. He succeeded in cementing the alliance be-_ 


tween the English and the Creeks, who hated the Spaniards with a 
very perfect hatred. 

The officers of the navy having agreed to codperate in the attack 
on St. Augustine, Oglethorpe appointed a rendezvous on the Florida 
side of the St. John’s River and moved on the 9th of May, 1740, with 


1 This is not at the site of the present town of Apalachicola. The point was farther up 
the river of that name, not far from Chattahoochee. The fort known as Savanas was still. 
farther up, and must not be confounded with the site of Savannah. 


claimed that the Altamaha was the southern boundary of his. 


~—-_-s 


ee 


ao 


1740.] WAR WITH GEORGIA. 561 


four hundred whites and a large party of Indians. The next day he in- 
vested a Spanish outpost called Diego, belonging to a Spaniard, named 
Spinosa, reduced and garrisoned it. He then returned to his rendez- 
vous, and with his whole command — two thousand men, regular 
troops, provincials, and Indians, moved against Fort Moosa, two miles 
from St. Augustine. The Spaniards abandoned this post and retired into 
the town, which he had given them time to provision by driving in 
cattle, while he was occupied with Fort Diego and his counter-marches. 
He was compelled to blockade the harbor and invest the town. He left 





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Oglethorpe’s Attack on St. Augustine (from ‘‘ An Impartial Account of the Late Expedition to St. Augus- 
tine.’’ London, 1742). 


ninety-five Highlanders and forty-two Indians at Moosa, to intercept all 
supplies of cattle for the town. This was all the force he left on the 
land side. He sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with the Carolina regiment, 
to take Point Quartelle on the water side, about a mile distant from 
the castle, and build a battery. With his own regiment and most of 
the Indians he landed on the island of Anastasia. One of the ships 
was stationed to the southward to block up the Matanzas passage, and 
the others blockaded the harbor. Batteries were erected on Anastasia. 

Having made these dispositions, Oglethorpe summoned the Spanish 


1 Kny To THE MAp.—1. The Town. 2. The Castle. 3. A Battery. 4. Moosa or Negro Fort. 5. The Look- 
out. 6. Small Fort abandoned by the Spaniards. 7. A Battery of one mortar, and three six-pounders. 8. 
A Battery, one mortar, two eighteen-pounders, and one nine-pounder. 9 Six half galleys at anchor (Span- 
ish). 10. A Battery, two mortars, four eighteen-pounders, and one nine-pounder. 11. Harbor “ where 
our vessels lay.’? 12. Carolina Regiments, first Camp on Pt. Quartelle. 18. Sailor's Camp. 14. Carolina 
Regiments, Second Camp on Pt. Quartelle. 15. Carolina Camp upon Anastasia. 16. The Volunteers’ Camp. 
17 Gen. Oglethorpe’s Camp after he went from Anastasia. 


MODE 36 


562 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXITI. 


garrison ; to receive from the Governor the cheerful answer that lie 
should be glad to kiss his hands in the fort. Oglethorpe then began 
his attack by throwing shells into the town, which were returned by 
the fort and six half galleys in the harbor. Little execution was done 
on either side. Captain Warren of the English navy offered to lead 
a night attack against the Spanish galleys, but a council of war de- 
clared this impracticable. On the other hand, the Spanish com- 
mander sent out a detachment against Colonel Palmer in his isolated 
post at Moosa, and broke it up, killed him and sixty-eight of his 
men, and took many prisoners. A party of Chickasaws coming to 
the English camp, cut off a Spaniard’s head and brought it to Ogle- 
thorpe. He showed his indignation, called them barbarous dogs and 
bade them begone. The proud ‘‘ unconquered Chickasaws ”’ were 
offended, and said the French would not treat them thus, had they 
carried in an English head, — which was probably true. ‘These allies, 
thus rebuffed, deserted the English camp. The vessel at the Matan- 
zas passage was not a sufficient guard on the south. For, by the 
Mosquito inlet, which runs parallel to the sea, supplies from Cuba 
were received by the garrison. The master of the vessel at Ma- 
tanzas Inlet could see them pass, beyond his range of prevention. 
Some Spanish prisoners, who were carried to Oglethorpe, told him 
that the reinforcements were seven hundred men, with a large supply 
of provisions. All prospect was thus lost of starving the garrison. 
Retreat of | Lle naval commander of the English feared hurricanes, and 
the English said he must withdraw. The Carolinian troops withdrew - 
without asking leave. And poor General Oglethorpe himself, sick of 
a fever, was obliged to withdraw his own regiment, and reached Fred- 
erica early in July. 

So disgraceful a defeat of a force so considerable greatly elated the 
Spaniards. When their supplies arrived from the Havana, they had 
but three days’ bread, and they piously ascribed their relief to St. 
Rosana, the Virgin of the Apalachees. The Carolinians, who had 
expended men and money freely in the expedition, were indignant, 
and charged Oglethorpe with utter incompetency, nor were the officers 
of the English army and navy of another opinion. | 

Monteano, the Spanish Governor, who had defended his post so well, 
expected a renewal of the attack in the autumn, which would have 
been a much more favorable season for his enemies. He begged for 
reinforcements, and received eight companies of infantry. But no 
second attack came. He was tempted to retaliate. A terrible fire 
had devastated Charleston, and he urged the Governor at Cuba to 
make an attack on the place at the moment of its exhaustion. His 
advice was not taken in 1741, but in the next year a fleet of thirty- 





1762. | FLORIDA CEDED TO ENGLAND. 563 


six sail with two thousand men was sent to him. He added a force 
of one thousand men, took the command, and sailed for the harbor of 
St. Simon’s, better known now, perhaps, as the harbor of Brunswick. 
This movement, however, was, in its turn, unsuccessful, and Monteano 
returned as much mortified as Oglethorpe the year before. 

In March of the next year, Oglethorpe took the aggressive, and 
marched to the very walls of St. Augustine, with such celer- goiinuea 
ity, that his Indian allies killed forty Spanish soldiers before Postltes: 
they could enter the fort. But, failing to draw out the Spaniards 
for an encounter in the field he again retired, and in. 1748, peace at 
home closed these miserable hostilities on the frontier. The garrison 























































































































Old Gate at St. Augustine. 


at St. Augustine was so reduced that in 1759 the whole force was but 
five hundred men. When in 1762 hostilities broke out again be- 
tween England and Spain, an English fleet seized the Havana, and, 
on the negotiation of peace, Spain was glad to cede Florida to regain 
Cuba. This measure indeed was necessary to the tripartite ati 
diplomacy between England, Spain, and France, in which Heras 
eastern Louisiana was ceded to England. For, where east- ‘ 

ern Louisiana began and where Florida ended, had never been de- 
termined. Spain gained by that treaty all western Louisiana, and 
could well afford to give up Florida to the victorious English, who 
thus carried to the Gulf the frontier of that colonial empire which 
was to be theirs for so few years. The English government named 


564 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuar. XXIII. 


General Grant Governor of East Florida, and he received the post from 
the Spaniards. At the period of the evacuation the whole population 
amounted to 5,700 persons, including a garrison of 2,000 men. Many 
Condition of Left the place never to return. ‘Three years afterward, a 
ta traveller speaks of Picolata, a small fort and garrison on 
theeession- the St. John, Mr. Rolle’s settlement, twenty-five miles above, 
and Mr. Spalding’s trading house, fifteen miles farther up, as the only 
stations on this magnificent river.’ The greater part of the popu- 
lation of Florida consisted of a mixture of the remnants of the 
Cowetas, Talipoosas, Coosas, Apalachees, Cussetas, Ockmulgees, Wee- 
tumkas, Pakanas, Taensas, Chaesihoomas, Abékas, and other tribes, 
who had organized in a confederacy under the name, since well known 
and formidable, of Muscogees. From this confederacy the Seminoles 
afterwards parted; their name Isty-Semole, wild men, indicates that 
they were hunters, rather than farmers. In 1773, Bartram speaks of 
the Seminoles as but a weak people in respect of numbers; he sup- 
poses all of them would not people one of the Muscogee towns. As. 
civilization advanced, and the Indian towns were broken up, the 
‘wild men” must have gained accessions from their former kindred. 
Bartram ‘ventures to assert that no part of the globe so abounds 
with wild game or creatures fit for the food of man” as the territory 
which they then inhabited. The population of this Muscogee confede- 
racy, sixty years after, was twenty-six thousand.2 The population of 
Indians and whites in 1762 was probably larger than that of whites 
and negroes in 1850, when there were only about fifteen thousand of 
each of those races, reported in the census of the United States. 


While the kings of Spain followed up thus languidly the expedi- 
tions of Ponce de Leon and of Hernando de Soto, in Florida and the 
other eastern regions traversed by those adventurers, their viceroys and 
other officers in Mexico showed more eagerness both in discovery and 
in colonization to the northward, and their enterprises, both by sea and 
by land, come within the range of the historian of the United States. 

Hernando Cortez himself, as early as 1534, sent out an expedition 

of discovery under Hernando de Grijalva on the Pacific coast, 
Lamer Gall in which that commander first discovered the peninsula of 
any California. Not long before, a Spanish author,® who had 
with very inferior genius attempted to write a sequel to Lobeira’s in- 
imitable romance of Amadis of Gaul, had invented a pagan queen of 


1 Bartram found only the same settlements in 1773, three more trading-posts were to be 
established in that year. His map shows the sites of “ Rollestown ” and Spalding’s post. 

2 Roman’s Florida. Gallatin’s Synopsis, p. 101. 

3 Garcia Ordonez de Montalvo. 





1534.] ‘¢ CALIFORNIA.” 565 


Amazons, who brought from the “ Right hand of the Indies” her 
allies to the assistance of the infidels in their attacks on Constanti- 
nople. In this romance — which 
bore the name of ** Esplandian,” 
— the Emperor Esplandian, the 
imaginary son of the imaginary 
Amadis, appears as the Greek 
emperor, living in Constantino- 
ple. The imaginary Amazo- 
nian queen is Calafia, and to 
her imagined kingdom, blazing 
with gold and diamonds and 
pearls, the author had given the 
name ‘‘ California,” a name per- 
haps derived from the word 
Calif, which in the mind of the 
children of crusaders was con- 
nected with paynim lands. This 
romance, which would now be 
forgotten but for this name 
California, and from a single 
reference to it in Don Quixote, 
was a comparatively new novel in the days of Cortez, the first edition 
having been issued from the press only in the year 1510, and the sec- 
ond in 1519. Both Gryalva and Cortez were still deluded —__ 

by the universal impression of their time that they were on pare euies 
the coast of Asia or in its neighborhood ; and, having discov- a 
ered this region near the latitude of Constantinople ‘‘on the right 
hand of the Indies,” they were not unwilling to engage the interest 
of the romance-reading world by giving to their discovery the name 
of the gold and diamond bearing region of Amazons. 

This unknown country, which by this accident gave the name to 
the country which proved to be the richest gold-bearing region in the 
world, was thus described by the exuberant fancy of the romancer, 
twenty-five years before Grijalva discovered the peninsula of Califor- 
nia, and at least thirty years before the discovery of that part of the 
mainland which has yielded to the world its untold millions of gold. 

“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island 
called California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise, ! 
and it was peopled by black women without any man among them, 





Portrait of Cortez. 


1 In the cosmogony of that time it was supposed, as it had been supposed in Dante’s 
time, that the Terrestrial Paradise was opposite to Jerusalem. Compare Mr. Hale’s paper, 
Am. Ant. Soc. Transactions, April, 1872. 


566 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [CHap. XXII. 


for they lived in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and 
hardy bodies, of ardent courage, and great force. Their island was 
the strongest in all the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. 
Their arms were all of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts 
which they tamed and rode. For in the whole island! there was no 
metal but gold. They lived in caves wrought out of the rock with 
much labor. They had many ships with which they sailed out to 
other countries to obtain booty.” In another part of the romance it 
is said coolly that precious stones are to be found in California like 
stones of the field for their abundance. 

The imperious and impetuous Cortez was dissatisfied with the slow 
progress of Grijalva, and embarked himself, in hope of more 
success, with four hundred Spaniards and three hundred 
slaves in 1535. He had, before this, sent a small expedition north by 
land, of whose fate he never heard a word. He now coasted both 
sides of the Gulf of California, which was called the Gulf of Cortez, 
and for most of two centuries afterwards as the Red Sea.2 During 
his stay in the bay of Santa Cruz he learned the distressing news of 
the arrival of the Viceroy Mendoza. The appointment of this officer 
by the Emperor Charles left to the great conqueror no civil adminis- 
tration, and restricted him to his duties as military commander. So 
eager was he, however, for the further prosecution of discovery at the 
north, that he sent Francisco de Ulloa to continue it, and in the 
course of two years Ulloa traced the coasts of California nearly to the 
mouth of the Colorado River of the West. 

The very first exploration of the Gulf of California resulted in the 
discovery of pearls, and from that day to this the pearl fishery has 
been prosecuted there. In the excited notions of that day, it was 
taken for granted that a country which produced pearls would pro- 
duce gold and diamonds; and it can hardly be doubted that a re- 
flected glory from the romance of * Esplandian,” and the gorgeous 
description there of the imagined California, hung over the unex- 
plored parts of the namesake of that province. Spaniards are pro- 


Expedition 
of Cortez. 


verbially ready for building castles in the air; and, although the | 


voyages of Grijalva, of Cortez, and of Ulloa, brought back no diamonds, 
and no gold, yet they brought pearls enough to awaken popular 
interest and curiosity. As it happened, also, these reports gave birth 
to another romance hardly second in absurdity to the fables of Esplan- 
dian. Mendoza, the viceroy, was disgusted when he found that his 
rival Cortez still insisted on his right to send out explorers. -When 


1 Tt is possible that this reference to the island gives the reason why, in face of all ex: 
plorations, the geographers so long marked the peninsula of California as an island. 
2 So called by Marquette in his Narrative. 


ee 


— 


OO 


1540. | FATHER NICA AND CORONADO. 567 


Cortez sent out Ulloa, Mendoza borrowed money with which to send 
out Vasquez de Coronado in the same direction. Coronado sent in 
advance a Franciscan friar named Marco de Nica, who had 
with him a negro, one of the four men who had crossed the es de 
continent from the perilous expedition under Narvaez.! This ie: 
Father Marco showed a facility in narrative, which belongs only to 
the master of that ‘ le with a circumstance” which is said to be the 
most deceptive he of all. Returning to Coronado he announced the 
discovery of seven cities, whose number alone suggested the famous 
‘seven cities’ of the island of the old legend.2 To the capital of 
these Seven Cities the name Cibola, or Cevola, was given. He gave 
a description of the city of Cibola, as he finally arrived there after 
thirty days of travel from St. Michael in Culiacan.? ‘ 

According to his story, Stephen Dorantes — the negro, who had 
served as in some sort a guide, and whom he had sent before him — 
had been killed by the jealous inhabitants of this city. Nica himself, 
however, determined to see it with his own eyes; and thus came 
near enough for the mountain prospect which he describes. He then 
fled back with his story to St. Michael in Culiacan, “ with more fear 
than victuals,” as he says. j 

In sharp contrast with his tales of gold and silver and turquoises 
and diamonds, is the business-like report of Vasquez de gypeaition 
Coronado, who with a little army followed up the father’s *{7eprt 
traces. On the 22d of April, 1540, they left St. Michael, 4° 
and on the 23d of June, had arrived, by travelling in a northern 
and northeasterly direction, on the confines of a desert country of 
which Nica had warned them. Through the desert “is a most 
wicked way, at least thirty leagues and more because they are inac- 
cessible mountains.” After the thirty leagues, however, they found 
pleasant country, with rivers and grass, and, in a day more, they met 
Indians who at first seemed friendly. But a day or two more showed 
that the natives meant to defend their passes, but brought Coronado 
to a town, which he called Grenada, and which, however unlike the 
Cibola of Father Marco’s description, he was willing to accept for it. 

‘¢ To be brief,” he writes, “ I can assure your honour that the friar 
saith truth in nothing that he reported, but all was quite the con- 
trary.” Still the names of the cities proved to be correct, and al- 
though the houses were not wrought with turquoises nor lime nor 
brick, they proved to be “ very excellent good -houses” of three or 
four lofts high, with good lodgings and fair chambers and ladders 


1 See vol. i., p. 156. 
2 See vol. i., pp. 13, 35. Compare note xxiv. in Appendix to vol. iii., Irving’s Columbus. 
8 See vol. i., p. 192. 


568 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXII. 


instead of stairs. The seven cities were within four leagues of each 
other and all together made the kingdom of Cibola. 

Of turquoises, Coronado found none, though he thought some had 
been carried away in fear of his arrival; of emeralds he found two, 
which were lost on his way home; and of gold none. This was the 
sorry result of the monk’s story and of the expedition founded upon 
it. The natives wore cotton dresses, though Coronado thought the 
country too cold for cotton.t He said they ate the best cakes that he 






























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































A Pueblo restored (from Cozzens). 


ever saw, and had the best way of grinding. One woman of Cibola 
would grind four times as much meal as four Mexican women. ‘They 
brought their salt from a lake only one day’s journey from their city. 
But they had no knowledge of the Northern Sea, nor of the Western 
Sea, at which ignorance Coronado did not wonder, for he believed 
himself one hundred and fifty leagues from the Western Ocean. He 
describes what we must suppose to be buffaloes, as “* sheep as big as a 
horse, with very great horns and little tails, — with their horns so big 
that it is a wonder to behold their greatness.” 

Here ends Coronado’s own narrative, which deserves respect, and 
eredence. He would not return without doing something nor with 
empty hands, and as he was told that the country was better and 
better he went on. Cardenas with a company of cavalry continued 


1 It afterwards proved that these dresses were made from the thread of the maquey. 


1543.] CABRILLO. 569 


westward till he came to the sea. Coronado went to Tiguex and 
there had news of the long-sought Quivira. After sieges and battles 
and other adventures, he found a region which he accepted as worthy 
of that name. But in place of the hoary-headed Kine Tatatrax 
whom he was to find here, who was girt with a Bracamart and 
worshipped a cross of gold with the image of the Queen pate o¢ cor. 
of Heaven, Coronado found a naked savage, with a jewel of °° 
copper hanging from his neck, ‘* which was all his riches.” After 
two years of such misadventures, Coronado fell from his horse and 
went mad. The rest of his party, excepting one or two stragglers, 
returned to Mexico.! 

They represented Quivira as in the latitude of forty, with grass, 
plums, mulberries, nuts, melons, and grapes, but without cotton. 
The people dressed in ox-hides and deer-skins. They reported, 
Gomara says, that they had seen ships on the coast, with golden 
albatrosses or pelicans on their prows, the seamen of which made 
signs that their voyage had been thirty days. 

The narrative of Gomara is entitled to little historical regard, — that 
of Father Nica to none. But the manly letter of Coronado commands 
respect, and his narrative was unexpectedly confirmed nearly half a 
century after, by a new discovery which enables us to fix with some 
precision the site of Cibola and the “seven cities.’’ Coronado’s re- 
port displeased Mendoza, who had spent large sums in the expedition. 
But Coronado insisted that the country was poor and too far from suc- 
cor, and therefore no establishment was made there. An after narra- 
tive gives a more particular description of the buffalo, and alludes to 
the custom of the natives of burning the buffaloes’ dung. ‘These no- 
tices are alone sufficient, in a degree, to locate Quivira. But his tale of 
dogs, trained as beasts of burden, has not yet been confirmed by 
other writers. With the introduction of the horse, the Indians may 
have abandoned such use of those animals. Meanwhile, upon the coast, 
after various failures, a voyage was made in 1543, which resulted in 
the discovery of the sea-coast of that part of Califormia, yoyace of 
which is now so important a State. Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo ©?" 
sailed with two ships from the port de Navidad, on the 27th of June 
in that year. 

Touching near the point of the peninsula, he coasted it on its ocean 
side as far as the latitude of 44°. Here he found extreme cold in 
March of 1543-44, and returned. He gave names to different points, 
which have not been retained, with the exception of Cape Mendocino, 
which he named in honor of the Viceroy Mendoza, who had sent 
him. He described it as a large cape between mountains covered with 


1 Gomara, cited in Hakluyt, iii. p. 454. 


570 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIII. 


snow. This cape subsequently became the point best known upon 
that coast, because the Spanish fleets took their departure from it on 
their way to the East Indies, and it was made the object of the 
fleets eastward bound. Cabrillo placed it about the latitude of 40° 
north ; it les, in fact, a few minutes northward of that parallel. Like 
all other Spanish voyagers of that time, Cabrillo missed the remark- 
able Bay of San Francisco, the entrance to which is not easily 


discerned. Near its parallel he described some hills covered with trees, 


which he called the Point of San Martin. 

In the next year Juan Rodriguez repeated this voyage, by sail- 
ing as far as Cape Mendocino; but it was reserved for Sir Francis 
Drake, the great English seaman, to discover a seaport in Califorma. 
He spent some weeks on shore, and took possession in the name of 
Queen Elizabeth. He was engaged in his celebrated voyage round 


the world. With his little fleet, consisting of the Pelican of one hun- 


dred tons, the Hlizabeth and the 


had passed the Straits of Ma- 
gellan, and entered the Pacific 
Ocean on the 6th of Septem- 
ber, 1578. On the 30th, he lost 
sight of the Marigold in a gale, 
and never saw her again. On 
the 8th of October, the liza- 
beth deserted him; and he was 
left to pursue his voyage of ad- 
B venture and discovery in the 
. Pelican alone. He was for the 
rest of that year and the begin- 
oe g LH Ws ning of 1579 the terror of the 
Ze agg. ye Spanish ports in the South Seas. 

NE Having left the port of Gua- 


tuleo on the Mexican coast, on 





Sir Francis Drake. 


rectly to sea, and having first 
sailed west and afterwards north, he ran as far north as the parallel 
of 45°, or, according to other accounts, of 48° north latitude, — where 
they were all dismayed by exceeding cold. Six men could hardly do 
the work of three, so stiff was the rigging from ice, and this as late 
in the year as the month of June. On the 5th, they made land, and 
anchored in a bay much exposed to winds and flaws, and, ‘ when they 
ceased, there instantly followed thick stinking fogs, which nothing but 
the wind could remove.” If this land, the first seen by Drake on the 


Marigold each of eighty, Drake 


the 16th of April, he went di-. 


_—— 


» ——- ) 


——— 


1579. | DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA. oT1 


coast north of Mexico, were indeed under the parallel of 42°, as one 
account implies, it is the shore of Pelican Bay, witehy hag eee 
been rightly named from his ship, at the line which divides ©#iferi. 
Oregon from California. But, although the accounts are confused, 
Drake seems to have seen the coast as far north as 43° 30’ of north 
latitude, and indeed the claim was made that he saw it at 48°. This 
latitude corresponds best of all with the accounts of the severe cold. 
But Robert Dudley, a son of the Karl of Leicester, himself an explorer, 
and well acquainted with the survivors of these voyages, says: ‘t The 
reason why Drake sought and found the port of New Albion, was 
that having passed beyond Cape Mendocino in latitude forty-two and 
a half, in seeking for water as far as forty-three and a half, he found 
the coast so cold in the month of June that his people could not bear 
it.’? Dudley gives the same latitudes to Drake’s discoveries on his 
map, and it seems probable that the parallel of 45° 30! Se ae 
marks the northern limit of Drake’s discovery. Discouraged of New al- 
by the cold, Drake ran down the shore toward the south- ie 
east, and on the 17th of June, ‘it pleased God to send us into a fair 
and good bay with good wind to enter the same.” In this bay, which 
he called the Port 
of New Albion, he 
lay for more than 
a month, having wh 
landed his men, 
while he refitted 
his vessel, and built 
a! little fort on 
shore. | 
The next morn- | 
ing after their ar- : 
rival an Indian ap- From Arcano det Mare. 2 
peared in a canoe ET lal Sea 
making tokens of 
respect and submission. He brought with him a little basket of 
rushes filled with an herb called tabak, which he threw into Drake’s 
boat. Drake tried to recompense him, but in vain, — he took noth- 
ing but a hat thrown into the water. Then and afterwards, the ship’s 
company of the Pelican thought that these natives reverenced them 
as gods. Drake proceeded to land his stores, by way of preparation 
for repairing his ship. As he landed, a large company of the Indians 






w7e 



































Drake’s Port of New Albion. 


1 Humboldt evidently thought so. See Humboldt’s New Spain, it. 337, et seq. 
2 Early maps, and a note on Robert Dudley in The Proceedings of the Am. Antiy. Soe. 
ewe. 1a io. 


572 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap, XXIII. 


approached, and, to the end of his sojourn, the most friendly relations 
were maintained between them and the Englishmen. Drake exerted 
himself, probably not without success, to remove the impression that 
he and his were gods. But he took the precaution of fortifying his 
camp with care against too eager advances. 

On the 26th of June, the news of the arrival of the strangers hay- 
ing been widely dispersed, a greater number of people as- 


An embassy 


from the In- Sembled, among them the king himself, a man of goodly 
stature, with many other tall and warlike men, and a guard 
of a hundred strong. He sent two messengers in advance, to say that 


— = = the Hioh, or king, was 


dians. 











coming. One of the am- 
bassadors spoke in a very 
low tone, and the other 
























































































































































SS 











Sa 





Titre 


We 








Drake and the Indian King. 


repeated the message verbatim, very loud, in a ceremony which lasted 
half an hour. They then asked for a present in token of friendship, 
which Drake gladly gave. On their return to the king he and his 
train appeared in pomp. In front of him marched a tall man with 
the sceptre or mace of black wood, a yard and a half long. Upon it 
hung two crowns, one larger than the other, with three long chains of 
bone. Such chains were regarded as marks of honor, the links in each 
were almost innumerable. The king was clothed in a dress of rabbit 
skins, — this being a distinction which the others might not claim. 
The guard were dressed in other skins. The great body of the people 





1579. | DRAKE’S RECEPTION BY THE INDIANS. 573 


were almost naked. Those about the king’s person wore feathers as 
a sign of honor, and had ‘ cawls of feathers’ covered with a down 
growing on an herb, exceeding any other down for fineness, and only 
to be used by those around the king. The common people were almost 
naked, but their hair, also, was tied with feathers, arranged in a 
different way.! 

Drake received them cordially but with precaution. The sceptre- 
bearer and another 
officer then spoke for 
half an hour, one re- 
peating very loudly 
what the other said 
in low tones. ‘This 
ceremony was fol- 
lowed by a dance, 
in which the women 
joined. After this 
they asked Drake to 
sit down, and the 
king and others were 
then understood by 
the Englishmen to 


ask him ‘*to become é es : 
the king and gover- California Indians and their Summer Huts. (From Bartlett.) 








nor of their country,” to whom they were most willing to resign 
the government of themselves and their posterity; and more fully 
to declare their meaning, the king, singing with all the rest, set the 
crown upon Drake’s head, and enriched his neck with all their chains. 
They saluted him by the title of Hvoh, and in a song and dance con- 
gratulated themselves that now he was their king and patron they 
were the happiest people in the world. | 
Drake having half a continent offered him in this manner, thought 
best to accept it, not for himself, but for his queen. ‘In 
: Drake made 
the name and for the use of Queen Elizabeth, he took the king py the 
: . FA Fei pees savages. 
Sceptre, Crown and Dignity of that Land upon him, wishing 
that the riches and Treasures thereof, wherein the upper parts abound, 
might be as easily transported to England as he had obtained the 
sovereignty thereof.”” When the ceremony was finished, the common 
1 La Perouse and Langsdorff observed their fondness for feathers, as late as the end of 
the eighteenth century. ‘The feathers are twisted together into a sort of ropes, and then 
these are tied close together, so as to have a feathery surface on both sides.” Langsdorff 
counted in one feather bandeau four hundred and fifty tail-feathers of the golden-winged 


woodpecker. Each woodpecker furnishes but two feathers. — See Forbes’s California, 
p. 183. 


574 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIII. 


people eagerly offered sacrifices to the strangers with shrieks and 
weeping, tearing the flesh from their faces with their nails. The 
English vainly attempted to dissuade them, by lifting their hands and 
eyes to heaven. During their stay the people generally brought sac- 
rifices every third day, till they at last understood how much the 
English were displeased by them. 
As soon as the English had finished the repairs upon their ship, 
. Drake and some of his company made a journey into the in- 
ints thats terior. He found the Indians living in villages. The houses 
aay were made by digging round holes in the earth, covered by 
poles of wood, which met in the centre “ like a spired steeple,” the 
whole being covered 
with earth. The door 
‘*made slopous lke 
the scuttle of a ship ” 
was also the chim- 
ney. The people 
slept in these houses 
on rushes on the 
ground, around a fire 
in the middle. The 
country was very dif- 
ferent from the bar- 
ren sea-shore. It was 
fruitful, and  fur- 
nished with all nec- 
essaries. The ad- 
venturers saw thou- 
sands of deer in a 
herd, and were much 
nee ested by the ground 
squirr el, which they describe 
as a peculiar “‘coney.”’ The 
whole country was'a warren 
= of them. ‘Their bodies were 
as big as the Barbary coneys, 
their heads as the heads of the 
English, the feet like the feet 
of a want, and the tail long 
like that of a rat. The coney had on each side of the chin a bag 
into which to gather such food as he did not need to eat. 
Returning to his port, Drake took possession of the country in the 







































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Drake’s Departure. 


1 Captain Beechey found similar houses as late as 1827. 


a 


1579. ] LOCALITY OF DRAKE’S DISCOVERIES. 5T5 


name of Queen Elizabeth. He erected a monument which was, like 
so many other monuments of possession, only a wooden post with a 
copper plate upon it. On this plate he inscribed, he asserted the right 
of Queen Elizabeth and her successors to that kingdom, with the 
time of his own arrival, and a statement of the free resignation of the 
country by the king and people into her hands. Her picture and 
arms, and Drake’s arms, were also engraved on this remarkable plate, 
which must have done credit to the amateur engraver from the crew 
of the Pelican. 

After this ceremony of possession, the ship sailed for the Moluc- 
cas, to the great grief of the native king and his followers, proxes ae. 
who lighted fires on the cliffs as if to cheer them on their P""* 
way. 

It is a curious question, not yet decided by geographers, what was the 
bay where Sir Francis Drake repaired his ship, and on the . 
shore of which he encamped and took possession. ‘The va- Dane 
rious accounts differ about the highest north latitude attained ee 
by Drake, but when driven back by cold weather he came south, they 
agree “it was within thirty-eight degrees toward the line.” “In 
which height it: pleased God to send us into a fair and good bay with 
good wind to enter the same.” Was this bay the Bay of San Fran- 
cisco, of which the opening, by the Golden Gate, is in 387° 49’ N. 
latitude, or is it the open bay just above this, marked on the maps 
as. Sir Francis Drake’s Bay, or is it Bodega Bay, where the latitude of 
the anchorage is 38° 19’?! Within so narrow a range it would be 
idle to infer anything from Drake’s general statement that the good 
bay which God led him into was in 38°. Either of them is near 
enough to meet that definition. 

The maps annexed will enable the reader to understand this diffi- 
culty. The more modern one represents the coast substantially as it 
has been drawn by the accurate hydrographers of our own time. The 
other was drawn early in the seventeenth century by Robert Dudley, 
son of the great Earl of Leicester, himself a navigator and the son-in- 
law of Cavendish, one of the explorers of the South Seas. Drake’s 
port of New Albion will be found on this, so drawn as to represent 
sufficiently well the double bay of San Francisco. If this were the 
only authority it would probably be granted that Drake’s port was 
San Francisco Bay. But it is quite certain that the Spaniards, who 
eagerly tried to rediscover the port, with this map in their possession, 
did not succeed until near two hundred years after. Long before 
they did discover it, they were seeking for it, calling it the Bay of 
San Francisco— that name probably having been taken from no less a 


1 These latitudes are those of Captain Beechey’s survey. 


576 SPANISH COLONIZATION. [CHap. XXIII. 


saint than the heretic, Sir Francis Drake. In 1769, a land party dis- 
covered the great bay which runs south from the entrance, now called 
the Golden Gate. Butit was not until 
1776 that this inland sea was connected 
by the Spaniards with the ocean. 

It is urged on the one side, that Sir 


¢ / 4 
4. 
i 
&. Navdecne Francis Drake would never have called 
** Jack’s Bay,” which is the Sir Fran- 
J 4o4\ cis Drake’s bay of the maps, ‘a fair 
oS 3g N- 





as EE 15S EF 236 £ 
from| Ferro 


and good bay,” nor thanked God as 
for a special providence for the wind 
which took him into that open road- 
stead, which under the circumstances, 
he could hardly have kept out of. If 
indeed, he did land, and unload his ship 
there, repair her, and take in his cargo 
again, lying for five weeks there, he is 
the last shipmaster who has done so. 
Having done so, that he should have 
drawn the bottle-shaped bay, which 
appears on the charts of his time, seems 
impossible. For such reasons, high 
authority | concedes that he entered 
the Golden Gate and the Bay of San 
Francisco, now known by that name. 
On the other hand, it is urged that 
the physical distinctions of the Golden Gate and the present San 
Francisco Bay are so marked that Drake or his historian 
must have said more of them: that ‘fair and good bay,” 
is not language as strong as should be used of that matchless harbor, 
and that once discovered, it could never be forgotten. The weight 
of Californian opinion at this time seems to be that Sir Francis 
Drake never entered the Golden Gate. In one of the early narra- 
tives of his voyage, in Hondius’s voyages, the annexed map of the 
bay, unfortunately with no scale, is given in the margin. It bears 
this inscription in very bad Latin: “The inhabitants by terrible 
frequent laceration of their bodies deprecate the departure of Drake, 
now twice crowned, from this harbour of Albion.” But it is clear 
enough, from an examination of the copy of a small part of the Bay 





Map of a Part of the California Coast. 


Opinions of 
geographers. 


of San Francisco, from Captain Beechey’s survey, that the draughts- 


man of Hondius’s? map, had no knowledge of that great estuary. 


1 So Davidson in the Coast Pilot, and Mr. Greenhow. 
9 rn} 0 . . 
* For the copy of Hondius’s very rare map, we are indebted to Mr. Charles Deane. 





1579. | LOCALITY OF DRAKE’S DISCOVERIES. 57? 


It is equally sure, however, that his map represents no other bay on 
the coast, and that it must, therefore, be taken as merely imaginary. 

Dudley also says that : ee 
Drake found many wild | = -VOe- -. Noo GO) ARE LT | 
horses at the northward, sti 
—at which he wondered, 
because the Spaniards had 
never found horses in 













POS 


ortu 


4mm 


& 





America. It 1s customary If pa) Ae eer tay ne 
to account for the immense vlonns cet a £4) ee 
herds of American horses iS ak 7 dale Da en ago 
on the assumption that the ee ee oa) We am 
Spaniards introduced BAS ie 














- 5 4 So 
ea} See ei = = Ss, Sy - _= ae es 

them. Drake’s visit, how- |==—= SF OS 
Feda corpocum | acepatione (Serebrss in non tibus faerificys ha jus 
ever, to Port New Albion WoveAibonisportusti coleDraei fam bis coronati, dévefsiim deprecent 
was but thirty-eight years 


after Coronado’s visit to 

Cibola, — which, as we now know, was at least five hundred miles 
away. It is difficult to believe that a few stray horses from Coro- 
nado’s troop, should, in so few years, have multiplied into large herds 
observed by Drake on the distant seaboard of Oregon. Coronado had 
but few horses, would have had fewer brood mares, and would have 
been apt to mention any loss of a large number of auxiliaries so 
essential. 


Hondius’s Map of Drake's Bay. 

















































































































Spanish Coat of Arms on the St. Augustin2 Fort. 


VOU. If Bi & 


CHAPTER XXIV. 
SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. 


Fatuer AvuGustTiIn Ruyz. — Rio pEL Norte. — CunAaMEs. — AcOMA. — ZUNI OR CI- 


BOLA.—JUAN DE ONateE.— EL Paso. —“ Ex Moro.” — Iyscriprions. — VISCAINO. 
—Eusesio Francisco Kino. — SALVATIERRA. — ARIZONA. — PaBLO QUIHUE. — 


FaTtHeR AUGUSTIN DE CAMPOS. — EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.— LA SALLE. — 
De Leon. — St. Denis. — Don MartTIN D’ALARCORNE. — TEXAS. 


Two years after Drake’s departure a land expedition on the other 
side of the Sierra brought the lost cities of. Cibola to hght again. 

In the year 1581, the Franciscan Father, Augustin Ruyz, inter- 
Expedition @Sted by the report of some Conchos Indians, undertook an 
of Ruyz- expedition northward, which resulted in the re-discovery of 
Quivira and some certainty as to the location of the Cibola of Coro- 
nado. Eager to save souls, Ruyz obtained leave to travel thither, and 
started with two brethren of his order, and eight soldiers. Leaving 
the mines of Santa Barbara in Northern Mexico, in the southern part 
of the present province of Chihuahua, four hundred and fifty miles 
from the capital, they began their journey northward ; but one of 
the friars having been killed by Indians, the soldiers deserted the 
others, and left them to go forward alone. When at Santa Barbara 
the soldiers reported the plight in which they had left these holy 
men, a spirited gentleman of St. Bartholomew, a station in the neigh- 
borhood, named Antonio de Espejo, raised a company for their relief, 
Journey of @nd started, in November, 1582, with a caravan of one hun- 
ca dred and fifteen horses and mules and some Indian guides. 
They travelled northward through various tribes, and soon struck the 
Conchos River, which flows into the Rio del Norte. Here they found 
natives who seemed to have some knowledge of the symbols of Chris- 
tian faith, and when asked how they obtained it, they said that three 
Christians and a negro had passed that way, and had instructed them. 

The Spaniards believed these missionaries to have been Cabeca de 
Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, with their negro whose es- 
cape from the wreck of Narvaez’s party has been described.! Con- 

L-Vol:t., pu 56, 





1582.] ESPEJO IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIO DEL NORTE. 579 


tinuing northward, the explorers met men, willing to trade with them, 
who wore cotton garments, made of stuffs striped with white and 
blue! They could only converse with them by signs. But they saw 
among them the precious metals; they learned that these were ob- 
tained from a place at five days’ journey westward. After travelling 
together for some days,— probably along the foot of the Organ 
Mountains — they found a Concho Indian whose language they could 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The Organ Mountains, near El Paso. 


in part understand. He told them that fifteen days westward there 
was a large lake, and that, after passing this, they would come to 
large towns with houses of three or four stories high, whose inhab- 
itants were well clothed. He even offered to conduct them thither. 
The adventurers were not able to follow his directions, because they 
were still pressing to the north in pursuit of the two priests whom 
they hoped to succor. 

Travelling up the valley of the Rio del Norte they passed for fifteen 
days together a forest of pines, ‘such as men see in Cas- |, | een 
tile,” without meeting any inhabitants. Eighty leagues far- of the Rio 
ther they came to a little village, whose inhabitants surprised 
them by the skill with which they tanned their leather, which was 
of as fine quality as that of Flanders. After two days’ stay with 
them, still following the river, of which they found both banks coy- 


1 The impression of later travellers is that this cloth was that made from the maguey 
fibre. 


580 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


ered with poplars, varied sometimes by nut trees and vines, a journey 
of two days brought them to villages containing ten thousand persons, 
where they were well received. ‘The houses were well built, four 
stories high, with good chambers, most of them having fire-places 
for winter. The people were well dressed in cotton and leather, with 
good shoes and boots, such as the Spaniards had not seen among the 
natives before. To this country they gave the name of New Mexico. 

After remaining with them for four days the travellers went on to 
another tribe called the Tiguas, of sixteen towns. Here it 
was that the missionary had been killed, and here in a town 
named Poala, they obtained news of the murder of the two other 
fathers whom they were seeking, Lopez and Ruyz. ‘The Indians see- 
ing the interest taken in these men by so large a company, fled from 
their houses and could not be persuaded to return. Espejo deter- 
mined to establish a camp here, and with only twelve companions to 
prosecute the further discovery. In two days more he came to a 
country of eleven towns, of which the natives said the population was 
more than forty thousand. Espejo believed that this country was 
next to the famous Cibola. He was cordially received and found the 
appearance of rich mines, and observed that, in the houses where the 
idols were, there were pieces of silver. After this expedition he re- 
turned to his camp. Here he obtained news of the province of the 
(Juires, six leagues from the Del Norte. He visited them, 
and found five towns, with a population of fifteen thousand 
people. The Spaniards were pleased to find a pye in a cage, ‘as 
you may see in Castile,” and umbrellas, like those of China, on which 
were painted sun, moon, and stars. At this point Espejo fixed his 
latitude and found it 874° north. If this observation were correct, he 
was in the limits of the present State of Colorado; but this must have 
been an error of more than two degrees. 

Fourteen leagues further he found the Cunames, who had five 
theca. OWNS, with a population of twenty thousand people. Their 
ce houses were built of stone and lime and were the best he 
the town of had seen. They also had the precious metals. Next to 

them were the Amejes, thirty thousand in number; fifteen 
leagues westward, the travellers found the town of Acoma, inhabited 
by six thousand people. This town is still in existence, probably with 
the same race of inhabitants. It was on a high cliff, which has more 
than fifty platforms in height, and could only be ascended by steps 
cut out of the rock itself. At this the Spaniards greatly wondered. 
All the water was in cisterns. The people met the Spaniards cor- 
dially and brought them presents of clothes. Their arable land was 
two leagues away and was watered by artificial means from a little 


The Tiguas. 


The Quires. 





Ce ee — - . 


1582.] ESPEJO’S EXPLORATIONS. o8l 


river in the neighborhood. Here the Spaniards spent three days, and 
were entertained by a solemn ball. 

This curious spot is perfectly known. Similar cave dwellings in 
other regions have been identified, described, and pictured by the 
recent surveying parties of the United States government. The de- 
scription of Acoma is so distinct that it is clear that at some point 
Espejo must have left a little while before what we call the Del 
Norte, and come on the waters of the Puerco River.! 

Twenty-four leagues further west, Espejo and his men came to the 
province known as Zuni by the natives, and Cibola by the i fe 
Spaniards, which Coronado had entered half a century before reaches Ci- 
from the Gulf of California. They found the crosses planted =~ 
by him and other tokens of his presence, among others three baptized 
















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































KN 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Acoma. 


Indians, who served them as interpreters. These men apprised them 
of a great lake sixty days further on, where were great cities with 
much gold. The province of Zuni still retains its name. The Zuni 


1 Judge Cozzens thus describes Acoma in 1860: “It stands upon the top of a rock at 
least three hundred and fifty feet above the surrounding plain. The Pueblo can only be 
reached by means of a staircase containing three hundred and seventy-five steps, cut in the 
solid rock. At the upper end of this is a ladder eighteen feet long, made from the trunk 
of a tree, in which notches have been cut for the feet.” — The Marvellous Country, p. 287. 

A narrative by Mr. Holmes of similar residences now in ruins, further west, describes 
such edifices where Spanish civilization has not followed on that of the natives. The rem- 
nant of the cave dwellings may still be traced. The openings are arched irregularly 
above, in a soft and friable shale, a hard stratum serving asa floor. In many instances, 
this gave a platform by which the inhabitants passed from one house to another. Frag- 
ments of mortar still show that the houses were plastered. They probably had doors and 
windows. 

A drawing by Mr. W. H. Holmes, who visited a series on the San Juan, in 1875, shows 
their appearance at that time. In another drawing, Mr. Holmes gives his impression of 
their appearance when occupied, as Espejo may have seen them. 


582 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuapr. XXIV. 


people still live there, and maintain at their altars the worship of the 
days of Espejo. 

Espejo was disposed to go still farther on his adventures. But, 
finding the religious men and most of the party unwilling, he went on 
with nine soldiers only. After travelling twenty-eight leagues, they 
came to the city Zaguato. After some suspicion, they were hospita- 
bly welcomed. Espejo, after a few days’ stay, went with five compan- 
ions forty-five leagues farther. Here he found the mines of which he 















































Map of California, Arizona, and New Mexico. 


had been told. With his own hand he took ores which contained a 
great quantity of silver, of which he could see that the vein was 
very large. ‘The Indians of the neighborhood received him kindly. 
They told him that on the other side of their mountains was a river 
eight leagues wide. ‘They showed by signs that it flowed to the 
Northern Ocean, and on its banks the towns were so large and so 
many that their own were nothing but hamlets in comparison. With 
this intelligence Espejo returned to Zuni, or Cibola. Unfortunately 
the account does not tell in what direction Espejo travelled from the 
site of the Zuni. Their pueblos are placed by the surveyors of the 
United States government about latitude 35° north, and longitude 


1595.] OCCUPATION OF NEW MEXICO. 083 


109° west.! The city of Zaguato, twenty-eight leagues distant, is 
not easily identified. The interesting tribe of Moquis are now at 
about that distance to the northwest of the Zuni. 

When Espejo rejoined his party the greater part of his people deter- 
mined to return to Santa Barbara. But he himself, with 
eight soldiers, undertook the further exploration of the River eater 
del Norte. Having returned to the Quires, he found, twelve a 
leagues west of them, the Hubates, twenty-five thousand in number, 
who received him kindly. Their houses also were four or five stories 
high, and their hills covered with pine and cedar. Next to this tribe 
were the Tamos, who were not friendly; and Espejo, rather than 
risk a conflict with them, returned home by another valley, of a river 
which he called the River of Cows, so many did he find there. This 
stream brought him to the Conchos River, by which he returned to 
the valley of St. Bartholomew, whence he had departed. He found 
that the other part of his party had preceded him. The expedition 
had lasted nearly two years.” 

The interest excited in Spain by these discoveries must have been 
very great, although with the policy which then prevailed | 
at Madrid, no official publication was made of them. It these discov. 
seems to be by accident that the narrative of Espejo was eee 
printed in connection with the history of China, from which 
the vigilance of Hakluyt at once reproduced it for English readers. 
Orders were given from Madrid that New Mexico should be occupied, 
and as early as 1594 we have the thanks of the king to the company 
of Jesuits for their success in planting missions there. In that year it 
was attached to the ecclesiastical charge of Father Martin Pelez of 
Cinaloa, the most northerly station till then held, and on the other 
side of the Sierra... In 1595, the Viceroy of Mexico, the Count of 
Monterey, sent Juan de Ofiate into New Mexico, and under his di- 
rections colonies were planted in the valley of the Rio Grande. One 
of Onate’s settlements was near Santa Fé, which may probably, there- 
fore, claim to be settled before Jamestown, and to be, after St. Au- 
gustine, the oldest town built by whites in the United States. Acoma 
is an older town. ‘The original settlement by Ojiate was made with 

1 Tt isin section 77 of the Haydn Survey. 

2 This narrative is preserved by Gonzales de Mendoza, the author of the “History of 
China” and the “Itinerary to the New-World.” It is perhaps embellished by exaggera- 
tions. But it carries with it,—in many of the local descriptions which were not verified 
for nearly three centuries by other narrators, — evidence that Espejo went over the ground 
which he described. He may be considered, therefore, as the discoverer of New Mexico, 
and the valley of the Gila, above the points where it had been explored by Coronado, It 
is probable that in the word Tiguas we have the origin of the name Texas, which next 


appears in the form Latekas, used by La Harpe. 
3 ‘Allegre, Hist. Jesuits, vol. i., p. 325. Mexican edition of 1842. 


584 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


one hundred soldiers and five hundred settlers, and it is not proba- 
ble that the establishments in New Mexico largely exceeded these 
numbers for a century. A bloody massacre by the Indians in 1640 is 
alluded to by the Jesuit historians, and in 1680, by a successful union 
of the pueblos, they drove all the Spaniards from the upper river and 
compelled them to take refuge in El Paso. Successive expeditions 
against the Indians from that point proved unsuccessful till 1692, 
wlio Diego de Bargas regained possession of the valley for the 
Spanish garrisons.! ‘The town of El Paso, on the Mexican side of 
the frontier of the United States, where the western boundary de- 
termined by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo begins, was _proba- 
bly founded by Ojiate. 

| a Ly ar‘. The Piro Indians had 

\ ~, ' 

a village called Sinecu, 
which still exists with- 
in the precincts of the 
town. From the mis- 
sionary establishment 
there, it is probable 
that the town of El 
Paso sprung. The 
sions of Moorish archi- 
tecture may be still 
noticed in the public 
buildings of El Paso, 
as in other mission 
buildings of Mexican 
or Spanish origin in that region; and the venerable church itself is 
supposed by the worshippers to have been built in the earlier part of 
the seventeenth century. 

From this time, with various reverses, the valley of the Rio Grande 
Inscription WaS held by Spanish priests and officials, with some set- 
i tlers. Inscription Rock, a remarkable rock on the west 
side of the Sierra Madre, not far from the pueblo of Acoma, records, 
not insufficiently, the history of this outlying province, in the auto- 
graphs, or autoglyphs, of the men who belonged to the time. For 
two hundred and ten feet of its height this rock has a natural pol- 
ish. At a distance it perfectly resembles a Moorish castle, so that 
the Spaniards called it “ El Moro.’ Indians and Spaniards have 
used it as a monument rock; and when Lieut. Simpson saw it in 






} porac Rabe oe on 
P Cjebofar era 
a (ibalibes 




































iS 


ie iy 


{{! Hit Ae Ut \ 










Inscription Rock. 


1 The dates given by Pike, Allegre, and Venegas are confused, but those in the text 
are furnished for Lieutenant Simpson by Don Donaciano Vigil, Secretary of State for 
New Mexico, and may probably be relied upon. 


= ———-,—( te 


1603. ] THE SEARCH FOR “PUERTO FRANCISCO.”’ 585 


1849, he found a large number of inscriptions still visible. Some 
were mere savage carvings of hands or animals, but many were in 
Spanish or a sort of Latin." 

On the western coast, the news of Drake’s discovery stimulated the 
court of Spain to make some new efforts to save the land, ction of 


whose natives had given it to the heretic queen. Under the SP}, 


king’s own orders Viscaino, an officer of ability, was again Yiiterne. 
despatched on the survey of the coasts of California. After Y°*s* 
one voyage on the gulf, which resulted in disaster, he sailed from 
Acapulco for a second on the 5th of May, 1602, and went as far as 
the parallel of 42° north. He rediscovered the harbors of San Diego 
and Monterey, and gave to them those names. He reported that the 
natives on the coast were docile, clothed with the skins of sea-wolves, 
— but with abundance of hemp, flax, and cotton. The Indians all 
told him, he said, that in the inland were large towns, silver, and gold. 
Viscaino’s manuscripts have not been brought to light. His second 
voyage was not finished until 1603. It appears that his instructions 
were to put into “ Puerto Francisco,” and see if anything was to be 
found of the ship San Augustin, which in 1595, had been sent from 
the Philippine Islands to survey that coast, and had been lost there. 


1 With praiseworthy accuracy Lieutenant Simpson copied these curious records, and in 
his Report fac-similes of them were published. There are thirty-eight inscriptions in his 
list, ranging from the 16th day of April, 1606, when some officer “ passed this place with 
despatches,” down to 1836. It seems to have become a custom with the Spanish officers 
to leave here a brief account of their mission. As the other records of New Mexico before 
1680 were burned by the Indians in that year, the earlier of these inscriptions supply 
names and dates not elsewhere accessible. The character of them may be understood from 
such examples as these: 

“ Passed this place with despatches — 16th day of April, 1606.” 

“J. Apaulla, 1619.” 

“Bartolome Narsso, Governor and Captain General of the provinces of New Mexico, for 
our Lord, the King, passed by this place on his return from the pueblo of Zufi, on the 29th 
of July, of the year 1620, and put them in peace at their petition, asking the favor to 
become subjects of His Majesty ; and anew they gave obedience. All which they did with 
free consent, knowing it prudent, as well as very Christian. 

“To so distinguished and gallant a soldier, indomitable and famed, we love. 
(The rest of this inscription is illegible.) 

‘“‘Here passed General Don Diego de Bargas to conquer Santa Fé for the royal crown, 
New Mexico, at his own cost, in the year 1692.” 

Judge Cozzens, in 1860, found and copied an earlier inscription: ‘Don Joseph de Ba- 
zemzalles. 1526.” Judge Cozzens rightly says, that such an inscription could only be 
truly carved by one of the lost officers whom Cortez sent north in a quest for the lands of 
silver. Of that band of twenty men there is no history since they left Cortez, excepting 
on this silent stone. 


” 


But, among Lieutenant Simpson’s inscriptions, there appears, perfectly distinct, on 
another part of the rock, “ Por aqui pazo el Alferez D" Joseph de Payba Basconzclos el 
ano que tugo el Canildo del Reyno a su costa a 18 de feb® de 1726 Anos.”’ Tugo is some 
misspelling of the stone-cutter,— but the meaning is that this officer, whose rank was 
that of lieutenant, passed here in an expedition undertaken at cost of the council of the 
kingdom. 


586 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


She was under the direction of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermenon. 
Her pilot, Volanos, was chief pilot of Viscaino’s squadron. Having 
passed the latitude of Port Francisco, they returned to look for it, 
and anchored under La Punta de los Reys. This is the westerly 
point of “Jack's Bay.” They did not land, and Visecaino having 
parted from his tender, continued his voyage in search of her. He 
thus lost his opportunity of discovering the great Bay of San Fran- 
cisco. He ran up the coast, as far north as 42°, and then, because his 
whole company were sick with a terrible distemper, they returned to 
Acapulco. The tender persevered as far as 43°. Here her com- 






















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Acapulco. 


mander found a river whose banks were covered with ash trees, wil- 
lows, and other Spanish trees. But he had passed farther than his 
orders directed, and he returned to Acapulco also. No such river 
exists in that latitude. The Columbia is as far north as 48°. 

Philip HI., of Spain, or some minister of his, on the reception of 
oracrof this report, issued a very interesting order, of the greatest 
Philip HT. stringency, that the search for a harbor should be renewed, 


and that Monterey should be occupied. But the fatality of inaction, 


which governed both Mexico and Spain, prevailed. Viscaino died as 
he was preparing for the expedition ordered, and the occupation of 
Northern California was reserved to another century. Men, widely 
differing from those who discovered California, acting under another 
class of motives, undertook the colonization which for a century and 
a half had been neglected, since it proved that she had no cities of 
gold and turquoises. The Spanish court, meanwhile, had changed as 





EE EE ee eee 


1670. ] MISSIONS IN CALIFORNIA AND ARIZONA. O87 


much as the adventurers in Mexico had changed; and the appeals to 
Charles the Second of Spain rested on different motives from those 
which had swayed the Emperor Charles, who from his distant throne 
lifted Cortez or put him down at his will. 

After one and another inefficient scheme for the conquest, as it was 
called, of California, a royal order came from Mexico to Spain that 
all enterprises in that direction should be laid aside. At this mo- 
ment the Jesuit body, hardly yet declining from the maturity of its 
power, was urged by the persons 
in command in Mexico to take 
the charge of California. The 
Viceroy offered to the Jesuits the 
necessary sums, to be paid out of 
the king’s treasury, if they would 
undertake the enterprise. ‘The 
Mexican chapter of the society 
was convened for the considera- 
tion of the proposal, and answered 
that while the society would un- 
dertake the spiritual duty of fur- 
nishing missionaries, they saw 
great inconveniences in undertak- 
ing the temporal charge of such an - Wi 
enterprise, and declined. Thegen- A DE 
eral council urged it again, but ~ SS 
again the society refused. ‘The 
last of these refusals was in 1686. 

Eusebio Francisco Kino, a brother of the Jesuit Society, who had 
come from Ingoldstadt in Bavaria, in pursuance of a vow made ante SN) 
when seemingly at the point of death, undertook, almost sin- in Califor- 
gle-handed, the regeneration of the peninsula of California. ” 

To his efforts, as it proved, the first settlement was due of those parts 
of California and Arizona which now belong to the United States. It 
is said that as early as 1658 he had been connected with the explora- 
tions of Arizona.t He had afterwards been engaged in the examina- 
tions of the peninsula of California made by order of the government. 
In 1686 he left the city of Mexico, as superior of the province of So- 
nora, the Mexican province immediately south of Arizona.’ In 1670, 
with other priests, he set out on a mission on the Gila. In 1672, he 
began a mission among the Yaquis. Before 1679 he and his compan- 
ions had established five missions among Yaquis, Opotes, and Papa- 








ints N 
ZIM) N 


LES KS/ AX | 
y Cady jp 
WW 












> 









A\ 
iN 

ANN 

WY 


Portrait of Philip Ill. of Spain. 


1 Cozzens’s Wonderful Land (Arizona), p. 32. Mr. Cozzens refers to MSS. in the mon- 
astery of Dolores. Kino accompanied Admiral Otondo as early as 1648. 


588 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


goes.t On the left bank of the Gila, he established Encarnacion and 
San Andres. In San Andres he describes one of the ‘*great houses,” 
four stories in height, which recall the memories of Cibola. His 
wishes for California were not accomplished until 1697, when Father 
Salvatierra was appointed to make collections for a mission in Lower 
California, and at length sailed from Hiagui in that service on the 
10th of October. 

The sedulous efforts by which he and his companions attempted to 
he Cali uigenand Christianize the savages of that peninsula, do 
nian Mis- not belong to this narrative. But as a consequence of these 
isi plans, a series of missionary efforts grew up, which resulted 
in the first civilization of the State known as California of the A meri- 
can Union, the limits of which correspond nearly with those of the 
province of Upper California, as it is described in the narratives of 
Mexico. The friendly relations of Father Kino in Sonora on the 
eastern side of the Gulf of California, with Father Salvatierra on 
the west side, led constantly to mutual offices of kindness and help; 
and the history of the two regions is substantially one history of two 
provinces, administered in the same spirit and under the same gen- 
eral system. In one expedition of Salvatierra, he passed to the head 
of the gulf, and satisfied himself that California was indeed a pen- 
insula. ‘ This discovery,” he says, ‘“* we owe to the holy virgin of 
Loreto ;”’ and he adds, “ these are the steps by which within a few 
years California may come to be the soul of this kingdom, the main 
source of its opulence, the scene of cheerful industry ; and accord- 
ingly I conclude that you will charge all persons that they continue 
to assist us in these missions of Nuestra Senora de Loreto de Cali- 
fornias.””? There was only this external distinction between the 
missions of California and those of Sonora: that in California a hand- 
ful of soldiers was in each mission placed under the direction of 
the Fathers. In Sonora, the garrisons, if garrisons there were, were 
directed immediately by the viceroy. But scarcely any difference in 
result seems to have arisen from this distinction. It must be under- 
stood that the word Sonora, in the history of that country at that 
time, includes what is known to our geographers as Arizona. 

Having selected a point for a mission, the fathers began immediately 
to invite and induce the Indians to attend the daily religious services. 
As soon as they themselves acquired the language of the country, 
they taught the natives the catechism in that language. By way of 
rewarding those who attended on the services, the fathers served out 
rations to them, and attempted in the same way to wean all the 


1 Noticias E'stadicas del Estado de Sonora, by Jose Francisco Velasco. Mexico, 1850. 
2 Venegas, vol. i., p. 307. English translation. 


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JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN CALIFORNIA. 


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1697. ] MISSIONS IN CALIFORNIA AND ARIZONA. 089 


savages from the habits of wanderers. In California all who at- 
tended divine service were wholly supported by the mission. Every 
morning: and night they received an allowance of “ atole,” a sort of 
hominy ; at noon they were served with boiled Indian corn, called 
pozoli,! and with fresh or salt meat and vegetables, according as the 
mission provided. All the sick, aged, and children from six to twelve, 
and the Indian governor of the village, were also thus provided with 
food. Beside these, a weekly allowance of the same amount, was 
made to such Indians of the rancherias as came to be catechised and 
as attended the divine service on Sunday. The missionary priest also 





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































clothed all his parishioners with 
coarse cloth from Old Spain, and 
provided cloaks and_ blankets. 
Meanwhile they were instructed 
in managing the fields and in 
The Mission indian irrigation; and as they would 
not save the crops, Venegas says, 
the fathers preserved them for their regular use. Wine, which was at 
an early date produced in the Californian missions, was the only 
product withheld from them, the fathers early learning that such 
was the only method to save them from drunkenness.” 

The effect produced by such a system would not immediately ap- 
pear. But, after a generation, a body of children had grown pect of the 
to be men and women, without any habits of the chase or of ‘"* 
war, and with the habit of farm labor and regular attendance on the 


1 Cozzens’s Wonderful Land, 37. 2 Venegas, i. 432. 


590 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


rites of the church. The missions were, in many instances, very small 
establishments. One father with one soldier might be all the white 
population. The father then appointed one Indian as governor of the 
village, one to the charge of the church, and a third to be the catechist 
of those who were undergoing instruction. So simple a system was 
considered sufficient. In the absence of the father the soldier acted 
as his vicegerent, haying ‘‘ an eye to everything” as is the expressive 
phrase of Venegas.! He could seize delinquents, and mildly punish 
them, ‘unless in capital cases,” which were referred to the captain of 
the garrison. ‘The minor punishments were more or less lashes; the 
severer punishment was imprisonment in the stocks. The first care 
in every mission was for the education of the children. Some of them 
were selected from every Californian mission to be sent to Loreto, the 
chief station. They were instructed in reading, writing, and singing, 
and in the Spanish language, and afterwards as they showed ability 
were promoted to be churchwardens or catechists in the several 
‘‘ rancherias.” 

It is mentioned as an exceptional instance in these plans, that, on 
the peninsula of California, Father Ugarte taught his Indians to spin 
wool and weave it, himself making the distaffs, wheels, and looms. 
He added the industry of making sail-cloth from hemp. This was a 
violation of the whole colonial system of Spain, which attempted to 
compel the colonies to obtain all their manufactures from Europe. 
Venegas, the Jesuit historian, is eloquent in his description of the 
ruinous effects of this policy in the province of Sonora. The cause of 
the poverty of Sonora, he says, is its want of almost all necessary 
manufactures and trades. While other European nations encourage 
these in their colonies, Spain depresses them. But the immediate con- 
sequence of manufacture, he says, is the promotion of agriculture, for 
the providing of the raw material and for feeding the artisan. The 
policy of Cortez, therefore, was to encourage manufacture, and this 
policy was continued by some of his successors. But his policy hav- 
ing been overturned, poor Sonora must receive from Mexico the cloth 
which had been bought in Cadiz, after it had been carried thither 
from Holland. 

As the expense of the Jesuit missions involved the feeding and 
Their sup. Clothing of all the converts, neophytes, and catechumens, it 
age was of course considerable, and, so long as any mission was 
in its infancy, it must be supplied by contributions from the faithful 
all over the world. At this point the literary ability of the Jesuit 
brethren was called upon, and the attractive histories of their mis- 
sions, published through Europe, assisted their indefatigable collections 


1 Venegas, vol. i., 435. 


1705. ] ARIZONA. ool 


of money. The Fathers never founded a new mission unless some 
benefactor had endowed it with ten thousand dollars. This sum 
furnished, at five per cent. interest, five hundred dollars, which was 
allowed for the support of the missionary and his unavoidable ex- 
penses with the Indians. <A royal grant of three hundred dollars for 
each missionary seems to have provided in part for other missions. 
Venegas, the historian of Jesuit missions, explains still farther, that 
the funds for the first seven missions were invested in farms near the 
city of Mexico, and that the necessary supplies of cattle and of corn 
were furnished from these farms. To the agent who had these farms 
in charge the king’s payment was made, of eighteen thousand dol- 
lars a year for the payment of the garrisons and of the seamen em- 
ployed by the missions. From these funds, and from the products of 
the farms, were paid everything necessary for worship, for the build- 
ing and, repair of the church and for the maintenance not of the 
priest only, but of his people. It is interesting, at this time, to ob- 
serve, that in Salvatierra’s report of the 25th of May, 1705, he says, 
‘in those parts of the country that are conquered and discovered 
there are very promising appearances of mines.” 

These anticipations were fully confirmed as that century went on. 
The acquisitions from mines in Arizona, as we now call it, and from 
Sonora cannot be accurately distinguished. But it is certain that 
Arizona well earned its name,— which is derrved from Arizuma, a 
name said to be given by the king himself to denote its richness in 
silver. As early as 1683, the attorney of the king brought a suit in 
Sonora to recover a mass of virgin silver weighing twenty-eight hun- 
dred pounds, which he claimed as a “curiosity,” although it was 
found in the mine of an explorer named Gandera.! A wide desert 
separated the silver-bearing parts of Arizona from the Pacific. <A 
long transport by land separated them from the Gulf of Mexico. But 
the traces of old mining operations and the records of the viceroyalty 
of Mexico alike show, that in face of these discouragements, very 
large mining operations were conducted in the seventeenth and eight- 
eenth centuries in the frontier provinces which are now States and 
Territories of the United States. 

The tranquil arrangements of the Jesuits, which attempted to sub- 
stitute for savage life the proprieties and decorum of pueblos  pisicuties 
of men and women trained to act like obedient children, were Pace ttle 
constantly broken in upon by savage uprisings, which the ‘em 
fathers considered as so many triumphs of the devil. As early as 
1695 the Janos, Jocomes, and Apaches were at war. The Conchos 
Indians joined in the fray, which was for the time suppressed by 


1 Cozzens, as above, p. 41. 


592 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


the energetic efforts of Antonio de Solis, the military commandant. 
But none the less on all sides of the frontier were there fears of a 
general rising. An Indian called Pablo Quihue was considered the 
head of a conspiracy. He had been the governor, under the scheme 
just now described, of the mission of Santa Maria Basieraca, but he 
now proved faithless to his masters. He told all the natives that in 
the last sixty years they had gradually given away all their lands 
to the Spaniards; that the fathers, instead of acknowledging such 
eifts gratefully, had seized the lands and enslaved the people. Lands, 
flocks, herds, houses, women, and children were all at the disposal 
of the priests. ‘ Do they tell you that their soldiers protect you ? 
Do they tell you that they will defend you? Do they tell you that 
you live in true religion, in obedience to the king and in peaceful 
life? So they told us when they came, and we, like fools, received 
them as men who came from heaven to bless us. What has come 
of these magnificent promises? You can see. The Apaches, the 
Jocomes, the Janos, have for years desolated our fields and stolen our 
flocks. Have the fathers protected us? Have their soldiers helped 
us; have they not been our ruin ? 
* Have more Sonoras, Pimas, Tarau- 
& pi mares, and Conchos fallen under the 
& My arrows of the Apaches, than have 
234 perished under the cruelty of the 
43.4 Spaniards. At the least alarm, they 
4 charge us, whom they have enslaved, 
with being apostates, traitors to God 
and to the king, enemies of our coun- 
| otk try and allies and accomplices of the 
~ RULE Apaches! They show more enmity 
Indian Council (from La Hontan). = to us than to them! Do they treat 
them as cruelly as they treat us? Have the Apaches ever seen their 
faces? And have they ever hurt us so much, as these protectors of 
ours?”’? Such is the remarkable speech, which Allegre, a Jesuit histo- 
rian, is frank enough to put into the mouth of this rebel. 

So well founded were his arguments, so imposing the outside force 
Anunsue. Of the Apaches, and so hateful the Spaniards, that his hopes 
asa ~=©6might have been crowned with success, but that, by an ac- 
Hen, cident so often repeated in savage annals, the conspiracy 
broke out too early in one quarter. The Cuquiarachi, Cuchuta, and 
Teurcicatzi broke into rebellion before his plans were ripe. The peo- 
ple of these places seized the ornaments of the churches and fled with 
them into the mountains. This precipitancy disarranged all the plans 


The Gunsel 


& 
a of f Old 





1 Allegre, iii., 93: Mexican edition. 





1697.] INDIAN INVASIONS. 593 


-of Quihue. The rebellion was suppressed ; and the fathers were able 
-to praise the loyalty of many of the pueblos, whose people joined with 
the Spanish soldiery in the movements necessary, and in one case sus- 
tained a battle which lasted from day to night, without their assist- 
ance. | 

In 1697 new invasions from the Apaches and Jocomes wasted So- 
nora; and again the suspicions of the Spaniards were roused 

° : : 5 : : Indian in- 
against the people of their own flocks, including Pimeria, vasions.— 
as the missions among the Pimos began to be called at that esr 
time. It was true that the Pimos suffered as much as the?’ 
Spaniards, or more, but they fell under the suspicion which in all col- 
onies, English, Spanish, or French, has always hovered over con- 
verted Indians. An inspection by a Spanish officer wholly relieved 
them from this suspicion. It proved that they had beaten the 
Apaches in fight, as 
they do to this day, 
and were in no way 
entangled with 
them. His report 
estimates the num- 
bers of the Opas and 
Maricopas as about 
4,000. He speaks 
of their aqueducts 
and fertile land, 
‘their crops of wheat 
-and houses of adobe, 
much as a traveller 
of to-day might do. 
But it must be re- 
membered that they 
then occupied a site lower down the Gila River than that which they 
live upon to-day. At length, on the 30th of March, the chief of the 
(uiburi, one of the “reduced” or converted tribes, struck a fortu- 
nate blow with his people upon the marauders and wholly defeated 
them. By this blow, rather than from any action of the Spanish 
troops, as would appear, the tranquillity of the missions was for 
some time assured. In a pastoral visit made to the northern stations 
at this time Father Kino made an observation of latitude at St. Ra- 
fael de Actun, which fixes that place as in the parallel of 52° 30! 45” 
north. He frequently alludes in his letters to the certainty that Cal- 
ifornia is a peninsula, as it had been pronounced by Cortez and his 
















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































California Indians catching Salmon. 


1 Emory’s report, on the authority of Kit Carson. 
VOL. II. 38 


594 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuapr. XXIV. 


contemporaries. The later geographers, for a long time, insisted on 
marking it as a long island; and it was long before the intelligent 
assertions of the Jesuit Fathers, though founded on personal observa- 
tions, were attended to by the map-makers. In January, 1699, on 
one of these tours of inspection, Fathers Kino and Gilg met five hun- 
dred Yumas, Opas, and Cocomaricopas at a point three leagues above 
the junction of the Gila and Colorado. These people had traditions. 
of the arrival of Spaniards from the east, which probably referred to. 
the party of Ofiate. ‘They told of a visit from a white woman whom. 
the Fathers supposed to be an enthusiast named Maria de Jesus Agre- 
da, who had gone out alone as early as 1630, among the savages. 













































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Junction of the Gila and Colorado Rivers. 


These people also said that at the north there lived white men who: 
wore clothes, who at times came armed to the Colorado, and brought 
goods in exchange for skins. ‘This can only allude to some expedition 
of French traders, of which we have no account, or possibly to the 
expedition from Boston, already alluded to, which is said to have pre- 
ceded by a year the expedition of La Salle. 

So far at least, as their written history goes, the flourishing condi- 
Rae ioe tion of the Pimeria, which was the result of the Jesuit 
Father labors in Arizona, ended with the death of Father Kino in 
ari the year 1711. This remarkable man, one of the most suc- 
cessful and enterprising of apostles, had been a professor of math- 
ematics in the University of Ingolstadt in Bavaria. By a divine call 





17th | DECAY OF THE JESUIT MISSIONS. ~ O95 


he was led to abandon his professorship and to enter on the work of 
preaching the gospel to the heathen. His indomitable spirit, his cour- 
age and adventure, led him to such successes, as have been described. 
His zeal constantly outran the slower notions of the Mexican Vice- 
roys, and he was frequently in conflict with them and with other au- 
thorities. It was only after long delay that his plans for the reduc- 
tion, as it was called, of California, were adopted; and he was fre- 
quently held back in his undertakings in his beloved Pimeria. It 
is said that he himself baptized more than forty thousand infidels, — 
and that he would have baptized many thousand more had the zeal of 
the church behind him been sufficient to provide them with teachers 
and ministers. San Xavier del Bac, as it now appears, gives an idea 
of the external appearance of the churches he founded. The people of 










































































































































































7 OM Mp 


~ “i du veal U9, Ayr SS 
si as = 























































































































































































































































































































































































































The Mission of San Xavier del Bac. 


Arizona believe this building to be the very same which was erected 
- under his direction. In this temple the worship of the Catholic church 
is still maintained by a handful of Papajo Indians. | 

His successor was Father Augustin de Campos. But he could not 
prevent the decay of the missions. Probably the enthusiasm  pecay of the 
of Europe and Mexico had been turned in other directions, ““°"* 
and it was impossible to provide ecclesiastical chiefs for these frontier 
settlements. The slow death settling upon Spain, — attributed by 
most students of history to the inevitable lethargy attendant on Jesuit 
counsels, — hindered the aid which the Spanish monarchs themselves 
often tried to give the missions. Nothing is more amusing, if it were 
not at the same time pathetic, than the narrative by Venegas of the 
ingenious ways in which the officials of the crown resisted and de- 
feated the pious orders of their kings. For many years, the Jesuit 
historian tells us, the people of the villages maintained their crops and 
built their houses in a civilized way. But as time passed. they fell 


596 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuapr. XXIV. 


back toward the habits of savage life. Many of the villages had 
no Spanish ministers till 1751, when a sudden revival for a mo- 
ment filled the posts anew. Dolores and Remedios were entirely 
unpeopled, and many others suffered from the invasions of the 
Apaches. 

In 1740 a rebellion broke out, more critical than any before, led by 
Os SNe ‘apostate’ Indian named Muni, one of the Yaquis, ae 
dian rebel- another named Baltazar, and another named Juan Calixto. 

Succeeding in Mayo they passed to Cedros and Bayorea. 
Muni was at one moment taken prisoner, but having been liberated 
he was so far encouraged that with his Yaquis he continued his ray- 
ages. So efficient was this rebellion that the villages of the valley of 
the Gila were wholly cut off from Mexican inspection, and, indeed, 
they have remained in much that condition ever since. In 1744 
Father Keeler, who attempted to revisit them, was permitted to pass 
no farther than the first village of the Moquis. A second revolt in 
1750, under one Luis, did still more to break up the missions of the 
southern part of Sonora, which now constitutes the Mexican state of 
that name, and well-nigh completed the isolation of Pimeria in 
the valley of the Gila. The authority of Luis over the Pimeria was 
not broken until the year 1753, when a new governor seized him and 
put him in prison, where he soon died of ‘*‘ melancholy.” His relative 
took refuge with the Seris, a barbarous tribe on the Gulf of Califor- 
nia, always their enemies till now. Some fathers were despatched, 
after this success, to renew the abandoned missions; but it would ap- 
pear that their decay could not be arrested. 

Their history is at the bottom the same as that of the Jesuit mis- 
sions in Paraguay, which have attracted more of the attention of stu- 
dents of social order. By these experiments it is proved possible to 
The lesson educate savages in a state of tutelage, and to maintain the 
fausht by — outward external aspects of exquisite order and simplicity. 
Sa The lover of tranquillity, delighted with such social order 
when he sees it contrasted with the strifes of a more active world, 
describes the pretty scene as an Arcadia, if he be of a classical — 
bent; or as the kingdom of heaven on earth, if he be trained in 
another school. But the moment a storm comes, or the moment the 
mild tyranny of the spiritual father is removed, it proves that this 
people, so gentle and so simple, have not been educated to the care 
of themselves. They have been taught to obey, in a false school, 
which has not taught them either to direct or to command. And the 
lovely village, so charming. to the traveller who sees it from the 
outside for a day or two, is swept away, like a vision of the night, 
and leaves almost as little trace behind. 





1767.] EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS. o9T 


For the missions of Pimeria and of Upper California, the final blow 
was struck,—so far as Jesuit supervision went, —on the 
25th of June, 1767. “A little before the break of day,” sin of the 
says the historian, with a certain pathos, ‘the decree for oe 
the expulsion of the Jesuits went forth, with the great seal itself, 
from the council chamber of Charles II.” In the endless intrigues, 
in which the history of the com- 
pany of Jesuits is involved, per- 
haps from its own nature, the 
balance had gone against it heay- 
ily, at that moment, in the dying 
court of Spain. King Charles was 
so eager to secure the execution 
of his decree that by an autograph 
letter to the viceroy of Mexico 
he notified his will, and the ex- 
pulsion of the Jesuits from Mex- 
ico followed with much more ra- 
pidity than had attended the ex- 
ecution of many of the decrees 
in their favor. ‘The accounts 
given by the Jesuit writers and 
their enemies as to the origin of 
this decree, belong rather to the 
history of Europe than to that of 
Pimeria. It was due to the in- 
fluence of Choiseul and Aranda, who seem to have succeeded in con- 
vincing Charles that the Jesuits had circulated slanders regarding his 
own birth. Certain is it that the blow was sudden and unexpected. 





When, in 1685, the French explorer, La Salle, addressed to the 
king of France his memoir on the foundation of a colony in yoy Mexico 
Louisiana, the silver mines of New Mexico were so well es- 224 7% 
tablished, that the prime reason suggested by him for his enterprise, 
was the ease with which the French might seize the product of those 
mines, and bring it down the Red River. After two hundred years, 
that route is not yet taken by the silver of New Mexico and the 
neighboring regions. But it may yet prove true, that by a railway 
through the valley of the Red River these stores of silver, the magni- 
tude of which has deranged the balance. of the coinage of the world, 
may find their way to their market. The Spanish government was 
as quick as La Salle to note the danger to their mines from his enter- 


598 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuap. XXIV. 


prise. When his unfortunate colony landed, in fact within the limits 
of our State of Texas,! in Matagorda Bay, which they called the Bay 
of St. Bernard, the nearest Spanish positions on the gulf were the 
port of Panuco, near the present Tampico, more than two hundred 
leagues distant, and El Paso on the Rio Grande. The Spanish settlers 
had been driven from New Mexico by the rising of 1680, nor was 
possession regained until 1695. Early in 1686 the viceroy of Mexico, 
Laguna, was informed of the French expedition of La Salle. But 
its destination was unknown; and the historian of Texas believes that 
the Spaniards learned from the Camanche Indians of the colony in St. 
Bernard’s Bay. A council held in Mexico determined on an expedi- 
tion of discovery and repression, and to this expedition Captain Alonzo 
de Leon was appointed, under the title of Governor of Coahuila. 

De Leon arrived at Fort St. Louis on the 22d of April, with his 
command of one hundred men. He found there the wreck 
of the unfortunate French colony; and, learning from the 
Indians that there were French stragglers among the Cenis, he visited 
them and found two of the murderers of La Salle, whom he took pris- 
oners. They were sent to Mexico and thence to Spain, and then sent 
back to Mexico and condemned to the mines. 

De Leon made a favorable report as to Texas, and it was determined 
to establish a mission at Fort St. Louis. In 1690 this was done. The 
king approved of this proceeding, saying 1t was of importance for the 
security of his dominions in New Mexico. Venegas, the historian of 
California, expresses a mild regret that the necessities of the crown 
diverted to this enterprise treasure which he is sure could have been 
well used on the Pacific shore. But the French were too near for 
delay. It would indeed seem as if, till this time, the policy of Spain 
had been that ascribed to the ancient Persian prince, who kept a por- 
tion of desert three days journey in width between his own empire 
and many others. But Texas was then a desert far more than three 
days wide. If such were the policy, it gave way before the danger 
that other colonists might inhabit the desert. In 1691, Don Domingo 
Teran was appointed governor of Coahuila and Texas, and with fifty 
soldiers and seven lay friars, proceeded to establish missions and mili- 
tary posts. These they began, but in 1693 they were all abandoned, 
in face of hostile Indians, and the king approved of the abandonment. 
At the beginning of the eighteenth century, therefore, Spain had no 
posts in Texas. On the west side of the Rio Grande, the posts still 
known as Presidio del Norte and El Paso were maintained as stations 
on the road to New Mexico. 

When in 1712, Louis XIV. gave to Antoine Crozat a grant of 


Expedition 
of De Leon. 


1 See chap. xxi. 





1714.] ATLTEMPES: LO COLONIZE TEXAS. 599 


Louisiana, it was so phrased as to extend his béundaries to the Rio 
Grande on the west. In 1714, he sent out Huchereau St. g.peaition 
Denis, a young man of noble family, on an expedition to %*t Pens 
the western part of his new domain. Leaving Natchitoches on the 
Red River, where a trading post had already been established, St. 
Denis crossed Texas, and in August reached the mission of St. John 
Baptist on the Rio Grande, where he was hospitably received by the 
commander. But, so soon as Don Gaspardo Anaya, the Governor of 
Coahuila, heard of his arrival he arrested St. Denis and one of his 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































Elmraso: 


companions and sent them to Mexico, where they were imprisoned for 
six months. After two years, however, he returned to Mobile, having 
escaped or been released. He married the daughter of Villeseas, the 
governor of St. John Baptist, and from that day began a system of 
smuggling between the Mexican territories and those of Louisiana, 
which has continued to this time.? 

Those movements alarmed the Spaniards again, and the Duke of 
Linares, now Viceroy of Mexico, made new efforts to prose- 
cute the colonization of Texas. A new mission was estab- 
lished in the Bay of St. Bernard, and one among the Adaes, 
only fifteen miles from Natchitoches. It was therefore within the pres- 
ent line of the State of Louisiana... A mission called Dolores was 


Spanish at- 
tempts to 
colonize 
Texas. 


1 Yoakum, Hist. Texas, vol. i., 48. American State Papers, vol. xii. Mr. Gayarré has 
made a romance from these adventures. 


600 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [Cuar. XXIV. 


established west of tlte Sabine, and San Antonio de Valero was placed. 
on the right bank of the San Pedro, about three fourths of a mile 
from the present church at San Antonio. The present position of 
San Antonio was soon after chosen instead of the first, for reasons- 
which recommend themselves to every visitor to that beautiful city. 
Soon after, a mission was established near the present town of Nacog- 
doches, and a sixth near San Augustine. ‘The establishment of these 
missions was intrusted to a captain named Don Domingo Ramon. 
When he was at the Adaes he visited San Denis at Natchitoches, and. 
was hospitably received. 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The ‘Texan missions were 
from the first in the hands of 
Franciscan fathers. But the 
methods of these fathers were 
not materially different from 
those which we have described as practised by the Jesuits. At each 
presidio or mission there was a garrison, with a military commandant ;. 
but these garrisons were sometimes very small. <A plaza de armas, 
surrounded by the church, barracks, storehouses, and other public 
buildings, was the centre of the establishment. Around these huts 
were built for the ‘‘ reduced ” or converted Indians. 

After the declaration of war of 1718 between France and Spain had 
Conflicts be. Deen heard of on this distant frontier, the little garrisons 
prem fhe | made an attempt to imitate the contentions of their masters 
‘pans. in Europe. The Frenchmen, La Harpe and St. Denis, broke 
up the Spanish posts and drove the garrisons from the lesser stations. 
to San Antonio. The Marquis de Aguayo, the Spanish Governor 
of New Estremadura, collected five hundred men to drive them back, 
but they had already retreated, and Don Aguayo reéstablished the 
garrisons? which they had put to flight. 


San Antonio, Texas. 


1 Am. State Papers, vol. xii. 





1728.] THE SPANIARDS IN TEXAS. 601 


In the same year Don Martin d’Alarcone had been appointed 
Governor of Texas. After the success of Aguayo’s expedition, a larger 
army was fitted out against the French settlements on the Upper Mis- 
sissippi. The Spaniards lost their route, and falling in with the Mis- 
sourl Indians, mistook them for Osages. ‘They had relied on the as- 
sistance of the Osages against the French. Now, the Missouris were 
the firm allies of the French. The Missouris had the address to 
encourage the mistake, till they had received from the Spaniards pis- 
tols, sabres, hatchets, and what the narrator speaks of as fifteen hun- 
dred muskets, a number which is incredible. With these arms, how- 
ever, the Indians massacred all the Spaniards except the priest, and 
this misfortune ended the Spanish claims on the Upper Mississippi.t 
The French home government, in the meanwhile, ordered Bienville to 
establish a new post in Matagorda Bay, which he did. But the de- 
tachment was soon withdrawn on account of the hostility of the 
Indians. 

A royal order of 1721 directed the Spanish authorities to attempt 
no further hostilities against the French, but to fortify the _ 
bay of St. Bernard and other important posts. A garrison aes 
called ‘our Lady of Loretto” was accordingly established Shatin ote 
at St. Bernard. In the next year the four garrisons which ii 
defended Texas, consisted of one hundred men at the Adaes Mission, 
twenty-five at the Neches, ninety at the bay of St. Bernard, and fifty- 
three at San Antonio. There were no colonists, excepting the fathers, 
‘at the missions, but Aguayo, before returning to his own department, 
recommended the introduction of colonists. So soon as he departed, 
the forbidden trade between French and Spanish frontiersmen began 
again, and when, in the war of 1726, France and Spain were in alli-. 
ance, this trade gained new activity.” 

In 1728 the Spanish government ordered the transportation of four 
hundred families from the Canary Islands to Texas. The garrisons 
were reduced to one hundred and fifty-three men in the whole prov- 
ince. Of the four hundred families ordered, thirteen arrived at San 
Antonio, and this new population was a stimulus to the missionary 
efforts. In 1732 the Spanish troops defeated the Apaches, and this 
victory gave security to the colony. In 1734 Sandoval took the place 
of Ceyallos as governor, and again checked the depredations of the 
savages. While he was Governor, St. Denis removed the French gar- 
rison of Natchitoches to a point west of the Red River. Sandoval 
having been charged with conniving with this, a long litigation took 
place, — with the interminable slowness of Spanish procedures, — in 


1 Gayarré’s Hist. of Louisiana, vol. i., p. 264. 
2 Yoakum, i., 77. 


602 SPANISH EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIZATION. [CHav. XXIV. 


which he and Franquis, his successor, were engaged. In 1740 Sando- 
val was thrown into prison, in one of the consequences of this charge, 
but with the arrival of a new governor, he was liberated. 

In 1744 the European population of Texas did not exceed fifteen 
hundred, divided mostly between Adaes and San Antonio; a few 
were at Bahia, and a few at San Saba. The settlements to the south 
of Texas made but very little progress, and the old policy of Spain, to 
leave a desert between her provinces and her neighbors, was in no way 
violated. 





The Yucca Tree of New Mexico. 





1540. 


1579. 
1582. 


1602. 


1636. 
1637. 


1638. 


1639. 


1640. 
1641. 


1642. 
1643. 


1644. 


1647. 


1655. 


Aree) Crew I Bis. 


Coronado’s expedition in search of Cibola. 

Drake on the California Coast. 

Espejo’s expedition on the Rio del Norte. 

Voyage of Viscaino on the coast of California. 
Endicott’s Expedition to Block Island. 
Providence founded by Roger Williams. 
The Pequot War. 

Sir John Harvey returns as Governor of Virginia. 
New Haven founded. 


“ Settlement of Rhode Island at Portsmouth. 


A quo warranto issued against the Massachusetts charter. 

Exeter, New Hampshire, founded. 

First Constitution of Connecticut adopted, and a Government 
formed. 

Explorations of Fathers Chaumonot and Brébeeuf, in Ohio and Michigan. 

The Body of Liberties adopted in Massachusetts. 

New Hampshire passes under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. 

Sir William Berkeley Governor of Virginia. 

The Confederation of New England Colonies formed. 

Trial of the Gorton Party at Boston. 

Issue of the Narragansett Patent. 

Murder of Miantonomo. 

The Charter for Providence Plantations granted to Roger Williams. 

Indian massacre in Virginia. 

Stuyvesant arrives at New Amsterdam as Governor of New Nether- 
land. | 

Stuyvesant’s controversy with the popular party at New Amsterdam. 

Boundary Treaty between Connecticut and New Netherland concluded at 
Hartford. 

Clark, Holmes, and Crandall tried in Boston. 

Surrender of Jamestown to the Commissioners of the Common- 
wealth. 

A mint established in Massachusetts. 

Elective municipal government established at New Amsterdam. 

Rhode Island declares war against New Netherland. 

First Settlements in North Carolina, on Albermarle Sound. 

The Dutch take possession of New Sweden. 

Establishment of the Colony of New Amstel. 


604 


1656. 
1657. 
1659. 
1660. 


1664. 


1665. 


1666. 
1668. 
1669. 
1671. 
LOT? 
1673. 


1674. 


1675. 


1676. 


1678. 


1679. 
1680. 


1681. 
1682. 


TABLE OF DATES. 


Conflict in Maryland between the Puritans and Roman Catholics. 

Indian massacres at Hoboken, Pavonia, and elsewhere. 

The First Quakers arrive in Boston. 

Persecution of Quakers in New England. 

Execution of Quakers at Boston. 

Berkeley reelected Governor of Virginia, 

(Or 1661), Settlement of New England men at Cape Fear, S. C. 

Execution of Mary Dyer at Boston. 

Father Mesnard founds a Mission on Lake Superior. 

Charles II. checks the persecution of Quakers in New England. 

Charter of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations granted by 
Charles II. 

First Grant of Carolina. 

Grant of New Netherland to the Duke of York,and its Surrender to. 
the English. — Named New York. 

Landing of the Colony under Yeamans at Cape Fear. 

Government of North Carolina established. 

Grant of New Jersey to Berkeley and Carteret. 

First settlement of Central New York at Schenectady. 

Second Grant of Carolina. 

Arrival of Philip Carteret as Governor of New Jersey. — Elizabeth 
founded. 

The ‘‘ Duke’s Laws ”’ adopted in New York. 

Newark, New Jersey, founded. 

Lovelace, Governor of New York. 

Completion of John Locke’s “ Fundamental Constitutions for Carolina.” 

Great Indian Council at Sault Ste. Marie. 

Anti-rent insurrection in New Jersey. 

Recapture of New York by the Dutch. 

Marquette explores the Mississippi. 

Treaty of Westminster confirms New York to England. — New 
Patent issued to the Duke of York. 

Andros Governor of New York. , 

Fenwicke’s and Byllinge’s Purchase of West New Jersey. 

Outbreak of Philip’s War in New England. 

Indian War in Virginia. 

Bacon’s Rebellion in Virginia. 

The “ Quintipartite Deed ” for the Partition of New Jersey. + 

Close of Philip’s war. 

Royal Commissioners arrive in Virginia. Berkeley’s recall and death. 

Emicgration of Friends to West Jersey. 

Insurrection in the district of Pasquotank, N. C. 

Indian Treaty concluded at Casco, Me. 

New Hampshire made an independent Royal Province. 

Hennepin’s Voyage on the Mississippi. 

Charleston, S. C., founded. 

The Grant of Pennsylvania signed. — Emigration begun. 

The Friends buy Hast Jersey. 

Penn sails for America. 

Philadelphia founded. 

Penn’s Indian Treaty. 





TABLE OF DATES. 605 


La Salle’s Voyage on the Mississippi. 
1684. Lord Cardross’s Colony founded at Port Royal, S. C. 
Judgment against the Massachusetts Charter. 
Penn returns to England. 
1685. La Salle’s colony founded in Texas. 
1686. Andros Governor-general of New England. 
1687. Andros attempts to seize the Connecticut charter. Its concealment in the 
Charter Oak. 
Murder of La Salle. 
1688. Indian War renewed in Maine and New Hampshire. Massacres at Dover 
and elsewhere. 
1689. Deposition and Arrest of Andros at Boston. 
William and Mary proclaimed. 
1690. Sothell seizes the government of South Carolina. 
French and Indian expeditions into New Hampshire. 
1692. Phips Governor of Massachusetts under the new Charter. 
Outbreak of the Witchcraft Panic at Salem, Mass. 
1694. Rice introduced into South Carolina. 
1695. Archdale Governor of South Carolina. 
1696. Spanish fort established at Pensacola, Florida. 
1699. Penn returns to America. 
1700. Iberville establishes a settlement at Poverty Point, La. 
Attack by the Carolinians on St. Augustine. 
1712. Louisiana granted to Crozat. 
1717. Law’s “Western Company ” established. 
1718. New Orleans founded. 
1719. Law’s “Mississippi Scheme.” 
| Capture of Pensacola by Bienville. 
1720. Charlevoix’s voyage to visit the Jesuit missions in America. 
1722. Recapture of Pensacola by: the Spaniards. 
1729. Massacre of French by the Natchez. 
1740. Oglethorpe’s Attack on St. Augustine. 





v 


TENGID TREX: 


ABEKAS INDIANS, 564. 
ABNAKI INDIANS, 485, 512. ; 
ABERDEEN, witchcraft trials in, [1597], 


452. 

ABinGpon, England, witch trials at, [1579], 
452. 

ACAPULCO, Mexico, Viscaino sails from, 
585. 


Accomac, Berkeley at, 305 et seq. 
ACHTER Cox, a Dutch name for New Jer- 


sey, 350. 
ACHTER CUL, now NEwARK Bay, 321, and 
note. 


ACOMA, ancient town of, 580, 581. 

ACQUIDNECK [called also Aquednet and 
Aquiday], the island of Rhode Island, 
‘purchased of Canonicus, [1638], 43 ; 
settled, [1638], 44. 

ADAES INDIANS, mission among, 599, 602. 

AGAMENTICUS. (See York, Me.) 

AGAWAM. (See Springfield, Mass.) 

AGREDA, Maria DE JESUS, a missionary 
in California, [1630], 594. 

Aguayo, Marquis bp, Governor of New 
Estremadura, 600. 

AKANSEA, 4 chief town of the Arkansas 
Indians, 508. 

ALABAMA (State of), first white settlement 
in [1700], 523. 

ALBANIA, a name given to the New Jersey 
territory, [1664], 320. 

ALBANY, Fort Orange so named on the 
capture of New Netherland by the 
English, [1664], 266; called Willem- 
stadt [1673], 350. 

ALBEMARLE, Duke or. (See Monk.) 

ALBEMARLE SOunND, early settlements on, 
[1653 and later], 271. 


ALDEN, CAPTAIN JOHN, accused of witch- | 


craft, 463. 
ALEXANDER (Mooanam or WamsutTTa), a 
Wampanoag sachem, brother of Phi'ip, 


' 





| 
| 
| 


arrested by the English, 404 ; death of,. 
[1661], 404. 

ALGONKIN INDIANS, missions among, 501. 

ALLEN, SAMUEL, governor of New Hamp- 
shire, [arrives 1698], 432, et sq. 

ALLOUEZ, Farner, establishes a mission 
on Lake Huron [1665], 501. 

ALRICHS, JAcoB, governor of New Amstel, 
161, note, 162 et seg. ; death of, 163 ; ne- 
gotiates with Maryland envoys, 249, 
250. 

ALTAMAHA RIveER, claimed as the Southern 
boundary of Georgia, 560. 

Autona, Dutch post on the site of Fort 
Christina, 162. 

AMEJES INDIANS, 580. 

Amersfoort [FrLarytanps], Long Island, 
takes part in the election of the nine 
men, [1647], 122. 

AMERY, JONATHAN, speaker of the South 
Carolina Assembly, 371. 

AMSTERDAM, CITY OF, assumes the govern- 
ment of the colony of Nieuwer Amstel, 
[1655], 161. 

ANABAPTISTS in New Netherland, 239. 

ANASTASIA ISLAND, near St. Augustine, 
O61. 

ANASTASIUS, FATHER, a companion of La 
Salle, 519, 520, 523 et seq. 

ANAYA, Don GASPARDO, governor of Coa- 
huila, 599. 

Anpros, Masor [afterward Str] EpMunD, 
made Governor of New York, [1674], 
354; Governor of all New England, 
[1686], 387; character of his adminis- 
tration, 388 et seq.; attempts to secure 
Connecticut charter, [1687], 391; de- 
posed, [1689], 393. 

Annapo.is, Maryland (first called Prov- 
idence), 217; battle near, [1655], 218. 

ANNE ARUNDEL County, Maryland, 217. 

Anontuica. (See Onnonthio.) 


608 


ANTIGUA, refuses to recognize the Com- 
monwealth, 211. 

APACHE INDIANS, wars of with other tribes, 
591, 596; with Spaniards, 601 et seq. 

APALACHEE INDIANS, at war with the 
Spaniards, 557 ; with the English, 559 ; 
members of the Florida Indian confed- 
eracy, 564. 

APALACHICOLA, English fort at, 560, and 
note. 

APAULLA, J., name of, cut on Inscription 
Rock, 585, note. 

APPLEDORE (Isles of Shoals), 426. 

ARANDA, COUNT OF, causes the expulsion of 
the Jesuits from Spain, 597. 

ARCHDALE, JOHN, Governor of Carolina, 
[1695], 370 et seq. 

“ AREN,” a Swedish 
155; 


government vessel, 


ARGALL, CAPTAIN [afterward Srr| SAMUEL, | 


supposed to have visited the Isles of 
Shoals, [1610], 425. 

ARIZONA, earliest explorations and settle- 
ments in, 587; name of, etc., 591. 

ARKANSAS INDIANS (now Quapaws), 508, 
514. 

ARKANSAS River, 509, 521, 537. 

ARLINGTON, EARL OF, secures grant of Vir- 
ginia, [1673], 292. 

ARMADA, the Spanish, 555. 

ARNOLD, BENEDICT, applies to Massachu- 
setts for aid against the Gorton party, 
71, 72, note; his further action in the 
Gorton controversy, 77 et seg.; Governor 
of Rhode Island, [1663], 115. 

Arnoup, WILLIAM, 40, note; petitions Mas- 
sachusetts against the Gorton party, 72, 
note ; petitions Massachusetts to be dis- 
charged from her jurisdiction, 99. 

ARRIOLA, ANDRES DE, Governor of Pensa- 
cola, 558. 

'ARTAGNETTE, CAPTAIN DE, commander at 
Kaskaskia, 547; killed, 548. 

ARUNDEL, EArt or. (See Maltravers.) 

Asutey, Lorp (grandson of Shaftesbury), 
370. 

ASHLEY, Lorp. (See Shaftesbury.) 

ASHLEY River, S. C., 282. 

ASPINWALL, WILLIAM, 44, and note. 

ASSUNPINK INDIANS, 493. 

ATHERTON, Humpnrey, a Massachusetts 
commissioner to Shawomet, 79, note. 

Austin, ANNE, arrives in Boston, 177, 178; 
returned to Barbadoes, 181. 

AYARALLA, Florida, burned by the English, 
559. 





INDEX. 


AYSCUE, SiR GEORGE, commands a fleet 
sent to the West Indies, [1651], 211. 


BACKERUS, DOMINIE, Van Tienho- 
ven’s account of, 134. 

Bacon, Lorp, opinion on witcheraft, 452. 

Bacon, NATHANIEL, the younger, account 
of, 296; leads the Virginians against 
the Indians, [1676], 298; elected to the 
Assembly, 299 ; his submission, 300; es- 
capes, 301; enters Jamestown with his 
forces, etc., 302, 303 et seq. ; his second In- 
dian campaign, 304; in power at James- 
town, 305; calls a convention, 306; 
death of, [1676], 312. 

Bacon QuaRTER BRANCH, Va., 297. 

BaGweELt, Joun, a follower of Bacon, pun- 
ished, 317. 

Baker, Capratn, dismissed from the com- - 
mand of Albany, 345. 

“ BALANCE,” THe, a Dutch man-of-war in 

* Stuyvesant’s expedition against the 
Swedes, 158. 

Barttimore, Lorp (Ceci), efforts of to 
gain favor with the parliamentary party, 
211; controversy with Clayborne, 212 
et seq.; petitions parlament, 214, 215; 
makes an agreement with the Virginia 
agents, [1657], 222; renews his claim 
to the Delaware region, 249 et seq. 

Bampo Horck. (See Bombay Hook.) 

BarBabDoEs, a refuge of sectaries, 177; re- 
fuses to recognize the Commonwealth, 
421k. 

BARBER, Dr., messenger sent to the Puri- 
tans by Governor Stone, 218. 

BarpieR, governor of La Salle’s settlement, 
519. 

Barciay, Rosert, goes to Holland and 
Germany with Penn, 486. 

BarEroot, WALTER, protects Quakers in 
New Hampshire, 425; made deputy- 
governor [1685], 431; attacked by Wig- 
gins and Nutter, 432. 

Bareas, DreGo pe, a Spanish commander, 
584; his record on Inscription Rock, 
585, note. . 

BARKER, JAMES, 113, note. 

BarkinG, England, witchcraft trials at, 
[1575], 452. 

BaRNEGAT INLET, N. J., 474. 

Barr, Captain, an Englishman sent to ex- 
plore the Mississippi, 523. 

BARRINGTON, Tiwlseac: 

Barton, JUSTICE, 165. 





INDEX. 


Bartram’s Garpen, Philadelphia, 151. 

Basuesa, chief of the Wawenocks, 435. 

Bautstron, or Boutsron, WILLIAM, 44, 
note ; 115, note. 

BaxXTeER, GEORGE, a commissioner to ar- 
range the Hartford boundary treaty, 137; 
leader of the meeting of Long Island 
towns, 145; arrested for raising the 
English flag, 150; commissioned to in- 
quire into Long Island titles, 257. 

Baxter, Tuomas, commands a Rhode Isl- 
and vessel, 143. ’ 

BayaGouta Inprans, 523. 

Bayarp, Mapam Anna, 242, 243. 

Bayvey, Rey. James, first minister at Sa- 
lem Village, 456. 

BAZEMZALLES or BascoNnzELos, Don Jo- 
SEPH DB, name of, on Inscription Rock, 
585. 

Bear Buurr, a southern settlement of Caro- 
lina, sacked by Spaniards, [1686], 362. 

BEAUJEU, CAPTAIN DE, an officer in La 
Salle’s fleet, 517. ' 

BEAVER STREET (New York), 266, 319, 339. 

Beck, Direcror, buys slaves at Curacoa, 
246. 

BEEKMAN, WILLIAM, vice-director at New 
Amstel, 163, 248, 249 et seq.; alderman 
of New York, 267. 

Beers, Carrain, killed by Indians near 
Northfield, 411. 

BEtLeEVILLE, N. J., site of, included in New- 
ark purchase, 323, note. 

BELLINGHAM, RicHaRD, deputy governor 
of Massachusetts ; refuses to allow Quak- 
ers to land, 178; consulted by Endicott, 
hose 

BELLomMonT, EARL OF, Governor of New 
York and New England, [1698], 433. 


BENNETT, JUSTICE, 165; invents the name | 


“ Quakers,” 176. 

Bennetr, RicHarp, Commissioner of the 
Commonwealth and Governor of Vir- 
ginia, [1652], 212; resigns, [1655], 222. 

BERGEN, N. J., 472. 

BERKELEY County, S. C., 358. 

BERKELEY, LorD, a proprietor of Carolina, 
[1663], 269; second Palatine, 281; a 
proprietor of New Jersey, [1664], 321, 
et seq. 

BERKELEY, Srr W1vviAm, Governor of Vir- 
ginia, [1642], 201; defeats the Indians, 
204, 205; visits England, 206; surren- 
ders Jamestown [1652], 211; resumes 
the governorship, 223; a patentee of 
Carolina, 269; empowered to establish 

VOL. Il. _ 389 





609 


government there, 274; his supposed at- 
tempt to extend his authority, 284; re- 
ports on condition of Virginia in 1670, 
290 et seq. ; Opinions on popular educa- 
tion, 292 ; inefficiency of in regard to the 
Indian hostilities, 296 e¢ seg.; pursues 
Bacon, 298; concessions of to the As- 
sembly, 299; action toward Bacon, 800 
et seg.; appeals to the Gloucester men, 
304; flees to Accomac, 305; returns, 
309; his policy after suppressing the 
rebellion, 316; recall and death of, 317, 
318. ; 

Bermupa, refuses to recognize the Com- 
monwealth, 211. 

Berry, ADMIRAL SiR JOHN, royal commis- 
sioner in Virgina, [1677], 316. 

Berry, Caprain, deputy governor of New 
Jersey, [1673], 473. 

Berwick, Me. [Newichawannock], 436 ; at- 
tacked, 439. 

BEVERSWYCK [ALBANY], Van Slechtenhorst 
at, 128; Stuyvesant at, 129. 

BIENVILLE, JEAN Bapristh LEMOYNE DBE, 
first connection of with the Louisiana 
colony, [1700], 523, 525 ; governor-gen- 
eral, [1717], 531; reconciled with Hu- 
bert, 538; policy of, 539; reappointed 
governor, [1734], 546; his Indian expe- 
ditions, 547 et seq.; his death, [1767], 
549; takes Pensacola, [1719], 560; es- 
tablishes a post at Matagorda Bay, 601. 

BIKKER, GERRIT, commander of Fort Cas- 
imir, 155. 

Brioxt Isianp, Iberville’s post at, 523. 

BincKes, Jacos, a Dutch®@ommander at the 
recapture of New York, [1673], 347 et 
seq. 

Bisuop, BripGeEt, denounced and executed 
as a witch, 461, 462. 

Buiack Pornt, ME., 441. 

BLacKsTonE, Witui1am, his home on the 
Seekonk River, 406, 407. 

Biake, ADMIRAL, 139. 

BiakeE, JosEpu, emigrates to Carolina, 
[1683], 360; Gowernor of Carolina, 
[1696], 372; death of, [1700], 559. 

Biake, WILLIAM, Visions of, compared with 
those of Fox, 168. 

Brianp, Gites, collector-general of customs 
in Virginia, 307; his plan for Berke- 
ley’s capture, 307, 308; executed, 317. 

BLASPHEMY, laws against, 65. 

Brock Isytanp, Endicott’s expedition to, 
[1636], 2. 

Brock Isuanp Inp1ans (branch of the Pe- 


610 


quots), murderers of Oldham, 1 ; pun- 
ished by the English, 4. 

Bioopy Brook, near Deerfield, Mass., 
massacre at, [1675], 411. 

BLoomFiE.p, N.J., site of included in New- 
ark purchase, 323, note. 

Boprca. Bay, Cat., possibly identical with 
Drake’s Bay, 575. 

Boaarpus, Dominib Everarpus, wrecked 
in-the Princess,. 121; his farm, 121, 
note. 

Bombay Hook, 153, 161, and note. 

Boston, trial of the Gorton party at, 87; 
persecution of Quakers at, 177 et seq.; 
Andros deposed at, 393 et seq. 

Boswe tt, Sir WiviiaM, Erglish ambassa- 
dor at the Hague, 33 et seq. 

Boswyck. (See Bushwick.) 

Bout, JAN EVERTSEN, one of the Nine Men, 
123, note ; delegate in Holland, 132. 
Bowery (New York), origin of the name, 

342. 

Bow.LinG GREEN (New York), 341. 

Bowne, Joun, a Friend, sent prisoner to 
Holland, 243. 

Boy ez, Rovert, opinion on witchcraft, 453. 

BRADFORD, WILLIAM, observations on Puri- 
tan morality, 64. 

BRADSTREET, Simon, Commissioner to Eng- 
land, [1661], 197,380; Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, [1671], 385. 

BRANFORD, Conn., settlers of, emigrate to 
New Jersey, 323. 

BrattTve, THomas, opposes the witchcraft 
trials, 459. 

BREB@UE, Farker, a Jesuit missionary 
and explorer, 500. 

Brepa, Treaty or, [1667], confirms the 
English in the possession of New York, 
331; American opinion of, 335. 

Brent, Carrain (afterward CoLonEL), a 
Virginia officer, 294, 311. 

BRENTON, WILLIAM, 46, note ; allusion to 
by Winthrop, 48; President of Rhode 
Island, 102, 103. 

BREUCKELEN [BROOKLYN], takes part in 
the first election under Stuyvesant, 122. 

BrinGeE Srreer (New York), 340. 

BripvGes, Justice, orders the arrest of 
Clark, Holmes, and Crandall, 107. 

BripGEwaTeR, Mass., Indian attack on, 
[1676], 415. 

Broap Srreet (New York), old Dutch 
exchange at, 340. 

Broapway (New York), named Heere- 
Straat, by the Dutch, 338. 





INDEX. 


Brook, Lorp, Saybrook named for, 5; 
sends colony to Saybrook, 31. 

BrooKkFIE.tp, Mass., 406; Indian attack at, 
[1675], 407, 408. 

BrooKkuAveEN (Long Island), 35. 

BrouwER STRAAT, now Stone Street, New 
York, 340. 

Brown, Str THomas, a believer in witch- 
craft, 452. 

Buccaneers, the, in Carolina, 361 et seq. 

Bucuan, Earu or. (See Cardross.) 

Buu, Henry, 44, note. 

BurprEN, ANNE, arrives in Boston, [1657], 
183; banished, 184. 

BurGners, division of, at New Amsterdam, 
into Great and Small Burghers, 237. 

Bouriineron, N. J., founded, [1677], 477. 

Burroueu, Epwarp, secures from the 
King an order checking persecution of 
Quakers, 196. 

Burrovuacus, Rev. Sreruen, executed, 462, 
469; arrest of, 469, 470. 

Busuwick, Lone IsLtanp, incorporated, 
[1661], 245. 

Bram ‘RIVERO \2 27. 

BYLLINGE, EDWARD, purchases a part of 
New Jersey, 474 et seq. 


ABECA DE VACA, ALVAR NUNEZ, 

traces of found by Espejo, 578. 

CABRERA, governor at St. Augustine, 
[1681], 558. 

CaBRILLO, JUAN Ropricuez, sails along 
the California coast, [1548], 569. 

Cappo InpIANS, 521. 

CapiLuac, LA Morue, Governor of Louisi- 
ana, [1713], 525. 

CALDWELL, N. J., site of included in New- 
ark purchase, 323, note. 

CaLeF, RoBeRT, opposes the witchcraft de- 
lusion, 459. 

CALIFIA, imaginary queen of California, 565. 

CALIFORNIA, visited by Drake, [1579], 553; 
by Cortez, [1536], 554; origin of the 
name, 565; explorations and missions 
in, 586 et seq. 

CaLixtTo, JUAN, leads an Indian rebellion, 
[1740], 597. 

CaLvertT, Puirip, secretary of Maryland, 
222. 

CAMANCHE INDIANS, 598. 

CAMBRIDGE, ENGLAND, witch-trials 
[1579], 452. 

CamBripeGe Synop, defines eighty-two 
forms of heresy, 40." 


at, 





INDEX. 


Campoz, Father Augustine de, a missionary 
in California, 595. 

CanapDa, relations of the Indians and whites 
in, 499. 

Canonicus, joins the English, 9; his grant 
to Roger Williams, 39; sells Rhode Isl- 
and, [1638], 43; allies himself with the 
Gorton party, 91. 

Carre CarTERET, S. C., 281. 

Jarre Cop, claimed as a boundary by Stuy- 
vesant, 126. 

Care EvIzABeTH, Me., 374. 

Care Fear, S. C., first settlement at, by 
New England men, [1660 or 1661], 272 
et seq. 

Care Fear RIveER, S. C., 272 et seq. 

Care HEN LOPEN, claimed as a boundary by 
Stuyvesant, 126; a boundary of the 
possessions on the Delaware at the time 
of the Pennsylvania settlement, 495. 

Care MEenpDOcINO, named, 569. 

Care Neppock, 440. 

Care Romaty, S. C., 281. 

Carper, RicHarp, 44, note; one of the 
Gor‘on party, signs letter to the Mas- 
sachusetts magistrates, 75, note. 

Carpross, Lorp (afterward Earu or Bu- 
CHAN), settles*at Port Royal, S. C. 
[1684], 360. 

CarRLIsLe, England, George Fox preaches 
at, 173; imprisoned at, 176. 

Carotina, Norrtu, first settlements in, 
[1653], 271 et seq. ; a government estab- 
lished in, [1663], 274, 276; legislation 
in, 280; insurrection in, [1677], 286. 

CAROLINA, PROVINCE OF, granted to Clar- 
endon, Albemarle, Shaftesbury, and 
others, [1663, and again 1665], 268, 269 ; 
first settlements in, 271, 272 et seq.; 
“Fundamental Constitutions ” of, 276 
et seg-; war with the Spaniards, 559 et 


seq. (See, also, Carolina, North and 
South. ) 
CAROLINA, Souru, first settlements in, 


[1660-1661], 272 et seq.; Yeamans gov- 
ernor in, 275, 276. 

CARPENTER, WILLIAM, 40, note; petitions 
Massachusetts against the Gorton party, 
72, note; petitions to be discharged 
from the Massachusetts jurisdiction, 99. 

Carr, ANN, marries Sergeant Putnam, 456. 

Carr, Mary, wife of James Bayley, 456. 

Carr, Sir Ropert, commissioner to New 
England, 260. 

CARTERET, Lapy ELizaBeTtH, first Néw 
Jersey town named for, 321. 














611 


CARTERET, Str GEORGE, receives grant of 
New Jersey, [1664], 321; secures a fuller 
grant [1674], 474 et seq. 

CARTERET, JAMES, leads the insurrection in 
New Jersey, 473. 

CaRTERET, CAPTAIN Puitip, Governor of 
Northern Carolina, [1674], 284; first 
Governor of New Jersey, arrives, [1665], 
321. 

CaRTWRIGHT, SiR GEORGE, commissioner 
to New England, 260: 

CARVER, CAPTAIN, engaged in Bland’s ex- 

pedition, 307; hanged, 308. 

Casco, Marne, Indian treaty at, [1678], 442; 
destroyed by Indians, 447. 

CasTIn, BARON VINCENT. DE, an Officer un- 
der the French governor of Acadia, 389, 
390 ; advises the Indians as to the Casco 
treaty, 442; instigates them to war, 
444; at Fort William Henry, 449. 

CASTLEMAINE, Lapy, 292. 

CaTcuMAID, EpwarpD, tries to supplant Du- 
rant in a land-grant in North Carolina, 
271. 

CavELIER, brother of La Salle, 519 et seq. 

Crepar Isianp (Isles of Shoals), 426. 

CERMENON, SEBASTIAN RopRIGuUEZ, 586. 

CHAESIHOOMA InpIANS, 564. 

CHAGWAMEGAN, a post on Lake Superior, 
SOL. 

CHAMBERLAIN, RicHarp, his account of 
the “stone throwing ”’ at Great Island, 
467. 

CHAMPERNOON, ARTHUR, petition of, to 
Charles I., 419. 

CHAMPERNOON, CapTaINn FRANCIS, an early 
settler in New Hampshire, 419; com- 
missioner to the Indians, 441. 

CHAMPERNOON, RICHARD, an ancestor of 
Francis Champernoon of New Hamp- 
shire, 419. 

CHAMPLAIN, SAMUEL DE, 500. 

Cuartes L., answers favorably the Virgin- 
ian appeal against the Company’s resto- 
ration, 202. 

Cuartes IL, grants Rhode Island charter, 
[1663], 112; checks the persecution of 
Quakers, 195, 196; address to by Vir- 
ginians, 224; signs the grants of Caro- 
lina, [1663 and 1665], 268, 269 ; his ob- 
servations on the conquest of New 
Netherland, 331; blesses the Friends, 
476; grants Pennsylvania, [1681], 487 ; 
his conversations with Penn, 487, 488. 

CuarteEs IIL., of Spain, expels the Jesuits, 
eee 


612 


Cuarveston, S. C., founded, [1680], 356. 

CHARLESTOWN [OLD], 8. C., settled, [1670], 
282. 

CHARLEVOIX, PIERRE FRANGOIS XAVIER 
DE, visits the Canadian missions, |1720 
and 1721], 537 et seq. 

CHARPENTIER, an early French settler in 
the Mississippi Valley, 521. 

CHARTER Oak, the, 392. 

Cuarters. Of Rhode Island [1644], 99 et 
seq.; Of Rhode Island (the so-called 
Narragansett Patent), 100 et seg; of 


Rhode Island [1663], 112 et seq.; of |. 


Massachusetts, 373 et seq. ; of Connecti- 

cut, 390 et seg.; of Massachusetts, 396. 

CHAUMONOT, FaTuER, a Jesuit missionary, 
234, 500. 

Cuazy, SIEUR DE, murder of, 332, 333. 

CuELMSsForD, England, witch trials 
[1579], 452. 

CuesteR, Pennsylvania (at first called Up- 
LAND), the Friends at, [1681], 488; 
Penn at, 490. 

CHICAGO, site of, 513. 

Curcaco River, called Divine River by La 
Salle, 513. 

CHICHELEY, Sir Henry, 208; Lieutenant- 
governor of Virginia, 293. 

CuickAsaw Inp1ans, 513; war with the 
French, 547 et seq. 

CHIHUAHUA, province of, 578. 

CHoctaw Inpians, alliance of with the 
Natchez, 542 et seq.; with the English, 
550 et seq. 

CHopart, , controversy of with the 
Natchez, 540 et seg.; death of, 544. 

Cuoprank River, 214. 

CnHuowan River, Virginia and North Caro- 
lina, colony on, 272, 274, 276. 

CuRISTINAHAM, near Fort Christina, 160. 

CurisTINA KiLtu or CREEK, 153, 159; a 
boundary of New Amstel, 161. 

CuristTison, WENLOCK, tried at Boston, 195. 

CnHubss, CAPTAIN, surrenders Fort William 
Henry, 449. 

Cuurcu, Caprain [afterwards Colonel] 
BENJAMIN, attacks the Narragansett 
Fort [1675], 413; his conduct of In- 
dian» warfare, 417; attacks Philip at 
Mount Hope, 418. 

CIBOLA, a supposed city of Western Amer- 
ica, 567, 578 et seq. 

CinaLoa, a Spanish station in California, 
583. 

CLARENDON, LorD, a patentee of Carolina, 
2609, 


° 


at, 





INDEX. 


CLARK, JEREMY, 46, note. 

Ciark, Rey. Joun, driven from Boston, 
42; settles at Newport, 46; petitions 
Lord Clarendon, [1665j, 102; visits: 
William Witter, [1651], 106 ; his arrest, 
106; his trial, punishment, and release, 
108 et seqg.; agent of Rhode Island in 
England, 111 et seq.; petitions for the 
charter of 1663, 113. 

Cirark, Mary, goes to Boston, 185. 

CLARKE, JOSEPH, 113, note. 

CLAYBORNE, Sir Epmunp, father of Wil- 
liam Clayborne of Virginia, 212, note. 

CLAYBORNE, Tuomas, brother of William 
Clayborne of Virginia, 213. 

CLAYBORNE, WILLIAM, Commissioner of the 
Commonwealth in Virginia, [1652], 
212; character of, 212 et seg.; his ac- 
tion in Maryland, 214 et seq. ; secretary 
of Virginia, 224. 

CLAYPOOLE, JAMES, an early emigrant to 
Pennsylvania, 495. 

CLAYPOOLE, Lorp Joun, 495. 

CLEVELAND, DUCHESS OF. 
maine. ) 

CLIFFORD, Sir Tuomas, resignation of, 353. 

CLoysg, SARAH, denounced as a witch, 461. 

CocoMARIcoPas InpDIANS, 594. 

CoppInGTton, WILLIAM, petitions for a. 
Rhode Island patent, [1650], 43; Gov- 
ernor of Rhode Island, [1688], 44; set- 
tles at Newport, [1639], 46; writes to 
Winthrop as to an Indian policy, 48 ; 
his dispute with and banishment of Gor- 
ton, 69, 73; asks alliance with Massa- 
chusetts, 105 ; obtains a governor’s com- 
mission for life, 111; petitions for the 
charter of 1663, 113. 

CoGGESHALL, JOHN, 44, note; settles at. 
Newport, [1639], 46, note; a petitioner 
for the charter of 1663, 113, note. 

Coxrsert, Jean Bapriste, colonial policy 
of, 501. 

Coir, Roper, 40, note; petitions Massa- 
chusetts against the Gorton party, 72, 
note. 

CoLLeton County, S. C., 358. 

CoLLeTon, JAMES, Governor of Southern 
Carolina, [1686], 364. 

CoLuins, , son-in-law of Ann Hutchin- 
son, fined at Boston, 47, and note. 

CoLorano, State of, supposed to have been 
entered by Espejo, [1582], 580. 

CoLtorapo River, 566. 

CoLuMBIA RIveER, 586. 

Cotve, ANTHONY, Governor of New Nether- 


(See Castle- 








INDEX. 


land, [1673], 350; surrenders it to An- 
dros, [1674], 354. 

Concnos InpIAns, 578. 

-Concnos River, 578. 

Concorp, N. H. (PENacoox), 436. 

Connecticut, early colonies in, 6, 22, 27, 
30; made independent of Massachu- 
setts, [1637], 22, 23; first constitution 
of, [1639], 24; joins the confederation, 
[1643], 49. 

Connecricut River, colonies on, 
claimed by the Dutch, 31; claimed as a 
boundary by Stuyvesant, 124. 

Cooker, GEORGE, a commissioner sent by 
Massachusetts to Shawomet, 79, note; 
84, 90. 

Coosa INDIANS, 564. 

CopELAND, JOHN, punished at Boston, 186 ; 
187; opposes the Massachusetts Com- 
missioners, 197. 

Corey, GILES, tried and executed for witch- 
craft, [1692], 458, 459. 

Coronado, VASQUEZ DE, expedition of in 
California, [1540], 567 et seq. 

CorTEZ, HERNANDO, 564 et seq. 

Cortron, Rev. Jonny, course of in the Anti- 
nomian controversy, 41; his code of 
laws, 613; connection with the Gorton 
prosecution, 85 et seq. 

Cotton, Joun, (son of Rev. John Cotton of 
Boston), minister of Charleston, 8. C., 
[1698], 372. 

CouRCcELLES, DANIEL DE Remi, Governor 
of Canada, marches against the Mo- 
hawks, 332. 

Coursey, Mr., a messenger sent to the 
Puritans by Governor Stone, 218. 

CoUWENHOVEN, JACOB WOLFERTSEN VAN, 
one of the Nine Men, 123, note; dele- 
gate in Holland, 132. 

Coweta Inp1aAns, 564. 

Cow Neck, How’s settlement, at, 34, 124. 

Coxe, DANIEL, memorial of to William IIL. 
512; 593. 

CRANDALL, JOHN, son-in-law of Gorton, 
visits William Witter at Lynn, arrested, 
106; fined, 108. 

CRANFIELD, Epwarp, Lieutenant-governor 
of New Hampshire, |1680], 429, et 
seq. 

CRANMER, ARCHBISHOP, opinion on witch- 
craft, 452. 

Cranston (formerly Pawtuxet), R. I, 69. 

CravEN County, S. C., 358. 

CRAVEN, Earv oF, a patentee of Carolina, 
269. 


99: 


em 5 








613 


CREEK INDIANS, 546. 

CrEvE-Ca@ur, a post established by La 
Salle, 511. 

Crips, Joun, letter of, in regard to Burling- 
ton, N. J., 478. 

CROMWELL, OLIVER, promises aid to New 
England against the Dutch, 148; his 
meeting with Fox, 168,170,177; action 
of in regard to Maryland, 220 et seq., 
about to sail for America, 374 ; action in 
regard to Massachusetts, 378. 

CROMWELL, R1icHARD, fall of, 223. 

Crozat, ANTOINE, the French financier, 
525, et seq. 

Cusa, regained by Spain at the cost of 
Florida, 563. 

Cupwortn, Rap, opinion of on witch- 
craft, 452. 

CULIACAN, 567. 

CULPEPPER, JOHN, a leader in the insur- 
rection at Pasquotank, N. C., 286; com- 
misssioner to England, 287; trial of, 
288. . 

CULPEPPER, LorRD, secures grant of Vir- 
ginia, 292. 

CunaAMES INDIANS, 580. 

Cuniga, ———, Governor of Florida, 559. 

Curacoa, slaves brought from, 246. 

CurRLER, ARENDT VAN, buys the “Great 
Flat” in Central New York, 245, 332; 
death of, [1667], 343. 

CuRLES, an estate of Nathaniel Bacon, 297. 

Curtis, CAPTAIN EDWARD, a commissioner 
to reduce Virginia to the Common- 
wealth, [1652], 211. 

CURWEN, JUSTICE, a magistrate in the 
witchcraft trials, 458. 

Cusseta Inp1ans, 564. 

CuTSHAMAKE, a Dorchester sachem, a wit- 
ness in the Gorton controversy, 78. 

Cutts, Jonn, 219. 

Curts, Joun, President of New Hampshire, 
[1679], 427, 428. 

CutTts’s Isianp, N. H., 419. 

Cutts, Mapame Ursuta, killed by Indians, 
448. 


[PDABLON, FATHER, a Jesuit mission- 
ary, 234, 501. 

DAKANSEA, another name for AKANSEA, 
509. 

Dam, JAN JANSEN, one of the Nine Men, 
123, note. 

Danrortu, THomas, opposes the witch- 
craft delusion, 459. 


614 


DANIEL, CApTatn, a Carolina officer, 559. 
Danvers, Mass. (See Salem.) 
Dartineton Isranp. (See Gerrish’s Isl- 


and.) 

DarrmovutH, Mass., attacked by Indians, 
406. 

Daurtray, a companion of La Salle, 513, 
515. 


DaVENANT, Sir WILLIAM, his scheme for 
colonizing Virginia, 209, 210. 

Davenport, Caprain, killed at the Narra- 
gansett Fort, 413. 

Davenvort, Rey. Jonny, one of the found- 
ers of New Haven, 27, 30, note; his ser- 
mons, etc., 28, 29; leads colony from 
Boston, 38; asked to go to England, 
376. 

Davie, Sir Joun, 427, note. 

Davis, Nicnowas, arrested in Boston, 190. 

Deat, England, Colonel Norwood embarks 
at, 207. 

“ DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE,” the, re- 
called, 353. 

Depuam, Mass., murder by Indians at, 404. 

DEERFIELD, Mass., 406; Indian attack on, 
[1676], 410. 

DELAVALL, Caprarn, a counsellor in New 
York, 320. 

Devtaware River, provisions regarding it 
in the Hartford treaty of 1650, 137; 
Swedish settlements on, 150 e¢ seq. 

Det Norte River [Rio pet Norte], 580 
et seq. 

Dennis, Caprain Ropert, commander of 
the expedition to reduce Virginia to the 
Commonwealth, 211. 

Derby, Encuianp, Fox imprisoned at, 165. 

De Soro, Hernanpo, route of, 509, 554. 

De Vries, Davin PIETeRSZEN, prophecy 
of concerning Kieft, 120. 

De Wirt, Jan, Grand Pensionary of Hol- 
land, 330. 

Dewssury, WILr1,M, letter of to Margaret 
Fell, 184. 

DexTER, GreGorY, 113, note. 

D’Hinoyossa, GOVERNOR, succeeds Alrichs 
as governor at New Amstel, 254; sent 
to Holland on the English capture of 
New Netherland, 267. 

Dieees, Epwarp, Governor of Virginia, 
[1655], 222. 

DincKkLAGE, or DINCKLAGEN, LUBBERTUS 
Van, member of Stuyvesant’s council, 
118; persecuted by Stuyvesant, 136. 

Dinevy, WILLIAM, 55, note 4. 

Divine River. (See Chicago River.) 

















INDEX. 


Dixon, JEREMIAH, a founder of New Haven, 
30, note. 

Dixon, JEREMIAH, one of the commission- 
ers to define the Pennsylvania boundary 
(“Mason and Dixon’s line’), |1762], 
496, note. 

Dock CREEK, near Philadelphia, 492. 


| Doxe Inp1ans, attacked by Virginians, 294. 


Do ores, mission of, 596, 599. 

DoranTES, STEPHEN, supposed murder of, 
567. 

Dorcuester, Mass., emigration from to 
Windsor, 9, 25. 

Dover, N. H., early settlers at, 423 ; attack 
on, 444. 

Dover, Treaty oF, [1670], 346. 

DowninG, Str GEORGE, 427, note. 

Drake, ADMIRAL Sir FRANCIS, visits Cali- 
fornia, [1579], 553, 570 et seg. ; his in- 
terview with the Indians, 572 et seq.; 
his discoveries discussed, 575, 576. 

Drayton, Leicestershire, England, birth- 
place of George Fox, 166. 

DRINKER, , an early Pennsylvania 
settler, 492. 

Drisius, DomInIe£, 2387, 239. 

DrummMonp, Wi LtriaM, Governor of the Al- 
bemarle colony, North Carolina, |1663], 
276; a leader in Bacon’s rebellion, 
[1675], 307, 311 et seg.; executed, 316. 

DrummMonp, Mrs., wife of William Drum- 
mond, her part in Bacon’s rebellion, 
307. 

Dvusrevit, Mr., invents the earliest cotton- 
gin, 551. 

Duck IsLtanp (Isles of Shoals), 427. 

DupLey, JOSEPH, Massachusetts commis- 
sioner to England, 387. 

Duprey, Roperr, observations 
Drake’s discoveries, 571, 575. 

Duuavrt, the murderer of La Salle, 519, 520, 
ool: 

“DuKe’s Laws,” the, code prepared by 
Nicolls for New York, |1665], 327 et 
seq. ; rejected by the New Jersey Assem- 
bly, 479. 

Douranp, WILLIAM, secretary of Maryland 
under the Commonwealth, 218. 

Durant, GEorGE, an early settler on Al- 
bemarle Sound, 271 et seq. 

Durcu, Tue, rescue English prisoners from 
the Pequots, 6; claim the Connecticut 
River, 31 ; difficulties with the English, 
32 et seq.; character of their coloniza- 
tion, 32. 

Dyck, Henprick Van, a member of Stuyve- 


of on 





INDEX. 


sant’s council, 118; ill-treated by Stuy- 
vesant, 136. 

Dyre, or Dyer, WILLIAM, 44, note; a peti- 
tioner for the charter of 1663, 113, note ; 
naval commander of the Rhode Island 
forces against the Dutch, 143. 

Dyer, Mary, arrives in Boston, [1657], 
183; returns, 191 ; sentenced to death, 
192; reprieved and banished, 193; her 
return, arrest, and execution, 194. 


ASTCHURCH, THOMAS. Speaker of 
the Albemarle Assembly, afterward 
Governor of Northern Carolina, [1676], 
284; arrives in Carolina; dies, 286. 

East River, New York, 339, 342, 343. 


East Hampron (Long Island), settled, 
[1640], 34; united to Connecticut, 


* [1650], 35. 

East Inp1a Company, the Dutch, 330. 

East New Jersey, or East JERSEY. (See 
New Jersey.) 

Easton, JOHN, 46. 

Easton, Nicno.ras, 46, and note; 113, note. 

Easton, PETER, 46. 

Eaton, THEOPHILUS, one of the founders 
of New Haven, 27, 30, note; its first 
governor, [1639], 30 ; his correspondence 
with Stuyvesant, 125 et seq. 

Episto River, 8. C., 362. 

Eieut Men, board of, ignored by Stuyve- 
sant, 118. 

Epmounps, ———, punished at Hartford, 25. 

ELBERTSEN, ELBERT, a signer of the Ver- 
toogh, 134. 

Exror, Rrv. JouN, teacher of the Indians, 
192378, 137: 

Evizapetu, New Jersey, founded, [1665], 
321. 

ELIZABETHPORT, N.J., 321. 

EvLKE River, 214. 

~“n Moro,” Inscription Rock so called, 
584. 

Ex Paso, a town on the Mexican frontier 
of Texas, 584 et seq., 598. 

ELsinGporG, or ELFspore, Swedish post at 
the mouth of Salem Creek, 152; aban- 
doned, 153. 

E.woop, THOMAS, 177, note. 

Enpicotr, JoHN, commands expedition to 
Block Island, [1636], 2 et seq.; fines 
Clark and his companions, 108; his 
treatment of the Quakers, 182 et seq.; 
sentences Quakers to death, 192. 

Esopus (also called Winttwyck or WILD- 





615 


wyck), attacked by Indians [1655], 232 ; 
’ continued hostilities at [1663], 235, 343. 

Esrreyo, ANTONIO DE, his journey up the 
Rio del Norte, [1582], 578 et seq.; his 
return, [1584], 583. 

“ HSPLANDIAN,” romance of, gives an ac- 
count of an imaginary region called 
California, 565. 

EVERTSEN, JOHN, a signer of the Ver- 
toogh, 134. 

EVERTSEN, CORNELIS, one of the Dutch 
commanders at the recapture of New 
York, [1673], 347 et seq. 

ExeTreR, N. H. (Squamscor Fatts), 
founded, [1638], 422; attacked by In- 
dians, 447. 


PrATREIELD, Conn., fight with the Pe- 
quots at, 15; prepares for war with the 
Dutch, 147. 

FatmoutH, Me., murders by Indians at, 
441. 

FarretTT, JAMES, agent of Lord Stirling, 
34, 184. 

Fayat, Colonel Norwood at, 207. 

Fevy, Henry, a Friends’ minister, 177. 

FELL, MarGaret, wife of George Fox, 177. 

FeNDALL, Josi1as, Governor of Maryland, 
221. 

FENN, BENJAMIN, a magistrate of New 
Haven, 322. ; 

Fenwick, Greoree, Governor of the Say- 
brook colony, 31. 

FENWICKE, JOHN, purchases a proprietary 
interest in New Jersey, 474 et seq. 

FIELD, WILLIAM, 113, note. 

Fire Isuanp Inter, Dutch ship wrecked 
at, 163. 

Fisurr, Mary, arrives in Boston, 177; 
life and character of,,178; returned to 
Barbadoes, 181. 

FIsHkiiu, the, now the Brandywine, an 
affluent of the Delaware, 159. 

Five Nations, the, 233 et seq. 

Friatsusu, Long Island, 345. 

FLETCHER, BENJAMIN, Governor of New 
York and Pennsylvania, 498, 

Fiorina, history of in the eighteenth cen- 
tury, 554, 555; ceded to the United 
States, [1819], 555; missions in, 556 ; 
intercourse between its people and the 
English, 557 et seq. 

Firower, Enocu, first school-teacher in 
Philadelphia, 495. 


Fiusuine (Long Island), 35; represented 


616 


in the convention of 1653, 145; Friends 
‘at, 239 et seq.; English agitators at, 257. 

Forrester, ANDREW, agent of Lady Stir- 
ling, 124. 

Fort AMSTERDAM, 265; named Fort James, 
[1664], 266. 

Forr AssymprTion, a French post near 
Memphis, 549. 

Fort BEvEeRSREDE, built by Andreas Hud- 
dle, 151. 

Forr Casimir, built by the Dutch at Sand- 
huken, 153; gaptured by the Swedes, 
155, 156; recaptured, 158; surrenders 
to the English, [1664], 266. 

Fort Curistina, Swedish post on the Del- 
aware, 152; captured by the Dutch, 
[1655], 159, 160. 

Forr Frontenac, a French post on the 
Niagara, 516. 

Fort Goop Hops, seized by John Under- 
hill, 143; by the Connecticut authori- 
ties, 148. 

Fort GoTTEenBuRG, 151. 

Fort James, Fort Amsterdam so named by 
the English, [1664], 266, 343. 

Fort Kine GEorGE, Georgia, 560. 

Fort Nassau, ill-chosen site of, 150; aban- 
doned, 153. 

Fort ORANGE, visited by Stuyvesant, 129. 
[See also Albany. ] 

Forr Saint Louis, a French post estab- 
lished in Texas, [1685], 518; taken by 
Spaniards, [1686], 598. 

Fort Trinity (TREFALLDIGHEET), a 
Swedish post on the Delaware (for- 
merly the Dutch Fort Casimir), 156 ; 
recaptured by the Dutch, 158. 

Fort WitiiamM Henry, at Pemaquid, taken 
by the French, 449. 

FOTHERGILL, SAMUEL, observations on the 
dress of the Quakers, 172. 

Fow er, Rosert, brings Friends to New 
England, 185. 

Fox, CHRISTOPHER, father of George Fox, 
166. 

Fox, Greorce, founder of the Society of 
Friends, 165 et seq.; his life, character, 
and teachings, 166 ef seq. ; questions the 
Massachusetts commissioners, 197 ; goes 
with Penn to Holland, 486; his lands 
in Philadelphia, 494. 

Fox River, 501, 503. 

FREEBORNE, WILLIAM, 44, note. 

Fresua River. (See Connecticut River.) 

FRIENDS, or QuAKERS, history of in Eng- 


land, 166 et seq.; doctrines and man- | 





INDEX. 


ners of, 170 et seq. ; first use of the name 
“ Quakers,” 176; history of in New 
England, 177 et seq.; early laws against, 
179, 182, 187, 189; sufferings of in New 
Netherland, 239 et seq.; colonization of 
West Jersey by, 475 et seqy.; Pennsyl- 
vania settled by, 488 ef seq. 

FRONTENAC, Louis, Count pk, Governor of 
Canada, 398, 502; aids La Salle, 510, 
512. . 

Frost, Mason, killed by Indians at Kittery, 
449, | 

Fuciii, THomas, a founder of New Haven, 
30, note. 

FuLiER, Captain, a leader of the Mary- 
land Puritans, 219; asserts the jurisdic- 
tion of Cromwell’s commissioners in 
Maryland, 222. 

“FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS,” the, of 
Carolina, drawn up by John Locke, 
[1669], 276 ef seg.; repealed, 368. 


ALLOP, CAPTAIN, killed at the Nar- 
ragansett Fort, 413. 

GANDERA, an explorer in Arizona, 591. 
GARDINER, Captain (of Massachusetts), 
killed at the Narragansett Fort, 413. 
GARDINER, DavID, first English child born 

in Connecticut, [1636], 24, note. 

GARDINER, CAPTAIN Lion, commander at 
Saybrook fort, 5; extracts from his ac- 
count of the Pequot War, 5, 6; buys 
Gardiner’s Island, 34 ; reports intended 
Indian massacre, 93. 

GarpDINER’s IstaAnpD (Manchonack), 34. 

“ GARONNE,” the, a ship belonging to the 
Western Company, 533. 

GEORGE, CAPTAIN, commander of the Rose 
frigate, 393. 

Gerrisu’s [formerly Dartington] IsLanp, 
N. H.,:419. 

GIBBONS, , afriend of William Pep- 
erell, 427, note. 

GIBBONS, SARAH, imprisoned at Boston, 
240, note. 

Gipson, Rev. Ricuarp, minister at Ports- 
mouth, N. H., 421. 

Gina River, 588 et seq. 

GiLtBertT, Mattuew, a founder of New 
Haven, 30, note ; deputy-governor of 
New Haven, 322, 

GILLAM, , an English trader arrested 
in the Albemarle Colony, 286. 

Guiammis, Lapy, burnt as a witch, [1587], 
452. 











INDEX. 


GLOUCESTER County, Va., 304, 305. 

GLOUCESTER Point, Va., Bacon at, 311. 

GLOUCESTER Pornt, on the Delaware, 152. 

Giover, Mrs., hanged as a witch, Boston, 
455, 456. 

Gorre, COLONEL WILLIAM, arrives in New 
England, [1660], 379 ; at Hadley, |1676], 
410. 

GOLDEN Gates, the, at San Francisco, 576. 

“Gotpen Lion,” the, an English mer- 
chantman concerned in the Severn bat- 





tle, 218. 

Goop, Sarau, tried for witchcraft, [1692], 
458. 

Goopwin, , declares herself bewitched, 


455 ; enters Cotton Mather’s family, 456. 

GOODYEAR, STEPHEN, Deputy Governor of 
New Haven, 125. 

Goox tn, Rev. Mr., 19. 

Gorpon, THomas, a follower of Bacon, 
Blihe ' 

GorGeANA, “City” of, incorporated at 
York, Me., [1641], 420. 

GorGES, Sir Ferpinanpo, Winthrop be- 
lieves him divinely punished for op- 
posing the Puritans, 56; Maine and 
New Hampshire Patent of, 1419 e¢ seq., 
427. 

GorTON, SAMUEL, at Boston, Plymouth, and 
Acquidneck, 68; dispute with Codding- 
‘ton, 69; settles at Providence, [1641], 
69; buys land at Pawtuxet, 69; his dif- 
culties with the authorities, 70 et seq. ; 
moves to Shawomet, [1642], 74; signs 
letter to Massachusetts magistrates, 75, 
note ; summoned to appear at Boston, 
79; his settlement attacked, 80 et seq. ; 
carried with his party to Boston, [1643], 
85; disputes with Cotton, 86; his trial, 
87 ; imprisonment and banishment, 89 ; 
his dealings with the Indians, 90; re- 
turns to Shawomet, 97; settlement of 
the Gorton controversy, [1658], 98, 99; 
petitions for the Rhode Island charter 
of 1663, 113. 

Gove, Epwarp, a leader in the anti-rent 
disturbances in New Hampshire, 429. 

Gowanus, Long Island, 343. 

GRAFTON, DUKE OF, 292. 

GRAINE, JASPER, a New Haven colonist, 
155, note. 

GRAND PrE TREATY, 550. 

GRANTHAM, , a messenger sent to In- 
gram by Berkeley, 315. 

GRAVESEND, L. I., represented in the con- 
vention of towns, 1653, 145. 











617 


GreaT Istanp (now Newcastle), N. H., 
“ stone-throwing ”’ at, 467. 

GREEN, Rev. RoGer, secures a grant on 
Albemarle Sound, [1653], 271. 

GREEN, THomAS, Governor of Maryland, 214. 

GREEN Bay, Wisconsin, 503. 

GREENAWAY, Roperr, master of Penn’s 
ship Welcome, 489. 

GREENE, JOHN, 40, note; concerned in the 

’ Weston controversy, 71; signs letter to 

Massachusetts magistrates, 75, note; 
goes to England on behalf of the Gorton 
people, 98; petitions for the charter of 
1663, 113. 

GREENLAND, N. H., 441. 

GREENSPRING, Va., a stronghold of the 
Bacon party, 314, 315; assembly at, 317. 

GREENWICH, Conn., given to New Haven 
by the treaty of 1650, 138. 

GREENWICH Bay, Conn., 138. 

“ GRIFFIN,” the, La Salle’s vessel built at 
Fort Frontenac, 510. 


GRIJALVA, HERNANDO DE, discovers the 
peninsula of California, [1534], 564 et 
seq. 

GUEST, , an early settler in Philadel- 





phia, 492. 

GUILFORD, Conn., 15; settled, 31; New 
Jersey settlers from, 323. 

Guinea (African coast), Dutch and English 
conflicts in, 330. 

“ GuiInzBA,” the, ship of the Virginia Com- 
missioners, 214. 

GULF OF CALIFORNIA, called Red Sea, etc., 
566. 


HADLEY, Mass., Indian attack at, [1675], 
409 ; second attack, [1676], 415. 
Harz, Str Matruew, a believer in witch- 
craft, 452. 

Hatz, Mrs., of Beverly, Mass., accused of 
witcheraft, 463. 

Hatt, Tuomas, one of the Nine Men, 123, 
note. 


Haurtert, WixiiamM, sheriff at Flushing, 


239. 

HAMPDEN, JOHN, 374. 

Hampton, N. H. (WinnicumettT), Wheel- 
wright at, 423. 

HarpensurGc, ARNOLDUS VAN, one of the 
Nine Men, 123, note; engaged in the 
controversy with Stuyvesant, 131. 

Harem, N. Y., village government of or- 

ganized, [1660], 245. 

Harris, THOMAS, 113, note. 


618 


Harris, WILiiAM, 40, note. 

Harrrorp, threatened by the Pequots, 6; 
contributes a force to the expedition 
against them, 9; sends delegate to first 
General Court of Connecticut, 22; 
boundary treaty of, [1650], 137, 247, 256; 
action at, concerning Dutch aggression, 


351. 
Harvey, Jonun, Governor of Northern Caro- 
lina, 288. : 


Harvey. Sir Jouy, returns to Virginia as 
Governor, [1637], 200; succeeded by 
Wyat, 201. 

HarFieLp, Mass., 414; attacked [1676], 
415. 

HATHORNE, JUSTICE, a magistrate in the 
witchcraft trials, 458. 

HATHORNE, CapTain, sent against the In- 
dians, 441. 

HAVERHILL, Mass., 406. 

Haw ey, Jerome, colonial treasurer of Vir- 
ginia, 200, 201. 

Haynes, Jouy, Governor of Connecticut, 
23; his action in the matter of Mian- 
tonomo, 93, 96. 

HEAMANS, Caprain, master of the ship 
Golden Lion, 219. 

Hearp, ELIZABETH, escapes the massacre 
at Dover, 445. 

Heatn, Sir Ropert, an early grantee of 
Carolina, [1630], 270. 

Heemsrepe. (See Hempstead.) 

Heermans, AvuGustTine, one of the Nine 
Men, 123, note; Dutch commissioner to 
Maryland, 250. 

Hens, a member of La Salle’s expedition, 
520. 

Hevena, Ark., site of, 508. 

Hei Gate (East River, N. Y.), 35; old 
description of, 342. 

Hemp, laws of Connecticut in regard to its 
cultivation, 26. 

Hempstead (HeEemstepp), Long Island, 35; 
represented in the convention of 1653, 
145; route to, from New York, 343. 

Hen, ,a Virginia settler killed by the 
Indians, 294. 

HENCHMAN, CapTatn, an officer in Philip’s 
War, 415. 

HENNEPIN, Farner, his journey down the 
Illinois, [1679], 511. 

Herrick, Marsuan*G., concerned in the 
witcheraft trials, 458. 

Herring Creek, Md., 218. 

Hixsins, Mrs., executed as a witch, [1656], 
455. 





INDEX. 


Hinckey, Tuomas, Governor of Plymouth, 
389. 

Hincuam, Mass., old meeting house at, 58; 
incident at, described by Winthrop, 58. 

Hopart, Rev. PETER, 58. 

Hoppes, , Opinions 
452. 

Hoxsoxken, burned by Indians, [1655], 231. 

Hopsnone, or Hopeson, RoBert, a Friend, 
persecuted at New Amsterdam, 240 e 
seq. 

Hoekins. (See Kankamagus.) 

Hotpen, RanpDALtL, 44, note; arrested with 
Gorton, 69; concerned in the contro- 
versy over Weston’s cattle, 71; signs 
letter to Massachusetts magistrates, 75, 
note; goes to England on behalf of the 
Gorton people, 98; petitions for the char- 
ter of 1663, 113. 

Houper, CHRISTOPHER, banished from 
Martha’s Vineyard, 181; at Plymouth, 
185; at Salem, 186; punished in Bos- 
ton, 186, 187. 

Houpen, Ropert, a North Carolina colonist. 
and commissioner in I:ngland, 287. 
Hotimman, EzeKinr, 40, note; rebaptizes 

Roger Williams, 69. 

Hoitmes, Rev. Opsapian, visits William 
Witter at Lyin, 106; arrested, 106 ; 
fined, 108; whipped, |1651], 109, 110. 

Hout, Cuier JusrTice&, witch trials before, 
453. 

Hort, Mary, punished at Hartford, 26. 

Honyoke, Caprain, in the Indian fight 
near Turner’s Falls, 414. 


on witchcraf', 


| Honprus, his map of Drake’s Bay, 576, 577. 


HoneEyYwoop, Sir Pui.ip, 208. 

Hooker, Rev. THomas, emigrates to Con- 
necticut, 37. 

Hopkins, Epwarpb, Governor of Connecti- 
cut, 23; arrival of in Boston, 27; in 
London, 148. 

Hopkins, Matrunw, an English “ witch- 
finder,” 452. 

Horn Pornt, Annapolis, Md., 218. 

How, Carrain DANIEL, attempts settle- 
ment on Long Island, 34, 124. 

Husates InpIans, 583. 

Husparp, WILLIAM, his description of Gor- 
ton quoted, 68. 

Huszarp, James, a leader of the meeting 
of Long Island towns, 145; arrested 
for raising the English flag, 150. 

Hvusert, an officer at New Orleans, 538. 

Huppr, Andreas, Dutch commissioner at 
Fort Nassau, 151 et seq. 





INDEX. 


Hupson River, 35. 

Hui, Epwarp, commander of Rhode Isl- 
and vessels against the Dutch, 143. 

Huntineron (Long Island), 35. 

Huron Inpians, 499 et seq. 

Hurcuinsoy, Mrs. Ann, in the <Antino- 
mian controversy, 41, 42; at Acquid- 
neck, +5 et seq. 

Hurcuinson, Epwarp, 44, note; agent in 
London, 102. 

Hurcuinson, Epwarp, JR., 44, note. 

Hurcurnson, WILLIAM, 44, note; death of, 
47. 


[8 ERVILLE, LEMOYNE pD’, at Pema- 
quid, 449; in charge of the colonization 
of Louisiana, [1699], 522 et seqg.; death 
of, 525. 

Ittinois River, discovered by Marquette, 
502. 

Inp1an Company, The, Western Company 
so called, 532. 

Inprans of New England, character of, 17 et 
seg.; attempts to Christianize them, 19. 

Incram, JosepH, lieutenant-general to 
Bacon, 313 et seq. 

Innocent VIII, Pope, his bull against 
witches, [1484], 451. 

Inscription Rock, 584, 585, and note. 

Iroquois Inpians, 507, 511. 

IsLES OF SHOALS, 425 ef seq. 


JACIS BAY, California, not Sir Francis 
Drake’s bay ? 576, 577. 

JACOBS, GEORGE, accused of witchcraft, 462. 

JAMAICA (Long Island), 35. 

Jamaica (Rust—porp), Long Island, settled, 
[1656], 245; named Crafford, 257. 

James II. (See York, Duke of.) 

JAMES, THOMAS, 40, note. 

JAMESTOWN, VIRGINIA, surrender of to the 
Commissioners of the Commonwealth, 
211; burned, [1676], 311. 

Janos Inp1ans, 591. 

JANS, ANNETJE, widow of Dominie Bogar- 

_ dus, 121, note. 

JANSEN, MICHAEL, one of the Nine Men, 
125, note. 

JAQUET, JoHAN PAuL, Dutch governor of 
the Delaware region, 161. 

JEFFREY, MR., testifies to the ‘‘ Stone-throw- 
ing’’ phenomena, 468. 

JEFFREYS, COLONEL HERBERT, royal com- 
missioner and Governor of Virginia, 
[1677], 316. 








619 


JENKINS, JOHN, Governor of Northern 
Carolina, 288. 

JEWEL, BisHor, sermon of against witch- 
craft, 452. 

JERSEY, IsLanp or, defended by Sir George 
Carteret, [1649], 321. 

JESUITS, in Canada, 500 et seq.; in Califor- 
nia, 533 et seqg.; expelled from Spani-h 
possessions, [1767], 597. 

JocomeEs InpDIANs, 591, 593. 

JOGUES, FATHER ISAAC, a Jesuit mission- 
ary among the Five Nations, 233 et seq. 

“Joun,”’ the, a ship in the expedition to 
reduce Virginia; lost at sea, 211. 

JOHNSON, CAPTAIN, killed at the attack on 
the Narragansett Fort, 413. 

JOHNSON, Epwarpb, author of the ‘‘ Won- 
der-working Providence,” sent as com- 
missioner to Shawomcet, 79, note. 

JOLIET, Louris, companion of Marquette, 
starts on his expedition, [16738], 503 et 
seq.; returns, 509, 510. 

JonES, MarGaret, hanged as a witch at 
Charlestown, [1648], 455. 

JONES, SIR WILLIAM, 480. 

JOUTEL, an officer under La Salle, and goy- 
ernor of his colony, 519 et seq. 


KANCAMAGUS (or Ho«cxin’), chief of 
the Penacooks, 443 ; letter of, 443, note. 

KaskKASKIA, Illinois, 547. 

KaTrtENBERG, the Dutch name given to New 
Gottenburg, 162. 

K©ELER, FATHER, a Jesuit missionary, 596. 

KEITH, GEORGE, observations of on wearing 
the hat, 171; princtpal of the Friends’ 
school, Philadelphia, 497. 
Kemp, Ricuarp, colonial secretary of Vir- 
ginia, 200; Deputy Governor, 206. 
KemprHorn, Simon, brings Quakers to 
Boston, 178. 

KENNEBECK RIVER, French traders on, 9; 
Indians of the, 438. . 

“Kent,” the, ship of the early Quaker emi- 
erants to New Jersey, 476, 477. 

Kent, Iste or, Clayborne’s claim to, 213. 

Kentucky (State of), its territory first vis- 
ited by Europeans, [1673], 509. 

KERLEREC, Caprain, Governor of New Or- 

leans, [1753], 551, 552. 

Keyser, AprIAN, member of Stuyvesant’s 
Council, 118. 

Kickapoo Inpians, 503. 

Kierr, Witziam, Governor of New Neth- 
erland, arrests James Farrett and expels 


620 


Captain How, 34; Winthrop’s com- 
ments on death of, 58; gives up the gov- 
ernment to Stuyvesant, [1647], 116; 
accuses Kuyter and Melyn, 118; lost at 
sea, 120, 121. 

Krevit’s Hook, 34. 

Kine’s Country, Long Island, 327. 

Kineston, R. I. (See North and South 
Kingston.) 

Kine Street (Boston). (See State Street.) 

Kino, Farner Evsepsio Francisco, founds 
missions in California, [1670, and later], 
587 et seq. 

Kor, Henprick HrnprickseEn, one of the 
Nine Men, 123, note; Van Tienhoven’s 
account of, 134. 

Kirkr, COLONEL, appointed Governor of 
New England, [1685], 387. 

Kirtery, N. H., (first called Prscaraqua), 
receives its name, [1652], 420; Indian 
attack at, 441. 

KuytTer, Joacuim, complains of Kieft’s 
misrule, 117 et seq. ; arrested, tried, and 
banished, 118, 119, et seg.; saved from 
the wreck of the Princess, 121; his sen- 
tence reversed, 122; appointed schout, 
150. 

Ky xr, GOVERNOR, 360. 


LA BARRE, M. DE, governor of Canada, 
opposes La Salle, 516. 

Lacnine, La Salle’s trading-house, 510. 

La Ilarpe, an officer under Bienville, re- 
ports of, 535, 538; breaks up Spanish 
missions, 600. 

LAKE CHAMPLAIN, French and Indian expe- 
ditions on, etc., 332, 334. 

LAKE Erin, La Salle on, 512. 

Lake MrcuiGan, explorations on, [1640], 
500. 

Lake NrrissinaG, discovered, [1615], 500. 

Lake Onrario, discovered, [1615], 500. 

LakE PONTCHARTRAIN, 532. 

Lake Superior, 500. 

La MontaGne, JOHANNES, 
Stuyvesant’s Council, 118. 

Lancaster, Mass., 406; attacked by In- 
dians, [1676], 414. 

LANDS AND T1TLEs, in Connecticut, 26. 

LARAMORE, CAPTAIN, defeats Bland’s plan 
for the capture of Berkeley, 307, 308, 

La Satie, Roperr CavatiER DE, sketch 
of, 510; sails from Rochelle, [1678], 
510; establishes Fort Créve-cceur, 511; 
his expedition down the Mississippi, 


member of 








INDEX. 


[1682], 513 et seq.; reaches the Gulf, 
515; his return, 516; second expedi- 
tion, [1685], 517; establishes a post in 
Texas, 518; murder of, [1687], 521. 

Larurop, Captain, killed at Bloody Brook, 
411. 

La Tour, assists in planning New Orleans, 
539. 

Launay, Dz, an early settler on the Missis- 
sippl, 521. 

Laurig£, GAWEN, receives an interest in 
New Jersey, 475. 

Law, Joun, born in Edinburgh, [1671], 305 ; 
his career and schemes, 528 et seq. ; his 
connection with Louisiana colonization, 
531 et seg.; ruin and flight of, [1720], 
536. 

LAWRENCE, Ricuarp, one of Bacon’s ad- 
visers and companions, in the Virginia 
rebellion, 305, 311, 315. 

Laws. Early laws of Connecticut, 24, 26, 27 ; 
of Massachusetts, 61, 62 et seq.; under 
Andros, 388 ; of New Hampshire, 423. 

Lawson, JOHN, visits Carolina, [1700], and 
publishes a work upon it, 272; cited, 
213: 

Lawson, Rey. DEopAT, minister at Salem 
in 1684, 456. 

Le Birervuw, bearer of an appeal to the West 
India Company, 149, i 
LepprA, WILLIAM, a Quaker executed at 

Boston, [1661], 194, 195. 

Leicester, England, Fox preaches at, 174. 

LerIsLer, Joun, Governor of New York, 398. 

Le Moyne, FATHER, discovers the Ononda- 
ga salt springs, [1654], 234, note. 

Lemoyne, CHArves, Baron Longueuil, fa- 
ther of the Sieur d’Iberville, 522. 

Le Muoys, Governor of Louisiana, 325. 

Leon, Captain ALovzo pk, Governor of 
Coahuila, expedition of to Texas, [1686], 
598. 

L’Erinay, M.pxr, Governor-general of Lou- 
isiana, 525. 

Le Scour, an explorer of Lake Superior, 
[1700], 524. 

LEVERETT, CAPTAIN, commander of a ship 
sent out by Cromwell, 148. 

LEeVERETT, JOHN, Governor of Massachu- 
setts, 406. 

Lewes, Delaware, 248. 

Ley, Lorn, at Boston, 41, note. 

LICENSE OF SPEECH, laws against, 65. 

Linares, Duke oF, viceroy of Mexico, 599. 

Lioror, surgeon of La Salle’s expedition, 
519 et seq. 





INDEX. 621 


LittLe Eca Harpor, N. J., 475. 

Lirtite Harpor, N. H., attacked by Indians, 
449. 

LittLteton, Mass., attempt to revive the 
witcheraft delusion at, 470. 

Livineston, ROBERT, 398. 

Luoyp, Tuomas, Deputy Governor of Penn- 
sylvania, 498. 

Locks, Joun, draws up the “ Fundamental 
Constitutions” for Carolina, [1669], 276 
et seq. 

Locan, JAmeEs, Penn's private secretary, 
490. 

Lona IsLanp, claimed by the Earl of Stir- 
ling, 34; towns of, 35; divided by Hart- 
ford treaty, 1387; granted to the Duke 
of York, [1664], and called Yorkshire, 
260. 

Lone PARLIAMENT. (See Parliament.) 

LONGUEUIL, BARON DE. (See Lemoyne.) 

LoocKERMANS, GOVERT, one of the Nine 
Men, 123, note; Van Tienhoven’s ac- 
count of, 134. 

Lorrz, Fatruer, killed by Indians, 580. 

Louis XIV., alliance of with the Dutch, 
[1666], 331; letter of to Frontenac, 
[1676], 510; Louisiana named for, 
[1682], 515. 

Lovis-X V., 549, 550. 

Louisiana, named by La Salle, [1682], 515; 
settled, [1685], 517; granted to Crozat, 
[1712], 525, 598; ceded to England: 
563. 

Lovevace, Francis, confirms purchase of 
Staten Island, [1670], 327; Governor of 
New York, [1668], 336 ; orders burning 
of the Long Island votes, 845; arrested 
for debt, 350. 

LowesTort, naval battle of, [1665], 330. 

LowTHER, AGNES, wife of Thomas Clay- 
borne, 2138. 

LowTHER, Sir RIcHARD, 213. 

Lucas, NicHoras, receives an interest in 
New Jersey, 475. 

Lupiow, RocGeEr, 22, note; appointed com- 

~ mander of the force raised at Fairfield, 
147, 

LupWELL, CoLonEL Puitip, Governor of 
Southern Carolina, 366; Governor of 
both Carolinas, 367. 

Luts, leader of an insurrection against the 
Jesuit missionaries, [1750], 596. 

LunpForD, Sir THOMAS, 208. 

LUTHERANS, in New Amsterdam, 237 et seq. 

Lynn, Mass., emigration from to Long Isl- 


and, |1640], 34. 








LYNNHAVEN Bay, Va., witchcraft trial at, 
470. 


MACKINAC, STRAITS AND ISLAND 
OF, 500, 509, 510. 

Mapockawanpo, sachem of the Penob- 
scots, 441; signs treaty at Casco, 442. 

Maeunus, a squaw sachem of the Narragan- 
setts, 417. 

Maipen Lane (New York), 342. 

MALtTrAvVERS, Lorp (afterwards EARL OF 
ARUNDEL), buys Heath’s Carolina pat- 
ent, 270. 

MAMARONECK CREEK, N. Y.,, its relation to 
the Connecticut boundary, 325, 326. 
Mampre, Faruer, carries La Salle’s report 

to France, 516. 

Mancuonack. (See Gardiner’s Island.) 

ManninG, JOHN, Lieutenant-governor of 
New York, 347; surrenders the prov- 
ince, [1673], 348. 

“ MaRIGOLD,” the, a ship of Drake’s fleet, 
570. 

Markuam, CoLoneL, Deputy Governor of 
Pennsylvania, [1694], 498. 

MarQueEtTTeE, FatueEr, his expedition to the 
Mississippi, [1673], 503 ; among the Ili- 
nois Indians, 505; descends the river, 
506 et seq. 

MARSHALL, Captain, killed at the Narra- 
gansett Fort, 413. 

Marston Moor, battle of, 203. 

Martua’s VINEYARD, included in 
Duke of York’s grant, 260. 

MAryYLanpD, loyalty of, suspected by the par- 
liamentary party, 211; under the par- 
liamentary commissioners, [1652 and 
later], 214 et seg.; controversies with 
regard to its boundaries, with the 
Dutch, [1659, 1660], 249 et seq.; with 
Penn, [1683, 1684], 495 et seq. 

Mascoutin Inpians, 503. 

Mason, CoLonE., a Virginia officer, 294. 

Mason, Captain Jonny, his New Hamp- 
shire grant, 420 et seq.; disputes con- 
cerning it, 428 et seq.; his death, [1635], 
427. 

Mason, Jonn, commands a force sent 
against the Pequots, 9; sails from Say- 
brook, 11 ; lands in Narragansett Bay, 
12; attacks and burns the Pequot ort, 
12 et seq. 

Mason, Roperr (Turton), presses his 
claim to New Hampshire, 428 ; attacked 
by colonists, 431, 432. 


the 


622 


Mason, Turton, a descendant of Robert 
Mason, 435, note. 

MASSACHUSETTS, resolves upon the Pequot 
war, 9; hostility of to Rhode Island, 
48 «ft seq.; joins confederation, |1643], 
49 ; omits the King’s name from its offi- 
cial oath, 50; action of in regard to 
Gorton, 71 et seg.; Quakers in, 177 et 
seq.; proceedings in regard to its char- 
ter, 375 et seq.; Philip's war in, 401 et 
seq.; witchcraft delusion in, 450 et seq. 

Massasoir, sachem of the Wampanoags, 
father of Philip and Alexander, 404. 

Maracorpa Bay, Texas, entered by La 
Salle, [1685], 517; colony at, 517, 521; 
captured by De Leon, [1686], 598 ; new 
settlement in, 601. 

Matanzas PassaGeE, St. Augustine, 561. 

Maruer, Corton, his part in the witchcraft 
delusion, 456 et s-q.; 464. 

Marner, Increase, President of Harvard 
College, 395; cited, 404; opposes the 
witchcraft delusion, 459. 

Maruews, Captain, Virginia agent in Eng- 
land, 221; Governor of Virginia, [1656], 
222; death of, [1659], 222, 223. 

Marowack, Long Island so called, 124. 

MaTTAPoIseTT River, Mass., Wetamoo 
drowned in, 404. 

Maverick, SAMUEL, royal commissioner to 
New York and New England, [1663-64], 
257, 260. 

Mayuew, Rev. Toomas, 19, 378, 437. 

Mean, WitttaM, tried in London with Wil- 
liam Penn, 484, 485. 

MEGAPOLENSIS, DoMINIE, minister at New 
Amsterdam, 158, 265. 

MELYN, CorNELIS, complains against Kieft, 
117; arrested, tried, and punished, 
[1647], 118, 119 et seg.; saved from the 
wreck of the Princess, 121; his sentence 
reversed, 122; returns to New Nether- 
land, 131; persecution of, 132, 135. 

MeEnpoza, viceroy of New Spain, [1535], 
566 ; Cape Mendocino named for, 569. 

MENENDEZ, PEDRO, government of St. Au- 
gustine made hereditary in the family 
of, 556; his course with regard to the 
introduction of negro slaves in Florida, 
558. 

MERMAID TAVERN, 177. 

Merrimac Rrver, Indians of the, 435; 
name of, 436, note: 

Mesnarp, Farner, founds missions on 
Lakes Superior and Huron, [1660], 501. 

Meracomer. (See Philip.) 








INDEX. 


Mramr Inprans, 503, 548. 

MIANTONOMO, assists the English against 
the Pequots, 9; his share of the prison- 
ers, 16; his grant to Roger Williams, 
39; sells Rhode Island, 48; sells lands 
to Gorton’s party, 77; his feud with 
Uncas, 92 et seq.; murdered by Uneas, 
92, 96. 

MicHiGan (State of), its territory first 
visited by Bréboeuf and Chaumonot, 
[1640], 500. 

MippLEBOROUGH, 405; Indian raid at, 406. 

MippLebpurGH. (See Newtown.) 

MippitrE PLANTATION, Va., convention at, 
306. 

Mipwovr (Frarzsesn), L. L, represented 
in the convention of towns, [1653], 145. 

Mirrorp, Conn., settled, 31; emigrants 
from to New Jersey, 323. 

Mivier, Tnomas, an Albemarle colonist, 
trial of, 284; Deputy Governor, 285 et 
seq.; removed, 287. 

MILner, James, a Ranter, 175. 

Mitton, Jon, saves the life of Davenant, 

Le 

Minco Inprans, 493. 

Minor Hovuss, Boston, 55, note 3. 

Mingua Inprans, 150. 

Mississtvppr1 River, first knowledge of 
among the French, 501; visited by 
Marquette, [1673], 503; visited by La 
Salle, [1682], 513; called St. Louis, 525. 

“ Mississipp1 ScHEME,” the, 532 et seq. 

Missourr InpIaAns, 601. 

Missourtr (State of), its territory first vis- 
ited by Europeans, [1678], 509. 

Missourr River, (called Pekitanoui by 
Marquette), 506; called St. Philip, 525, 

MITCHELSON, MARGARET, & woman 
preacher, 172, note. 

MircnigamMea, an Indian village visited by 
Marquette, 508. 

Mixan, a Narragansett sachem, 91; ac- 
cused of a league with the Dutch, 141. 

Mosire Bay, Iberville’s post in, 523. 

Mornire River, French settlement on, 523. 

Moae, or Muea, a New England sachem, 
441. 

Monawk Inprans, murder the Pequot ref- 
ugees, 16; relations with the French, 
331 et seq.; hostile to New Hampshire 
Indians, 435. 

Mouwecan Inpians, allies of the English in 
the Pequot War, 9; enemies of the Nar- 
ragansectts, 92 et seq.; allies of the Eng- 
lish in Philip’s War, 412. 








INDEX. 


Momaugutin, a Connecticut sachem, sells 
land for New Haven, 28. 

Monk, GeorGb, DuKE OF ALBEMARLE, 
march of to London, 223; a patentee of 
Carolina, 269; first Palatine, 281. 

Montauk POIntT, 35. 

Monrteano, Governor of St. Augustine, 
562. 

Monterey, Count or, viceroy of Mexico, 
583. 

MonTreEAt, 501. 

Mooanam. (See Alexander.) 

Moopy, Lapy, her home attacked by In- 
dians, 232. 

Moopy, Rey. Mr., minister at Portsmouth, 
N. H., 424; resists Cranfield, 430. 

Moore, JAMES, Governor of Carolina, ex- 
pedition of to St. Augustine, 559. 

Moosa, Spanish post near St. Augustine, 
561, 562: 

Moosuausick. (See Providence.) 

Moosnatvsick RIVER, 39. 

MoranGeEt, nephew of La Salle, killed by 
his comrades, 520. 

Mortz, Dr., a believer in witchcraft, 452. 

Moreton, JoserHu, Governor of Southern 
Carolina, [1683], 358 et seq. 

Morrison, FRANCIS, revises Virginia laws, 
225; Governor in Berkeley’s absence, 
227 ; royal commissioner, 316. 

MoseEty, CaprTain, attacks the Indians at 
Bloody Brook, 411, 412; anecdote of, 
412, note. 

Mount Hops, the home of Philip, 406, 417. 

Muscocek Inpians, confederated tribes of 
Florida, 564. 

Myer, RIcHARD, a Ranter, 175. 

MyGGENBORG, a name given to Elsingborg, 
153. 

Mystic River, Conn., 12. 


ANSEMOND RIVER, Va., early set- 

tlements on, [1609], 270. 

Nantucket, included in the Duke of York’s 
grant, 260. 

NANUNTENOO, a Narragansett chief, an ally 
of Philip, 404; executed, 416. 

NARRAGANSETT Bay, 11. 

NarraGAnsett Inpians, allies of the Eng- 
lish against the Pequots, 8 et seq.; 
growth of hostile feeling among them, 
90 et seq. 

NARRAGANSETT PATENT, [1648], 100 et seq. 

Narsso, BARTOLOME, name of, cut on In- 
scription Rock, [1620], 585. 





623 


NasEBy, battle of, 206. 

Natcuez Inp1Ians, account of, 540 et seq. ; 
massacre of the French by, [1729], 543; 
expedition against, 545; surrender of, 
546. 

NATCHEZ, trading-post of the French on the 
Mississippi, 539. 

NatcHEz Inpians, 514, 515. | 

Narconirocues, French post at, attacked, 
[1730], 546 ; expedition from, 599; the 
post removed, 601. 

NAUMKEAG, 436, note. 

Navesink InpIAns, 493. 

Navipap, port of, Cabrillo sails from, 
[1543], 569. 

Navigation Act, passed by the Long Par- 
liament, 201 ; attempted enforcement of 
in Virginia, 227, 228. 

NAYLOR, JAMES, the Ranter, 175. 

Neat, James, Lord Baltimore’s attorney, 
253. 

Necues Inprans and mission, 601. 

NECOTOWANCE, successor to Opechancan- 
ough, 206. 

NEEDHAM, CAPTAIN, a counsellor in New 
York, 320. 

New Apion Company, The, 209. 

New Apion, Port or, a bay on the Cal- 
ifornia coast discovered and so named 
by Drake, [1579], 571 et seq.; locality 
of, 575; 576, 

New AmstTet (NIEUWER AMSTEL), the 
colony of the city of Amsterdam on the 
Delaware, 161 et seg. ; 249 et seg.; sur- 

_ rendered to the English, [1664], 266. 

New AMSTERDAM. (See also New York, 
city of), reception of Stuyvesant at, 
115 et seg. ; governed by the Board of 
Nine Men, 123; attempted attack on 
by Indians, [1655], 230; surrendered to 
the English, [1664], 262 et seg.; named 
New York, 266. 

Newark, N. J., founded, [1666], 323. 

Newcast1e, Del., Fort Casimir on the site 
of, 153 ; the town founded, [1665], 162, 
PASH 

New Dorp, Staten Island, village of settled, 
245. 

New Eneranp Company, The, its connec- 
tion with the settlement at Cape Fear, 
S. C., 272 et seq. 

New EnGuannp, Unirep CoLonies OF. 
(See United Colonies, etc.) 

New Haerztem. (See Harlem.) 

New Hampsuirp, early settlers of, 419 et 
seg. ; colonies of included in Massachu- 


624 


setts, [1641], 421; early laws of, 424; 
toleration in, 425. 

New Haven, founded, [1638], 28; constitu- 
tion of, 30; joins confederation, [1643], 
49; claimed by Stuyvesant, 125; colo- 
nists from embark for the Delaware, 
154; brought under the jurisdiction of 
Connecticut, [1662], 255. 

NEWICHAWANNOCK. (See Berwick.) 

New JERSEY, granted to Berkeley and Car- 
teret, [1664] ; and named, 321. 

New Lonpon, Connecticut, 4. 

NewMaN, Ropert, of New Haven, 30, note. 

New Mexico, named, [1582], 580; silver 
mines of, 597. 

New NeErueRLAND, surrender of, [1664], 
266. (See New York.) 

New OranGe, New York city so-called un- 
der the second period of Dutch rule, 
349 et seq. 

New Or EANS, La., founded, [1718], 532; 
plan of, 539. 

“ Newport,” the, an English frigate, 449. 

Newport, R. L,, settled, [1638], 46. 

New SOMERSETSHIRE, Gorges’ province 
of, 374. 

Newron, Mass., emigration from to Con- 
necticut, 25, 

Newton, Captain, member of Stuyvesant’s 
council, 118. 

Newtown (Long Island), 35; represented 
in the convention of 1653, 145; named 
Hastings, [1663], 257. 

New Urrecurt, Long Island, incorporated, 
[1661], 245. F 
New Yorx« (city), New Amsterdam so 
named by the English, [1664], 266 ; first 
municipal government of, 529; descrip- 
tion of, 338 et seg.; recapture by the 
Dutch, [1678], 348; restored to Eng- 

land, [1674], 354. 

New York (State), the territory of, for- 
merly New Netherland, granted to the 
Duke of York, [1664], 260; provincial 
government of, 320; Connecticut bound- 
ary of, 324 et seq. 

NraGara River and Fatts, visited by La 
Salle, [1678, 1679], 510. 

Nica, Marco pp, expedition and pretended 
discoveries of in California, 567. 

NIcOLLET, JEAN, first visits Wisconsin, 
[1634], 500. 

Nroouzs, Caprain Marruias, Secretary of 
New York, 320. 

Nicoiis, Coronet RicHarp, Royal Com- 
missioner to New England, and Govy- 





INDEX. 


ernor of New York, 260 et seq.; de- 
mands the surrender of New Nether- 
land, [1664], 262; receives it, 266; his 

' government, 327 et seg.; departure of, 
337. 

Nine Men, Boarp of, established, [1647], 
122,123; their conflicts with Stuyve- 
sant, 130 et seq. 

Nika, an Indian guide in La Salle’s expe- 
dition, 520. 

NINIGRET, an ally of the English, 16; ca- 
cused of a league with the Dutch, 141;: 
at war with the Long Island Indians, 
146. 

Nrpmvcxk (or Nipmer) Inprans, one of the 
tribe executed at Dedham, 405; at- 
tempted negotiations with, 407. 

NoaiLues, DuKkE bk, French minister of 
finance under the regency, [1715], 529. 

Nortu, CuiEF JustTicr, draws up the 
charter of Pennsylvania, [1681], 487. 

NORTHFIELD, Mass., Indian attack on, 411. 

NortTHAMPTON, Mass., 415. 

Norta Hempsteap (Long Island), How’s 
attempted settlement at, 34. 

Nortu Kinestron, lh. I., squaw sachem’s 
fort at, 417. 

Norton, Humpurey, a Quaker punished at 
New Haven, 188. 

Norton, Rey. Jonn, bitterly opposes the 
Friends, 189; preaches, 192; commis- 
sioner to England, 197; death of, 198. 

Norwoop, CoLoneE., adventures of on his 

voyage to Virginia, 207 et seq. 

Noursk, Repecca, of Salem, 457. 

Nova Scotia, 331, 335. 

Noyes, Rev. Mr., 462. 

Nutten Istanp, N. Y., Indians at, 230. 

Nutter, ANTHONY, attacks Mason and 
Barefoot, 431, 432. 





QCKMULGEE INDIANS, in Florida, 
564. : 

Opr1orNeE’s Pornt, N. H., 421. 

OGLETHORPE, GENERAL JAMES EDWARD, 
his expedition against St. Augustine, 
[1740], 560, 561 et seq. 

Onto (State of), first visited by whites, 501. 

Ouro River (called Ouabouskigou by Mar- 
quette), 507, note. 

OLtpHaM, Caprain Joun, murdered by the 
Block Island Indians, [1636], 1. 

OLNEY, THOMAS, 40, note; 113, note. 

ONATE, JUAN DBE, sent on an oe ade to 
New Mexico, [1695], 583. 





INDEX. 


OneEIpA INDIANS, 332, 335. 

Ononbaaa, Salt Springs of, 234. 

ONNONTHIO, or ANONTHICA, a name given 
by the Indians to the French king, 502, 
and note. 

Oostr-porp. (See Westchester.) 

Opas INDIANS, 594. 

OpPpECHANCANOUGH, chief of the Virginia 
Indians, 204; capture and death of, 
205. 

Opotes InpDIANS, 587. 

ORANGE, N. J., site of, included in Newark 
purchase, 323, note. 

OrxEGON (State of), coast of visited by Drake, 
[1579], 553, 571. 

OrGaan Mountains, 579. 

ORLEANS, DuKE oF, Regent of France, 
[1715], 526; aids the plans of John 
Law, 529; grants American monopoly 
to Law’s company, [1717], 531. 

OsAaGeE InpIANS, 601. 

Orrawa Inprans, 510. 

OvaBouskiGcou. (See Ohio.) 

Oyster Bay (Long Island), 35, 38; named 
Folestone, [1663], 257. 

OystEeR Point, site of Charleston, S. C., 
355. 

OystEeR River, N. H., Indian attack on, 
447, 


PABLO QUIHUE, leader in an Indian 
conspiracy against the Spaniards, 592. 

Pakana Inpians, 564. 

PatMER, COLONEL, an officer at the siege 
of St. Augustine, 562. 

PaLMER’S ISLAND, in Chesapeake Bay, 214. 

Papago Inprians, 587, 595. 

Paprecoya, JoHN, Deputy Governor of the 
Swedes on the Delaware, 155. 

PARKER, Rev. JAMES, minister at Ports- 
mouth, 422. 

ParRLIAMENT. The Long Parliament passes 
the Navigation Act, 201. 

PartTRIDGE, WILLIAM, Lieutenant-governor 
of New Hampshire, 432 et seq. 

PaRRIs, ELIZABETH, 457; declares herself 
bewitched, 458. 

Parris, Rev. SAMUEL, minister at Salem, 
Mass., 454, 456. 

PARTRIDGE, CAPTAIN, punishes a would-be 
witch-finder, 463. 

PascaGcouna, La., 538, note. 

PASQUOTANK, district and colony of, insur- 
rection in, 286. 

PASQUOTANK RIVER, settlements on, 280. 

VOL. II. 40 








625 


PASSACONAWAY, a signer of Wheelwright’s 
deed, 436. 

Pastorius, FRANZ, settles in Pennsylvania, 
488. 

PATUXENT RIvER, ‘214. 

Pavoni, takes part in the election of the 
Nine Men, 122; destroyed by Indians, 
[1655], 231. 

PAwcaTucK RIVER, 12. 

PawTUXET (now Cranston), R. 1, 69, 72; 
question of jurisdiction over, 74, 75, 99. 

PEARL STREET (New York), the waterfront 
of the city under the Dutch, 340. 

PEKITANOUI. (See Missouri.) 

PELEZ, FATHER MarTIN, a Jesuit mission- 
ary at Cinaloa, 583. 

PeLruaM, Mr., of Cambridge, Winthrop’s 
account of a special providence in his 
case, 56. 

“ PELICAN,” the, one of Drake’s ships, 570. 

PeLican Bay, Oregon, 571. 

Pry, Tuomas, first English landholder in 
Westchester County, N. Y., 245, 260. 

Premaauip, Me., fort at, built by order of 
Phips, 399; quarrel with Indians at, 441. 

Penacooxk InpIANsS, 435. 

Penn, ADMIRAL Sir WILLIAM, expedition 
of to the West Indies, 157; sketch of, 
480, 481. 

Penn, WILLIAM, opinions of on civil goy- 
ernment, 198, 199; settles the dispute 
of Fenwicke and Byllinge, 475; life and 
character of, 480 et seq.; secures the 
grant of Pennsylvania, [1681], 486, 487; 
sails for America, [1682], 489 ; founds 
Philadelphia, [1682], 492; his treaty 
with the Indians, [1682], 493; returns 
to England, [1684], 495; his part in 
English politics, 497 ; returns to Amer- 
ica, [1699], 498. 

PENNSYLVANIA, granted to William Penn 
and named, [1681], 487. 

Prenosscor INDIANS, 435. 

Prenosscort River, Plymouth trading-house 


Oleg. 
PENSACOLA, Fla., 522, 533; Spanish fort at, 
[1696], 558. 


PENTUCKET, Indian village at the falls of 
the Merrimac, 436. 

PEPERELL, Sir WILLIAM; 427, note. 

PEPERELL, WILLIAM, settles on Appledore, 
427, note. 

Pequot InpIANS, 2 et seqg.; punished for 
the murder of Stone, 4; their defiance 
of the English, 6; their chief fort at- 
tacked, 12; final conquest of, 15. 


626 


Pequor River. (See Thames.) 

Pequor War, [1636-1637], first hostilities 
in, 3; battles in, 3, 12,14, 15; results 
of, 20, 21. 

PERIER, , governor at New Orleans, 
544; expedition of, 546. 

Perrot, Nicouas, a French trader, 502. 

Prssicus, a Narragansett sachem, 91; ac- 
cused of a league with the Dutch, 141. 

Peters, Rev. Hueu, Massachusetts agent 
in London, 101; returns to England, 
377. 

PHELPS, WILLIAM, 22, note. 

PHILADELPHIA, early settlements near the 
site of, 150, 151 ; founded, [1682], 492. 

“ Pui.ip,” the, ship of Governor Carteret, 
321. 

Puixipe (Meracomet, or Pometacom), chief 
of the Wampanoags, 402; receives his 
English name, 404; hostility of to the 
English, 405; begins war [1675], 406 ; 
driven from the Connecticut Valley, 
415; retreats to Mount Hope, 417; 
killed, 418. 

Puiers, Sir WiiiiAMm, Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, 395 et seg.; arrives in Boston 
with the new charter, [1692], 396; his 
previous career, 397 et seq.; knighted, 
427, note; establishes a special court 
for witch trials, 459; his death, 400. 





PICKERING, CAPTAIN JOHN, a settler in 
Portsmouth, N. H., 424. 

Picoxrata, Fla., 564. 

PiepMont, witchcraft trials in, 45]. 

Pierce, Caprain, killed in Philip’s war, 
416. 

Pierson, ABRAHAM, first minister at New- 
eric INO, B28. 

PIMERIA, missions among the Pimos, 593, 
594. 

Pine Tree CornaGe in Massachusetts, 385 
et seq. 

Pimos Inprans, 593. 

Piscaraqua. (See Kittery.) 

PiscaTaqua River, N. H., early settle- 
ments on, 419 et seg.; name of, 436, 
note. * 

Piscataway INDIANS, at war with the Eng- 
lish in Virginia, 294. 

PISCATAWAY River, 294. 

Pisix10v, Indian name of the buffalo, 505. 

Puaistep, Roger, killed by the Indians, 
439, 

PLANTAGENET, BeaucHampP, the supposed 


INDEX. 


pseudonym of Sir Edmund Plowden, 
209. 

PruimptTon, Priory or, 419. 

PLOwpDEN, Sir Epmunp, visits Virginia, 
209; his title debated, 252, 258, and 
note. 

PLYMOUTH, unwilling to join in the Pequot 
war, 9; joins confederation, 49. 

Poata, a town of the Tiguas, 428. 

PocassetT. (See Portsmouth, R. I.) 

Point Jupitu, claimed as a boundary by 
Stuyvesant, 126, note. 

Point QuARTELLE, St. Augustine, 561. 

Point San Martin, Cal., 570. 

PoKANOKETS. (See Wampanoags.) 

Pometacom. (See Philip.) 

PoncE DE Leon, JUAN, 554. 

PONTCHARTRAIN, DuCHESSE DE, town of 
Rosalie named for, 542. 

PortaGEe County, Wis., 503. 

PortTeER, Joun, 44, note; 113, note. 

Porter’s Rocks, 12. 

Port Royat, 8. C., Sayle touches at, 282 ; 
settled, [1684], 360; destroyed by Span- 
iards, 361. 

PortsmoutyH, N. H. (first called Srraw- 
BERRY Bank), 421. 

PortsmouTH, R. I. (Pocasser), settled, 44. 

Pory, Jonn, explorations of in Virginia, 
[1621, 1622], 270. 

Porter, Ropert, one of the Gorton party, 
signs letter to the Massachusetts magis- 
trates, 75, note. 

Ports, Witviam, punished for joining in 
Bacon’s rebellion, 317. 

PouLeEt, Captain, 502. 

Poverty Point, Iberville’s post at, 523. 

Power, Nicuo.as, one of the Gorton party, 
signs letter to the Massachusetts mag- 
istrates, 75, note. 

Presipio DEL Norte, a Spanish post on 
the Rio Grande, 598. 

Preston, Mr., a settler on the Patuxent 
River, 217. 

Prince, Mary, denounces Endicott, 239. 
“Princess,” a Dutch vessel, wrecked on 
the Welsh coast, [1647], 120. 
Printz, JOHN, returns to Sweden, 150; his 
home on Tinicum Island, 152; protests 
against the building of Fort Casimir, 
153; complains of Dutch intrusions, 

155. 

ProvipENCcg, Maryland. (See Annapolis.) 

PROVIDENCE (Moosuausick), R. 1, found- 
ed, [1636], 39 ; attacked by Indians, 406. 

Puant Inpians, 544, note. 





INDEX. 


Puerco RIveER, 581. 
Poumuam, a Narragansett sachem, sells lands 
to Gorton’s party, 77; in Philip’s war, 


415. 

Punperson, Joun, a founder of New Haven, 
30, note. 

PunisHMENTS. In Connecticut, 25, 26; in 


Massachusetts, 65. (See also Laws.) 
Punta DE Los Reys, LA, 587. 
PurRITANISM, its nature and results, 51 e¢ 

seqg.; belief of the Puritans in direct 

Divine intervention, 53 et seq.; Puritan 

policy and laws, 60 e¢ seq. 

Putnam, SERGEANT THOMAS, 456. 
Pyncuon, Magor, sent among the Mo- 

hawks, 442. 

Pynconon, WILLIAM, settles at Springfield, 

6; a Connecticut delegate, 22, note. 


QUAKERS, origin of the name, 176. (See 
Friends.) 
Quarau INDIANS. 

DIANS.) 
QUARRY, GOVERNOR, 360. 
QuEBEC, 332 et seqg.; expedition against, 
[1690], 398, 399. 
QusEEN’s County, Long Island, 327. 
Quipuri Inprans, 593. 
QuiniIpisa Inprans, 515. 
Quinnipiack. (See New Haven.) 
“QUINTIPARTITE AGREEMENT,” 
[1676], 475. 
QuireEs InpIANs, 580. 
Quivira, Coronado at, 569; Ruyz at, 578. 


(See Arkansas In- 


the, 


RANDOLPH, EDWARD, 384, 393; sent 
by Charles II. to Boston, 428. 

Ranpoutpenu, Henry, revises Virginia laws, 
2290; 

Ranters, not allied with the Society of 
Friends, 174, 175. 

Raritan Inprans, 493. 

RARITAN River, 321. 

RAVENSBURG, witchcraft trials in, 451. 


Rawson, Epwarp, Secretary of Massachu-— 


setts, 102; warrant signed by, 187; his 


speech in court on the appearance of - 


Mary Wright, 191. 
Rep River, 521; trading-posts on, 533. 
Rep SeA, Gulf of California so called, 566. 
Renosotn, Mass., attacked by Indians, 
[1675], 406. 
REMEDI0O8, a mission in Arizona, 596. 
RENKOKUS CrEEK, N. J., 474. 











627 


RENSSELAER, JOHAN VAN, patroon of Rens- 
selaerswyck, 128. 

RENSSELAER, JEREMIAS VAN, submits to the 
English, 320. 

RENSSELAERSWYCK, Indian policy at, 233. 

RwopeE Isianp, founded, [1638], 38, 39 et 
seq.; hostility of Massachusetts to, 48 e¢ 
seq.; excluded from the confederacy of 
the colonies, 50; charters of, 99, 100 
et seq.; first General Assembly of, 104 ; 
declares war against New Netherland, 
143 ; action of in regard to Friends, 185 
et seq. 

Rick introduced into Carolina, [1694], 369. 

Ricuarps, Joun, Massachusetts commis- 
sioner to England, 386. 

Ricuarps, Magor, sent among the Mo- 

hawks, 442. 

Ripines (North, West, and East), York- 
shire (Long Island and vicinity) divided 
into, 327. 

Rio GRANDE, posts on, 598, 599. 

River or Cows, the, 583. 

Roanoke River, trading privileges on, 
granted by the Virginia Assembly, 270. 

Rosinson, Rev. JOHN, on conversion of the 
Indians, 2. . 

Roginson, WILLIAM, letter of to Margaret 
Tell, 185; arrested, 190; in court, 191; 
executed, [1659], 192, 193. 

RocuHeE tty, (France), Huguenots emigrate 
from, 245. 

RocHEMoRE, intendant of commerce in 
Louisiana, 552. 

Rocut, Henry, a preacher at Edinburgh, 
172, note. 

Roxie, Mr., owner of a Florida trading- 
post, 564. 

Ronpout, N. Y., town of, 235. 

RoomeE, Joun, 113, note. 

Rosati, French post on the Mississippi at, 
542. 

“Ross,” the, an English frigate, 393. 

Rous, Jonn, a Quaker punished at Boston, 
187. 

Rowtanpson, Mrs., taken prisoner by the 
Wachusetts, 414. 

Row1s, a signer of the Wheelwright deed, 
436. 

“Royat Cuarwes,” the, flagship of the 
Duke of York, 330. 

Rue, MARGARET, 460. 

Runawit, a signer of the Wheelwright 
deed, 436. 

RusseEti, Mr., of Hadley, Mass., conceals 
Goffe, the regicide, 410. 


628 INDEX. 


Rust-porp. (See Jamaica.) 

Ruyter, ADMIRAL DE, attacks the English 
on the Guinea coast, 330. 

RvYVEN, CORNELIS VAN, sent to the Dela- 
ware, 250; sent to ask aid in Holland, 
351. 

Ruyz, Fatuer AvuGustTin, expedition of 
up the Rio del Norte, [1581], 578. 

Rye Beacu, N. H., 447. 

Rysineu, Joun, Governor of the Swedes 
on the Delaware, [1654], 155; captures 
Fort Casimir, 155, 156; surrenders Fort 
Christina, 160. 

Ryswick, Peace or, [1698], 449. 


SACHEM’S HEAD, Guilford, Conn., ori- 
gin of name, 15. 

Sacuem’'s Prain, Norwich, Conn., scene of 
Miantonomo’s death, 96, and note. 

Saco Inpians, 4438. 

Saco, Me., attacked by Indians, 439. 

Sacononoco, a Narragansett sachem, a 
complainant against Gorton’s party, 77 
et seq. 

SaGapanoc River, 374, 435. 

Saint AvuGustInE, Florida, proposed expe- 
dition of Carolinians against, 362 ; pop- 
ulation of, 555, 556, 557; taken by buc- 
caneers, [1665], 557; attacked by Ogle- 
thorpe, [1740], 561, 563; given up to 
England, 563 et seq. 

“Saint Beninio,” a Dutch vessel, cap- 
tured in New Haven harbor, 125. 

Saint BERNARD, Matagorda Bay, Texas, 
so-called by La Salle, 517. 

Sarnt Denis, Hucwernav, expedition of 
to Texas, [1714], 599. 

Saint GEORGE RIVER, 435. 

Saint Hexvena, the religious province of 
Florida, 556; colony of, 558. 

Saint Jouwn’s River, FiLoripa, a bound- 
ary of Carolina, 268. 

Saint JosepnH, on Lake Michigan, 510, 
516. 

Saint Louis, La Salle’s colony in Texas, 
518. 

Sarnt Martin, attacked by the Dutch, 115. 

Saint Lousson, M. pe, represents the 
French king in the Indian council at 
Sault Ste. Marie, [1671], 502. 

Saint Mary’s, first capital of Maryland, the 
commissioners at, 214; headquarters of 
the Catholic party, 217. 

Saint Mary’s River, Fla., 557. 

Saint MIcHAEL, a town in Culiacan, 567. 





Saint OsitnH’s, England, witch trials at, 
[1582], 452. 

Saint Srmon’s, now New Brunswick, 563. 

SALEM (on the Delaware), settled by Fen- 
wicke, [1675], 476. 

SALEM, Mass. (Salem Village, now Dan- 
vers), outbreak of the witchcraft delu- 
sion at, [1691-1692], 456 et seq. 

SALEM CREEK, Delaware, 153. 

SaLmMon Farts, N. H., attacked by French 
and Indians, 447. 

SALTONSTALL, RICHARD, a magistrate in the 
witch trials, 459, 460. 

SALVATIERRA, FaTHER, a missionary in 
California, 588. 

San Antonio, Texas, 600. 

San ANTONIO DE VALERO, a post in Texas, 
600. 

SANDHUKEN, site of Fort Casimir and of 
Newcastle, Del., 153. 

SANDOVAL, Governor of Texas, [1734], 601. 

Sanpys, GEORGE, urges the reéstablishment 
of the Virginia Company, 202. 

SANFORD, JOHN, 44, note. 

San Francisco, Cal., possible identity of 
its harbor with Drake’s Bay, 575 et seq. 

San RAFAEL DE AcTun, 593. 

San ‘Sasa, Texas, 602. 

Santa BarBaRa, Mexico, 578, 583. 

Santa Fb, New Mexico, 583. 

Santa Rosa, island of, 522. 

San XAVIER DEL Bac, mission of, 595. 

Sassacus, asachem of the Pequots, 4; mur- 
dered by the Mohawks, 16. 

Sautt Ste. Marie, 502. 

Sausamon (Joun). (See Wussausmon.) 

SAVAGE, THOMAS, 44, note. 

Say AnD SEAL, Lorp, Saybrook named for, 
5 ; sends colony to Saybrook, 31 ; bound- 
aries of his Connecticut patent, 255. 

SayBrook, fort built at, 5; colonized, 31. 

SAYLE, CapTaIn WILLIAM, governor of a 
part of Carolina, [1669], 281; death of, 
282. 

Scnenectapy, founded, [1664], 245, 343; 
Courcelles at, 332. 

Scuute, Swen, Swedish commander at 
Fort Trinity, 158. 

ScuuyLkKILuL River, Swedish posts on, 150, 
151. 

Scituate, Mass., Indian attack on, 415. 

Scort, Jonny, an English agitator, against 
the Dutch, 257 et seq. ¢ 

Scott, PATIENCE, arrested at Boston, 190. 

SEDGWIcK, Masor, commander of a ship 
sent out by Cromwell, 148. 





INDEX. 


SreEeKonk, Mass., Indian attack on, [1676], 
415. 

SEEKONK River, R. I., Blackstone’s home 
on, 406. 

SniGNeLay, Marquis DBE, French minister 
of marine, 510, 516. 

Srey, Captain, killed at the Narragansett 
fort, 413. 

SELDEN, JOHN, opinion on witchcraft, 452. 

Seneca InpiaAns, at war with the English 
in Virginia, 294, 

SEQUASSON, a Sachem concerned in the quar- 
rel between Uncas and Miantonomo, 94. 

SERIGNY, a brother of Bienville, 524. 

SEVERN, River, 217 et seq.; battle at the 
mouth*of, 219.1220. 

SHACKAMAXON, scene of Penn’s treaty. 

SuHarresspury, Hart or (Lorp ASHLEY), 
a patentee of Carolina, 269; aids Cul- 
pepper, 287. 

SHAaTrock, SAMUEL, arrested for sympathy 
with Friends, 186; carries the King’s 
order to Boston, 197. 

Suawomer (afterward Warwick), R. L, 
petition of its people to the King’s com- 
missioners, 71, note; settled by the Gor- 
ton party, [1642], 74; named Warwick 
for the Earl of Warwick, 98; made part 
of Providence Plantations, 99. 

SHEARMAN, PHILIP, 44, note. 

SHELTER IsLanp, claimed by James Far- 
rett, 34. 

SHOALS, IsLEs oF, 425 et seq. 

Suotron, Sampson, one of the Gorton 
party, signs letter to the Massachu- 
setts magistrates, 75, note. 

SHOVEL, Sir CLoupESLEY, lost on the 
coast of Cornwall, 517, note. 

SicacHa (probably identical with CurcKa- 
saw) InpIANS, 513. 

Simpson, LIEUTENANT, his account of 
Inscription Rock, 584, 585, and note. 

S1oux Inprans, 500. 

State Rock (Providence, R. I.), landing- 
place of Roger Williams, 39, 51. 

Stavery. In Virginia, 225; in New Neth- 
erland, 245. 

SLECHTENHORST, BRANDT VAN, commissary 
of the Van Rensselaers, 128; disputes 
with Stuyvesant, 129 et seq. 

SmituH, Caprain JOHN, his account of the 
Isles of Shoals, 425. 

Situ, Henry, 22, note. 

Situ, Joun, 113, note. 

Smitu, Tuomas, Governor of Carolina, 
[1692], 368. 


629 


Smutty Noss (Isles of Shoals), 426. 

SoLesBay, battle of [1672], 347. 

Sotis, ANTONIO DE, commandant in So- 
nora, 592. 

Sonora, former name of Arizona, 588, 
589. 

“ Sorxin6Gs,” the, an English frigate, 449. 

SOTHELL, SETH, Governor of Northern Car- 
olina, [1678], 287 et sey.; arrives, 289; 
seizes the South Carolina government, 
365 et seq. 

SoutH Hampron (Long Island), settled, 
34; united to Connecticut, 35; renews 
its land grants, 331. 

Soutu Krinesron, R. L, Narragansett fort 
at, 412, 413. ; 

SourHotp (Long Island), settled, [1640], 
35; united to Connecticut, 35; renews 
its land grants, 331. 

SOUTHWICK, CassANDRA, imprisoned for 
sympathy with Friends, 186. 

SoutHwick, DANIEL, sentenced to be sold 
into slavery, 189. 

SouTHWIcK, JosiAH, whipped in Boston, 
195. 

SouTHwick, LAWRENCE, imprisoned for 
sympathy with Friends, 186. 

SouTHwick, ProvipxEp, sentenced to be 
sold as a slave, 189. 

Sowames. (See Barrington.) 

SpaLpi1nG, Mr., owner of a Florida trading- 
post, 564. 

SPECIAL ProvipENcES, Puritan belief in, 
54 et seq. 

SPINOSA, a Spaniard, owner of the outpost 
of Diego, near St. Augustine, 561. 
SPRINGFIELD, Mass. (Agawam), threatened 

by the Indians, 6. 

Seuamscor Farts. (See Exeter, N. H.) 

Seuanpo, a New England sachem, 4387; 
signs treaty at Casco, 442. 

Seuaw Sacuems. (See Weetamoo and 
Magnus.) 

StaFrForD County, Va., 294. 

STAGG, , one of the commissioners 
sent by the Parliament to reduce Vir- 
ginia, 212. 

Sramrorpb, Conn., 138; prepares for de- 
fence against the Indians, 146. 

Sranpisu, Mirus, appointed commander of 
the Plymouth force to be raised against 
the Dutch, 148. 

STARKE, , punished at Hartford, 25. 

Straten Isyanp, Melyn’s manor at, 135. 

Srares GENERAL, the, order of in regard 
to the New Netherland grievances, 134, 








630 


135; grant the petition of the New 
Netherland people, 138. 

State Srreet, Boston, formerly King 
Street, 393. 

State StreEt, New York, 341. 

STEELE, JouN, 22, note. 

STEPHENS, SAMUEL, Governor of the Albe- 
marle region, North Carolina, [1667], 
280; death of, [1674], 284. 

STEVENSON, a signer of the Vertoogh, 134. 

Srevenson, Marmaduke, arrested in Bos- 
ton, 190; executed, 193. 

SrewartT, Sir Joun, 427, note. 

STirRLiNG, Lavy, claims Long Island under 
her husband’s grant, 124. 

StTirLENG, WILLIAM, EArt OF, claims Long 
Island, etc., 34, 124. 

STone, , Governor of Maryland, 214; 
his action toward the parliamentary 
commissioners, [1652], 214, 215 et seq. ; 
acknowledges Cromwell, 216; organizes 
resistance to the Puritan government, 
216, 217; attacks the Puritans on the 
Severn, 217, 218; captured, 220; suc- 
ceeded by Fendall, 221. . 

Strong, Rev. SaMvet, chaplain of the ex- 
pedition against the Pequots, 9 et seq. ; 
goes to Hartford, 37. 

STONINGTON, Conn., 12. 

Stone Street. (See Brouwer Straat.) 

Stono INLET, S. C., 361. 

Srouaeuton, Caprrain, commands Plym- 
outh force in the Pequot war, 15. 

SroucutTon, WitiiaAM, Lieutenant-governor 
of Massachusetts, 401 ; member of spe- 
cial court for trial of witches, 456 et seq. 

SrratrorD, Conn., settled, 31. 

Srrone, Lronarp, his account of the 
troubles in Maryland, 219, note. 

“Srupy Hit,” Blackstone’s house at, 407. 

Stuyvesant, Pretrer, Governor of New 
Netherland, [1647-1664], lands in New 
Amsterdam, 113; his reception and 
early acts, 116 et seq.; character of his 
administration, 122; his controversies 
with New England, 123 et seq.; dispute 
with Van Slechtenhorst, 128; conflict 
with the popular party, 130 et seq. ; per- 
secution of Melyn and other leaders, 
135, 136; action toward the Long 
Island towns, 145 et seq.; visits the 
Delaware region, 150, 152 et seq.; visits 
the West Indies, 157; his expedition 
against New Sweden, 158 et seq.; re- 
turns, 232; concessions to the popular 
party, 236, 237; his treatment of Luther- 





INDEX. 


ans and others, 237 et seq.; of Quak- 
ers, 239 et seg.; warns the Company as 
to New England’s designs, 247; his 
management of affairs on the Dela- 
ware, 248 et seq. ; compromises with re- 
gard to Long Island towns, etc., 257 ; 
his action at the surrender of New 
Netherland, 262 et seqg.; takes the Eng- 
lish oath of allegiance, 320; secures 
Dutch trade to New York, 336; death 
of, [1672], 341. 

SupBury, Mass., 416. 

SurroLK Counry, Long Island, 327. 

SUSQUEHANNOCK INDIANS, treaty con- 
cluded with, 214; attacked by Virgin- 
ians, 294. 

Swaine, WILiiaAM, 22, note. 

“SwaLutow,” the, an English vessel, 181, 
182. 

Swansea, Wales, wreck of the Princess at, 
120. 

Swansea, Mass., Indian attack at, [1675], 
406. 

SwARTHMORE HAL, residence of George 
Hox 7s: 

SWEDEN, witchcraft trials in, 453. 

SWEDES, settlements of on the Delaware and 
elsewhere, 150 et seg. ; conquered by the 
Dutch, [1655], 160. 


TPTAENSA INDIANS, on the Mississippi, 
514 et seq.; in Florida, 564. 

Taxcotr, Caprain Jonn, English emissary 
to Westchester, 257. 

Taxcot, Masor, an officer in Philip’s war, 
415; defeats the Narragansetts, 417. 

Taxurpeoosa InpIAns, 564. 

Taton, JEAN, intendant of commerce in 
Canada, 501, 502. 

Tamaroa, Indian village of, 513. 

TAMINENT, chief sachem at the conclusion 
of Penn’s Indian treaty, 494. 

TARRATINE INDIANS, 435. 

TATATRAX, a supposed Indian king, 569. 

Taunton, Mass., 404; meeting with the 
Indians at, 405; attack on, 406. 

TayYLor, Jonn, travels among Indians, 181. 

TEMPLE, Sir THOMAS, 385. 

TENNESSEE (State of), its territory visited 
by De Soto, 509. 

“Test Act,” the, passed, 353. 

Tew, RIcHArRD, 113, note. 

Texas (State of), La Salle in, 517 et seg. ; 
admitted to the Union, [1845], 555; 
missions and posts in, 598 et seq. 





INDEX. 


Tames (formerly Pequor) Rrver, Pe- 
quot settlement on, 4; Mason ordered 
to land at its mouth, 11; rendezvous of 
his expedition, 14. 

THANET, EARL OF, 435, note. 

THROCKMORTON, JOHN, 40, note. 

TIENHOVEN, ADRIAN VAN, an Officer at Fort 
Casimir, 155. 

TIENHOVEN, CORNELIS VAN, provincial sec- 
retary under Stuyvesant, 118; repre- 
sents Stuyvesant in Holland, 132, 133; 
character of, 134; appointed fiscal, 136 ; 
arrests Baxter, 150. 

Treva Inpians, 428. 

TIMBER ISLAND, 160. 

Tinicum Isianp, 150, 151, 152. 

TirusBa, a negro slave in the family of 
Samuel Parris, 457. 

TivertTON (PocassEt), R. I., Weetamoo’s 
fort at, 404; the town attacked, 406; 
Colonel Church at, 417. 

Toxsacco, laws of Connecticut concerning 
it, 26; taxes on and prices of in Vir- 
ginia, 210. 

TOMBIGBEE RIVER, 547. 

Tomoxka River, 558. 

Tomogqua INDIANS, 558. 

Tonty, HENRI DE, companion of La Salle, 
[1682], 511, 512 et seq.; returns in ad- 
vance of him to St. Joseph, 516; his 
letter found by Iberville, 523. 

TorpinGc, THomas, one of Nicolls’s coun- 
sellors, 320. 

Tozipr, RicHarp, house of attacked, 439. 

Tracy, DE, commander at Quebec, 332 et 
seq. 

Treat, Magor, aids Moseley’s force at 
Bloody Brook, 412. 

TREAT, Ropert, leaves New Haven to settle 
Newark, N. J., 322. 

TRIMMINGS, SUSANNA, accuses a neighbor 
of witcheraft, 467. 

Trinity Cuurcn, New York, purchases 
the farm of Dominie Bogardus, 121, 
note. 

TRINITY River, 520. 

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, the (of 1668), 346. 

Tromp, ADMIRAL, 139. 

Truman, Masor Tuomas, a Virginia offi- 
Cer 2946995: 

TuRNER, CapTatn, surprises the Indians at 
Turner’s Falls, [1676], 414; killed, 414. 

TuRNER’s Fats, Mass., 414, 415. 

Turriiyt, WriL1am, a New Haven colonist, 
155, note. 





631 


LLOA, FRANCISCO DE, explores the 

California coast, [1535-’37], 566. 

Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, joins the 
English against the Pequots, 9; receives 
his share of the prisoners, 16; an 
enemy of the Narragansetts, 92; his 
feud with Miantonomo, 92 et seg. ; mur- 
ders Miantonomo, [1643], 92, 96; fo- 
ments hostility between the Dutch and 

- English, 141, 142. 

UNDERHILL, JOHN, observations of on In- 
dian warfare and other matters, 2, 3, 
10; a commander in the Pequot war, 2, 
3,10, 11 et seq.; excites the Long Island 
people against the Dutch, 142 et seq.; 
commander of the Rhode Island-forces, 
143, 144; seizes Fort Good Hope, 143. 

UNITED COLONIES OF NEw ENGLAND, the 
confederation formed by Massachusetts, 
New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New 
Haven, [1643], 49. 

Urranp. (See Chester.) 

UpsHati, Nicnouas, protests against the 
persecution of Friends in Boston, 180. 

Usuer, Joun, Deputy Governor of New 
Hampshire, 432 et seq. 

Utiz, Cononen NATHANIEL, Maryland 
commissioner to the Dutch, 249. 

UtTrReEcHT, TREATY OF, 524. 


AN DER DONCK, ADRIAN, author 
of the Vertoogh or Representation, 130; 
leader of the popular party, 131 et seq. ; 
a delegate to the States General, [1649], 
132 et seq.; returns to New Amsterdam, 
139. . 

VANDERDUSSEN, COLONEL, a Carolina offi- 
Cer ool. 

VAN DER GRIST, CAPTAIN, Captures the 
ship St. Beninio, 125. 

VANE, Sir Henry, leaves Boston, 41; as- 
sists in purchase of Rhode Island, 43 ; 
aids Williams to procure his charter, 104. 

VAUDREUIL, MARQUIS DE, governor at New 
Orleans, [1741], 550. 

VENABLES, GENERAL, 481. 

VENEGAS, the Jesuit historian, cited, 589, 





590. 

VENNER, ,a “ Fifth Monarchy Man,” 
379, note. 

VERLETTENBERG, 2 hill in New York City, 
340. 


VERIN, JOSHUA, 40. 
VeRNOoN, ADMIRAL, sent to the West Indies, 
560. 


632 


VERTOOGH Or REPRESENTATION of New 
Netherland, written by Van der Donck, 
130; published in Holland, 133. 

VIRGINIA, administrations of Harvey, Wyat, 
and Berkeley in, 201 et seg.; Indian mas- 
sacre in, [1644], 204; surrendered to the 
Commonwealth, [1652], 211; Bacon’s 
rebellion in, [1676], 302 et seq. 

Vireinia Company, the, attempt to reés- 
tablish, 202. 

VirGinta, Winthrop’s account of Indian 
massacre in, 57. 

VIScAINOo, explorations of, on the Pacific 
coast, [1602], 585 ef seq. 

VoLanos, a pilot in Viscaino’s fleet, 586. 

Voyageurs, the, origin of, 522. 


ABASH RIVER, origin of the name, 
507, and note. 

Wacnusetr Inpians, attack Lancaster, 
Mass., [1676], 414. 

WacuusetTr, Mount, 414. 

Wappie, WILLIAM, one of the Gorton 
party, signs letter to the Massachusetts 
magistrates, 75, note. 

WAHAUGNONAWIT, a signer of Wheel- 
wright’s deed, 436. 

WaxkeEet, Ingram’s lieutenant, 315. 

Watcor, Mary, concerned in the Salem 
witch prosecutions, 458, et seq. 

WaLpEnsss, the, effort to induce their set- 
tlement on the Delaware, 162. 

Warpo Patent, the, land covered by, 427, 
note. 

Watpron, Masor Ricwarp, resists the 
land-claim of Allen, 434, 435; entraps 
the Indians, 440; expedition of to the 
Kennebec, 441; murdered by the In- 
dians, [1689], 444, 445. 

Watpron, Resotvep, Dutch commissioner 
to Maryland, 250. 

WALKER, JOHN, 44, note. 

WaLrorp, GOODWIFE, accused of witch- 
craft, 467. 

Wattrey, Masor, of Plymouth, 398. 

Wau Srreet (New York), origin of its 
name, etc., 338. 

WatLtys, SAMUEL, the Connecticut charter 
concealed on his grounds, 392. 

WALtTon, GEORGE, 467. 

WamMESIT, 436, note. 

WAMPANOAGS, or POKANOKETS, 402, 404. 

WamsourTta. (See Alexander.) 


“Wanton GOSPELLERS,” punishment of in’ 


Massachusetts, 67. 





INDEX. 


Warp, ANDREW, 22, note. 

Warp, Rey. NATHANIEL, remarks of on 
Rey. John Cotton, 42; author of the 
Simple Cobler of Agawam, etc., 59, note ; 
draws up the “Body of Liberties,” 
[1641], 61, and note; his son punished 
for burglary, 66, note. 

WaRDSWORTH, CAPTaln, conceals the Con- 
necticut charter, 392; killed near Sud- 
bury, Mass., [1676], 416. 

WARNER, JOHN, one of the Gorton party, 
signs letter to the Massachusetts magis- 
trates, 75, note. ; 

WARREN, CAPprain, an officer in the attack 
on St. Augustine, 562. 

Warren, Mary, confesses her part in pro- 
moting the witchcraft delusion, 463. 

Warwick, R. I. (See Shawomet.) 

Warwick, Eart or, Warwick, Rhode 
Island, named for, 98; statement of, 
regarding the Williams charter, 102. 

WASHINGTON, COLONEL JOHN, a Virginia 
officer in the Indian campaign of 1675, 
294, 295. 

WasHITA RIVER, 546. 

WATERMAN, RICHARD, 40, note; one of the 
Gorton party signs letter to the Massa- 
chusetts magistrates, 75, note. 

Waters, AntHony, an English agitator 
among the Dutch, 257. 

WarTerRTOWN, Mass., emigration from to 
Connecticut, 25. 

Waueu, Dororny, a Friend, preaches at 
New Amsterdam, 239. 

WaAWENOCK INDIANS, 435. 

WEEKS, JOHN, 113, note. 

WEETAMOO, a squaw sachem, wife of Alex- 
ander, 404. 

WEETUMKA INDIANS, 564. 

“ WrLcOME,” the, Penn’s vessel, 489. 

We tpb, Rev. Tuomas, Massachusetts agent 
in London, 101; returns to England, 
377. 

We tts, Me., Wheelwright at, 423; Indian 
attack at, 441. 

We tts, WILLIAM, one of Nicolls’s counsel- 
lors, 320. 

WENTWORTH, BENNING, 436, note. 

WENTWORTH, SIR JOHN, 427, note. 

WEQUASH, a deserter from the Pequots, 12. 

WESTCHESTER (OostT-poRP), settled, 245. 

Westcoat, STUKELY, 39, note. 

WeEsTEeRN Company, founded, [1717], 531 
et seq.; abandons the attempt to colo- 
nize Louisiana, 546. 

WESTFIELD, Mass., 406. 





INDEX. 


West Inp1a Company, Dutcn, its claims 
to the Connecticut River, 31, 124; ap- 
pealed to by the New Netherland towns 
in convention, [1653], 146. 

West, JosepH, commercial agent of the 
Carolina Proprietors, 281; Governor of 
Southern Carolina, [1674], 283. 

WesrMinsTER, TREATY OF, [1674], finally 
confirms New York to England, 352. 

West New Jersey, or West JERSEY. 
(See New Jersey.) 

Weston, Francis, 40, note; resists the 
Providence authorities, 70 et seq.; signs 
letter to Massachusetts magistrates, 75, 
note. 

West Point, VA., Ingram’s headquarters 
at, 313; taken, 315. 

Westwoop, WILLIAM, 22, note. 

WETHERSFIELD, Conn., attacked by the 
Pequots, [1636], 6; contributes to the 
force sent against them,,9; sends dele- 
gate to first General Court of Connecti- 
cut, 22. 

WHALLEY, Cor. Epwarp, the regicide, 379, 
et seq. ; 380, note. 

WHatTELy, Mass., 414. 

WHEELER, Capraln, leads a force against 
the Nipmuck Indians, 407. 

WHEELWRIGHT, Rev. Joun, 42; settles at 
Exeter, N. H., [1688], 422; in Maine, 
423; in England, 423; Indian deed to, 
434, 435, 436. 

WHITEHALL STREET (New York), origin 
of the name, 341. 

WHuitney, Eu, 551. 

WicKENDAM, WILLIAM, preaches at Flush- 
ing, 239. 

Wickes, Joun, put in the stocks for aiding 
Gorton, 69; signs letter to Massachu- 
setts magistrates, 75, note. 

Wiaerns, THomas, a New Hampshire set- 
tler, attacks Mason and Barefoot, 431, 
432. 

WILBORE or WILDBORE, SAMUEL, 44, note; 
113, note. 

Wipe, Rev. Tuomas. His son punished 
for burglary, 66, note. 

Witpwyck, or WittwycKk. (See Esopus.) 

WILKINSON, CapTain Henry, Governor of 
Northern Carolina, 288. 

WILLARD, —, opposes the witchcraft 
delusion, 459. 

Witrarp, Mayor Simon, relieves Brook- 
field, 408. 

WitiemMstaptT. (See ALBANY.) 

WiLiett, or WILLETTS, THOMAS, commis- 








633 


sioner to arrange the Hartford boundary 
treaty, 137; commander of Plymouth 
troops, 148. 

WILLIAM OF ORANGE, lands in England, 
[1688], 392; is proclaimed in Boston, 
[1689], 395. 

WILLIAMS, , punished at Hartford, 25. 

WiLiiaMs, Rev. ELEAZER, 502, note. 

WiLiiaMs, Roger, endeavors to avert In- 
dian hostilities, 7; favors Miantonomo’s 
expedition against the Pequots, 9; 
founds Providence, [1636], 39 ; his influ- 
ence in New England history, 51; re- 
ceives Gorton at Providence, 69; letter 
of, to Winthrop, in regard to Gorton, 
73; procures the Rhode Island charter 
of 1644, 99 et seq.; letter of to Major 
Mason, 102; agent of Rhode Island in 
England, 111; his book against the 
Friends, 183. 

Wixson, Epwarp, killed in a duel by John 
Law, [1694], 527. 

Witson, Rev. JOHN, 41 ; strikes and insults 
Obadiah Holmes, 108 ; insults the dying 
Quakers, 193. 

WINCKEL STREET, an old street of New 
York under the Dutch, 340, 

Winpsor, Conn., threatened by the Pequots, 
6; contributes to the force sent against 
them, 9 ; sends delegate to first General 
Court of Connecticut, 22. 

WINNIPISEOGEEB, LAKk#, Indians of, 435. 

Winnicumett. (See Hampton.) 

Winstow, Epwarp, contests the Rhode 
Island patent, 43; contests the Gorton 
party’s claims in England, 98; sketch 
of, 98, note; meets Stuyvesant in the 
West Indies, 157. 

Winturop, Apam, ancestor of the Govern- 
ors Winthrop, 255, note. 

WINTHROP, JOHN, observations of on Endi- 
cott’s expedition, 4; his course in re- 
ligious controversies at Boston, 41; ex- 
tracts from his journal, on Mrs. Hutch- 
inson, 45; on the Acquidneck settlers, 
46; on Coddington’s letter, 48 ; on spe- 
cial providences, 54 et seq. ; on the settle- 
ment at Providence, 67, 69 ; on the Gor- 
ton matter, 72, 82, 87, 89; in regard to 
Uncas and Miantonomo, 93 et seg., 97 ; 
his correspondence with Stuyvesant, 
124; advice to Governor Eaton of New 
Haven, 127. 

Winturop, JoHn (the younger), garrisons 
Saybrook Fort, 5; at the surrender of 
New Netherland, 263. 





63 INDEX. 


Wisconsin (State of), first explorations in, 
[1634 and later], 500, 501 et seq. 

Wisconsin Rrver, 501, 503, 504. 

Wisp, Rev. Jonn, advises resistance to An- 
dros, 389. 

Wircnucrarr Deusion, the, observations 
on and causes of, 450 et seq.; in Europe, 
451 et seq.; in Massachusets, 455 et seq. ; 
in New Hampshire, 465 et seq. 

Wirtcues’ Creek, N. H., 468. 

Wircu Trot, N. H., 469. 

WITHERHEAD, Mary, a Friend, preaches at 
New Amsterdam, 239. 
Witter, WILLIAM, visited by Clark and 
others at Lynn, Mass., 106, and note. 
WonnELAUSET, a2 New Hampshire sachem, 
437. 

Woopsripner, Rev. Mr., testifies to the 
“ stone-throwing ”’ phenomena, 468. 

WoopprineGer, New Jersey, 472. 

““WoopnHousE,” the, Robert Fowler’s ves- 
sel, 185. 

Woo.tman, Joun, visions of, 168; preaches 
to the Indians, 181. 

Worcester, BATTLE OF, action of Parlia- 
ment after, 377. 

Wormincuourst, estate of William Penn, 
489. 

WorRMLY, CapTaIn, 208. 

WowasQuaTUCKETT RIvER, 39. 

Wrieut, Mary, warns the Boston magis- 
trates, 191. 

WussausmMon (or JOHN SAUSAMON), A 
Christian Indian, murdered, [1675], 
405. 

Wranpor InpIANs, 499, note. 











Wyat, Sir FrANcIS, reappointed Governor 
of Virginia, 201. 


‘YAQUI INDIANS, Jesuit missions among, 
587; revolt of, 596. 

YEAMANS, Sir Jonn, governor of Southern 
Carolina, arrives with a colony at Cape 
Fear, [1664], 275; made a landgrave, 
282 ; removed, and retires to Barbadoes, 
283. 

YEMASSEE InpIANs, 560. 

York, DuxKk oF, 35. 

York, Maine (AGAMENTICUS), early set- 
tlers of, [1686], 420; “city of Gorge- 
ana’’ incorporated at, [1641], 420; de- 
stroyed by Indians, 447 ; excluded from 
the confederation of the colonies, 50. 

YORKSHIRE, name given to Long Island un- 
der the Duke of York, [1665], 327. 
(See Long Island.) 

Younes, Caprain JOHN, an English agita- 
tor on Long Island, 258. 

Yuma INDIANS, 594. 


TAGUATO, city of, visited by Espejo, 582, 
585. 

ZENOBE, FATHER, a companion of La Salle, 
512. 

ZSCHOKKE, HEINRICH, his temperament 
compared with Fox’s, 169. 

Zuni, province of (the Spanish Cibola), vis- 
ited by Espejo, [1582], 581 et seg. 

“ Zwou,” a Dutch vessel, sold to Mr. Good- 
year of New Haven, 125. 


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ERRATA IN FIRST EDITION OF VOLUME I. 


re res 


In the first edition of Volume I. there were some errors so obviously ty pograph- 
ical that the reader, we assume, will correct them for himself. We note the few 
that seem to need other correction : — 

Page 46, sixth line from bottom, for Greenland read Iceland. 

Page 350, first line, for August read September. 

Page 351, thirty-second line, for August read September. 

Page 534, the portrait of Roger Williams proves not authentic, and will be omit- 
ted in future editions. 

Page 553, sixth line from bottom, for second read third. 

Page 556, twelfth line, for Connecticut read Rhode Island. 


SUMMARY OF NUMBER OF PAGES AND OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE SECOND 
VOLUME OF BRYANT’S POPULAR HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 


rn os ; 
Toray NUMBER OF PAGES, INCLUDING Front MATreR AND FULL-PAGE 
ILLUSTRATIONS , ag ’ : : ; . ; , . . 652 


NUMBER OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Steel Plates , ’ ; : 7 ‘ : : : | i ' piuerte 
Full-page Wood-cuts A : hte : : : : ‘ ; 14 
Maps . ; : d . ; : : . ; e : ; weak 


Illustrations in Text 


Total. % ; : ; : , : ; : : 339 





PUBLISHERS’ PROSPECTUS OF 
Yea NGS 





HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 


FROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE 
BY THE NORTHMEN, TO THE CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


PRECEDED BY A SKETCH OF THE PRE-HISTORIC PERIOD AND THE AGE OF 
THE MOUND BUILDERS. 


BY 
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, 
AND 


SYDNEY HOWARD GAY. 


Fully Mustrated with original designs by the leading American and foreign 
artists. 


To be completed in four volumes, large octavo, of between 600 and 700 pages each. 


O want in our literature has been so widely felt and so univer- 
sally acknowledged as that of a complete and compact History 
of the United States, adapted to popular perusal through its attractive 
narrative, and accepted as an authority through its full and accurate - 
presentation of all the facts in our career as a nation. This singular 
lack has been made apparent more than ever before by the completion 
of the first Centennial of American Independence. Every citizen 
has been made to feel by this great event that intelligence and pa- 
triotism both call for a thorough knowledge of the history of our 
country. 
Yet among existing works upon the subject, that which is most 
attractive in style is too voluminous for popular use, and that which 
is most complete ends at the year 1820, leaving untouched the record 


2 


of the last half century —the period into which the most important 
events in the history of the nation are crowded. To meet this de- 
mand, and to fill this vacant place in our literature, 


BRYANT’S 
POPULAR HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 


has been projected, and is now offered to the public. That it is not 
intended to be a mere synopsis and reproduction of previous histories, 
will be evident from a brief sketch of the scope and purpose of the 
work. 

Geologists have demonstrated that this is the oldest of the conti- 
nents. This conclusion gives peculiar appropriateness to a narration 
of the interesting and important discoveries — systematized, within 
the last fifty years, into a new science — relating to the evidences of 
the existence of pre-historic races. ‘These discoveries shed new light 
upon the earliest inhabitants of the Western Continent. Hitherto no 
general History of America has availed itself of this scattered and 
curious knowledge in relation to the Mound Builders of the Mississippi 
Valley, or else has denied the existence of any such people and the 
evidences of their works. Avoiding all speculation, the present state 
of our knowledge regarding this strange race and its possible prede- 
cessors, 1s succinctly stated as a proper preliminary to the account of 
the discovery and settlement of the country by another people. 

Next we have a rapid summary of the Pre-Columbian discoveries 
of the continent, so full of romance and adventure, as well as of the 
various expeditions undertaken from time to time before any settle- 
ment was made within the present boundaries of the United States. 
No labor has been spared to gather the romantic story of the North- 
men, usually deemed so vague and fabulous, from the circumstantial 
traditions and MSS. claimed to be authentic, and which can no longer 
be ignored as unworthy of consideration and destitute of interest. 
From sources almost inaccessible, if not unknown to the general 
reader, fresh knowledge has been gained of the character and career 
‘of Columbus and that combination of circumstances which gave, not 
his name, but that of Americus Vespucius to the newly discovered 
continent. Recent researches have revealed much that is new and 
corrected many old errors in the history of the earliest colonies, espe- 
cially those of Virginia and of Plymouth. How those colonies grew, 
how from these central points the population spread itself and formed 
new political communities which crystallized into the thirteen original 
confederacies through a colonial growth of a century and a half, is the 
ground-work of all American history. The main and essential facts 
of this preparatory period are set forth in a form so condensed yet so 





3 


full as to give the reader an intelligent comprehension of the deyelop- 
ment and sequence of events, and the results to which they led. The 
real growth of the nation begins to show itself, however, when the 
colonists were strong enough to set up for themselves, and when, with 
their resistance to the demands of the mother country, they declared 
their independence, and the War of the Revolution followed. The 
mere military annals of the Revolution do not necessarily demand a 
large space, but the successes and reverses of that memorable war, 
with its trials, privations, and expedients, with all the events imme- 
diately preceding it, and which united in one great purpose a people 
so widely scattered and so little known to each other,—3in these is 
the very root of this great growth, and they are accordingly described 
with the fullness their importance deserves. 

The confederation of the States and their consolidation into a 
Republic, the War of 1812, the political conflicts which followed, 
and which, after passing through various shifting phases, finally cul- 
minated in the Civil War and the destruction of slavery, are events 
which have not before been detailed in their proper sequence in any 
history of the United States. ‘They complete most worthily the first 
century of our independence. 

But the spread of population merely, the political progress of a 
people and the military annals, are a part only of our history, and 
that which is most easily discerned. ‘The American of the present 
day wants to know how his ancestor lived, how he looked, what 
clothes he wore, on what he fed, what were his daily walk and con- 
versation, and how life dealt with him. ‘This is the most difficult 
part of history to reproduce accurately, but it is after all that which 
gives us the clearest and most vivid insight into the spirit of the past. 

In the present work this important element shall never be lost 
sight of. Whenever and wherever it may be possible the intellectual 
erowth of the people, the ameliorations of manners, the changes in 
habits and customs, the advance in science and art, the progress of 
invention, the relation of classes, the increase of prosperity or the 
want of it, the moral condition of society, and the every-day life of 
the people, shall be accurately traced. 

As regards the general tone of BRYANT’s POPULAR HISTORY OF 
THE UNITED STATES, it is only necessary to say that it shall be 
entirely free from any sectional bias. Our shortcomings and defects 
are not to be passed over; nor, on the other hand, will self-glorifica- 
tion be indulged in. It is the aim to present without partiality, 
without passion, and with perfect candor, the story of the only great 
nation on the face of the globe whose history from the beginning is 
unclouded with myths, or conjecture, or uncertain traditions, but is 
matter of clear record; to put in the hands of a people, one of whose 


+ 


distinguishing traits is a love of reading and the knowing how to 
read, a work that shall justly tell them what they may hope for the 
future from the promise of the past, and to justify their pride in 
being American citizens. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


While Bryant’s PopuLtar History oF THE UNITED STATES will 
rely upon its literary merits for general acceptance, its authors recog- 
nize the fact that the pencil can afford invaluable aid in reproducing 
the spirit and peculiarities of different periods as well as in fastening 
upon the mind memorable scenes and events. ‘The work will there- 
fore be profusely illustrated from original designs by the first artists at 
home and abroad, and neither pains nor expense will be spared by the 
publishers to make it in this respect thoroughly attractive. While 
no illustrations will be given simply for the sake of making a picture, 
advantage will be taken of every opportunity to represent, from the 
most authentic data, dramatic actions, and to reproduce portraits and 
autographs of distinguished persons, interesting old maps, drawings of 
famous localities, houses, ruins, historic medals, monuments, public 
buildings, and in brief all objects that can add to the interest of the 
text, and make the work in general more attractive and valuable. 

The first volume has, as a frontispiece, the most effective and accur- 
ate portrait of Mr. BRYANT yet produced. This has been engraved 
upon steel in pure line by Charles Burt, after a photograph by Sarony, 
and is remarkable in itself as a work of art. The frontispiece of the 
second volume is an admirable steel engraving from an original por- 
trait of Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch Governor of New Netherland. 

Four other steel plates, and twelve full page wood-cuts, with 
nearly three hundred engravings, all after original drawings, scattered 
through the text, illustrate the first volume. The second volume is 
even more profusely illustrated than the first. The views of historical 
places belonging to the period which it covers give it an especial 
value, and this feature will distinguish the succeeding volumes. Ar- 
tistically, therefore, the work will be notable among American pub- 
lications. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WORK. 


To sum up briefly, the following characteristics will distinguish 
BRYANT’S POPULAR HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES : — 

I. Jé will be COMPLETE. Beginning with a summary of all the 
facts established by archzeologists regarding the earliest history of the 
continent and its supposed pre-historic inhabitants, it will carry the 
record through the first century of the independence of the Republic 
to the close of the Civil War. In these important particulars it dif- 





5 


fers from and is superior to any History of the United States now 
published. 

Il. Jé will be POPULAR. Without detracting in the least from the 
dignity of the work as a History, it will present the narrative in such 
a form that it must attract even younger readers. 

III. Zé will be an AUTHORITY AS A WORK OF REFERENCE. As 
far as possible every fact stated shall be traced back to the original 
authorities, and every date will be carefully verified. Side-notes, 
chronological tables, and full indexes will give every facility for con- 
sulting the respective volumes of the completed work. 

IV. Jt will be PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED. No work ever produced 
in this country has enlisted in its illustration so large a number of 
artists of such diverse ability. While the larger proportion of the 
drawings are by leading American artists, some of the most striking 
designs are by the first French artists. English artists are also to 
be engaged upon the work. Lach subject has been assigned to the 
one who could render it most picturesquely, accurately, and effectively. 
The drawings have been executed upon wood and steel by the first 
engravers in this country and in Europe. No original work, there- 
fore, equalling this in the variety and excellence of its illustrations, 
has ever before been offered to the American public. 


LIST OF ARTISTS AND ENGRAVERS. 


Artists. 


EK. A. ABBEY. 

G. H. BouGHTON. 
ALBERT BIERSTADT. 
Emit BAYARD. 
THomas BEECH. 

W. M. Cary. 

Sou EyTINGE. 
ALFRED FREDERICKS. 


M. A. Hattock Foote. 


Winstow Homer. 
A. HOSIER. 

Jee RELY. 

- ALFRED KAPPEs. 
JouHN R. Key. 

A. LAWRIE. 
THoomas Moran. 
GRANVILLE PERKINS. 
C25. REINHART. 
W. T. RicHarpbs. 
J: KE, RUNGE. 
WALTER SHIRLAW. 
W. L. SHEPPARD. 
F. B. ScHELL. 

C. A. VANDERHOOF. 
x G. WHITE. 

A. C. WARREN. 

A WILL: 

ASixes\Yo AUD. 


Engravers. 


A. V. S. ANTHONY. 
ANDREW & Son. 
JA UGehOGERT. 
A. BoBBETT. 

E. BookHout. 

Cu. BARBANT. 

M. BERTRAND. 

E. CLEMENT. 

‘Pe GOLE: 
JELAUAVIS. 

JOHN DALZIEL. 
FRANK FRENCH. 
J HLeEBUAWAY. 

M. HicpiBpranp. 
FEF. JUENGLING. 

FE. S.. KING. 

M. LAPLANTE. 

W. J. Linton. 

7 AALANGRIDGE, 
JAMES MILLER. 

W. H. Morsr. 
Henry MArsH. 
MEEDER & CHUBB. 
W. H. McCRAcKEN. 
D. NicHo.Ls. 

J. G. SMITHWICK. 
R. VARLEY. 

KE. A. WINHAM. 


DIVISION OF THE WORK. 





Number and time of appearance of the Volumes. 





BrRyANT’S PopuLAR HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES will be 
completed in four large royal octavo volumes of between 600 and 700 
pages each. Two volumes are now published, and the remaining two 


will follow as rapidly as the magnitude and importance of the work 
will permit. 


VOLUME I. 


EXTENDING FROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE WESTERN HEMI- 
SPHERE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SEVERAL COLO- 
NIES ALONG THE ATLANTIC AND THE BEGINNING 
OF THEIR COLONIAL CAREER. 


VoLuME II. 


COVERS THE EARLIER PORTION OF THE COLONIAL PERIOD IN WHICH THE 
PROVINCES, GROWING IN MATERIAL WEALTH AND STRENGTH, 
AND EXPERIENCE IN SELF-GOVERNMENT, WERE GRAD- 

UALLY PREPARED TO BECOME A UNITED AND 
INDEPENDENT NATION. 


VOLUME III. 


WILL INCLUDE THE REMAINING: PERIOD IN WHICH THAT UNITY BE- 
CAME CONFIRMED, AND RESULTED IN THE WAR OF THE 
REVOLUTION AND THE FORMATION OF THE 
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 


VOLUME IV. 


WILL EMBRACE THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND, AND 
THE EVENTS THAT LED TO IT, THE ADOPTION OF THE MISSOURI 
COMPROMISE, THE CONSEQUENT LONG ANTI-SLAVERY 
STRUGGLE, THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, THE 
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, DOWN TO THE 


? 


CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


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A eT es ane 


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